By the last post I was favoured with yours of the twenty first of May: Mr Duncan I presume has not come on—neither by his letter or your own am I made acquainted with his Views or the Object of his Wishes— I can only say to him as to all others, that his application must be made to the President and it ought to in writing1 Your testimony in his favr will have weight— I thank you Sir for your blessing—your reason for not writing me, is not a good one—for although I have no spare moments Yet if I had any, should not judge them the proper moments to read or to answer Your Letters— I should devote hours of Buisness and of Pleasure to that service— I have no kind of animosity or antipathy to the Gentleman whose name you mention:2 but I know of no merits or pretensions that he has, which can give him hopes of interfering with your Claims to an Employment long possessed hardly earned, and faithfully executed— I find the personal service which my Office renders indispensable somewhat severe— Setting still in the same place, so many hours of every day, and attending to the Course of proceedings in every step, as it is some thing new to me is somewhat injurious to my health: 3 but I hope to get the better of this inconvenience and when habit shall be formed, to find it pleasant; there is in the Senate much more of a National Spirit than you and I have been accustomed to see in Congress and much more apparent Moderation—3 I wish the Motions of both Houses could be accelerated: but in untried Paths so many Obstructions occur, that time and Patience alone can cure them— I wish to know the spirit of the new Govt in Massachusetts: and am not without hopes it will be sufficiently National: I dont say federal for I think that an improper Word—

I am my dear Sir / Yr sincre Friend & servant

I find you, & I must agree, NOT to disagree, or we must cease to discuss political questions. I could as soon believe that the British parliament, never had once a right to tax America, as believe that a fourth major part of the citizens of New york were federal, or that many of the federal minority were so, from proper motives.— I know from good authority that some of the leading federalists of new york pressed the Senate at albany to relinquish the power of appointing federal senators, to the assembly, rather than risk the loss of the residence of Congress in new york.1 But my principal Objection to the continuance in new York, is the influence which a city contaminated by having been for seven years a garrison town to a corrupted British Army, must have Upon the manners, & morals of those men who 4 are to form the character of our Country. I already see the effects of this influence, and hear much more of it.— The citizens of Pennsylvania are truly republican; and will not readily concur in a government which has begun so soon to ape the corruptions of the British Court, conveyed to it, thro’ the impure channel of the city of new york. I think Philada: the most eligible Spot in the Union for the present residence of Congress— Upon this Account, I am sure it will not be preferred,— But Trenton—Annapolis—Chester town—or the Banks of the Ohio should all be prefer’d to New york.— It is the sink of British manners & politicks. I hope one of the last mentioned places will be fixed upon soon, otherwise such factions will I fear arise, as will convulse our government. There is more known—said & felt upon this subject that is proper to be communicated, or than will be believed while Congress is perfumed with British incense in new york.

When I speak of the influence of the New Engd: States, I mean that influence in favor of Virtue—order, & liberty which has long been a System with them, but which is only felt, by fitts & starts by most of the Other States. I wish to see such an influence revived, & perpetual in our Country, & to ensure this, I wish it not to be perceived, or opposed.

When I expressed a wish for a Union in Principle & conduct of massachussets—Virginia—& Pennsya:—I wished only for the predominance of numbers & property in the legislative & executive parts of our government.2

I highly respect Mr Jay, but supposed, he would have been continued in his present office.—3 After stating the Abilities—Sacrifices & services of Mr Wilson—could it be offensive to hear that he was your friend, p[. . .] opposed the narrow Views of those people who wished to so render your election abortive? or to dishonour you by the manner in which it was conducted?— In this he acted a manly part, and I have a right to say, that he was less influenced by personal regard, than by genuine—federal—and republican principles.— Letters from new York & maryland (which I saw) strongly urged him to an opposite Conduct. But he felt—what you have expressed, and could his advice have prevailed fully, you would have had ten, instead of eight Votes from Pennsylvania.—4

Why should we accelerate the progress of our Government towards monarchy?— Every part of the conduct of the americans tends to it. we will have but one deliverer—One great—or one good 5 man in our Country. For my part, I cannot help ascribing the independance—& new government of our Country to thousands—all equally necessary & equally useful in both those great events.

This is not a time to mention nor are you in the proper place to hear, who were unfriendly to your election, in new york.

That you may never mistake any of my Opinions or principles in my future letters, I shall add to this long One,—that I am as much a republican as I was in 1775—& 6—that I consider heriditary monarchy & aristocracy as rebellion against nature—that I abhor titles, & every thing that belongs to the peagantry of government—that I love the people—but would sooner be banished to Iceland or Tobalski, than gain their favor by accommodating to one of their unjust popular prejudices,—that I feel a respect for my rulers bordering upon homage, but that I would not be jolted two hours in the Stage that plies between new york & Philada: to be the prime minister of the United States,—& that I have applied for no office, & shall apply for none. Under all circumstances, I hope I shall be excused in thinking for myself, at all times, & upon all subjects.— To this detail of my principles, I have only to add one feeling, and that is, that I am with as much Affection & respect as I was in 1775—(notwithstanding our present contrariety of sentiment upon some subjects) your sincere friend, and / humble / Servant