Papers of John Adams, volume 21
The public & the public papers have been much
occupied lately in placing us in a point of opposition to each other. I
trust with confidence that less of it has been felt by ourselves personally.
in the retired canton where I am, I learn little of what is passing:
pamphlets I see never; papers but a few; and the fewer the happier. our
latest intelligence from Philadelphia at present is of the 16th. inst. but tho’ at that date your election to
the first magistracy seems not to have been known as a fact, yet with me it
has never been doubted. I knew it impossible you should lose a vote North of
the Delaware, & even if that of Pensylvania should be against you in the
mass, yet that you would get enough South of that to place your succession
out of danger. I have never one single moment expected a different issue;
& tho’ I know I shall not be believed, yet it is not the less true that
I have never wished it. my neighbors, as my compurgators, could aver that
fact, because they see my occupations & my attachment to them. indeed it
is possible that you may be cheated of your succession by a trick worthy the
subtlety of your arch-friend of New York,1 who has been able to make of your
real friends tools to defeat their & your just wishes. most probably he
will be disappointed as to you; & my inclinations place me out of his
reach. I leave to others the sublime delights of riding in the storm, better
pleased with sound sleep & a warm birth below, with the society of
neighbors, friends & fellow laborers of the earth, than of spies &
sycophants. no one then will congratulate you with purer disinterestedness
than myself. the share indeed which I may have had in the late vote, I shall
still value highly, as an evidence of the share I have in the esteem of my
fellow citizens.2 but while
in this point of view, a few votes less would be little sensible, the
difference in the effect of a few more would be very sensible and oppressive
to me. I have no ambition to 526 govern
men. it is a painful and thankless office. since the day too on which you
signed the treaty of Paris our horizon was never so overcast. I devoutly
wish you may be able to shun for us this war by which our agriculture,
commerce & credit will be destroyed. if you are, the glory will be all
your own; & that your administration may be filled with glory &
happiness to yourself and advantage to us is the sincere wish of one who
tho’, in the course of our voyage thro’ life, various little incidents have
happened or been contrived to separate us, retains still for you the solid
esteem of the moments when we were working for our independance, and
sentiments of respect & affectionate attachment.
FC (NN:Thomas Addis Emmet Coll.); addressed: “John Adams / Vice President of the US. / Philadelphia.”; internal address: “J. Adams V. President of the US.”
That is, Alexander Hamilton.
For the results of the presidential election of 1796, see JA’s 4 Jan. 1797 Certification of Receipt of Presidential Votes from Kentucky, and note 2, below.
JA never received this letter. Jefferson
enclosed it in a 1 Jan. missive to confidant James Madison and asked him
to make the final decision on forwarding it. Madison declined,
explaining that JA’s “ticklish” temper might spark
political discord between the second president and his new vice
president. Madison also recommended suspending delivery and revising the
date, in the event that Jefferson’s qualms grew about JA’s
professional and personal views. Jefferson’s reluctance about serving
again with JA ebbed by mid-January, for, as he wrote to
Madison: “Tho’ I saw that our antient friendship was affected by a
little leaven produced partly by his constitution, partly by the
contrivance of others, yet I never felt a diminution of confidence in
his integrity, and retained a solid affection for him. His principles of
government I knew to be changed, but conscientiously changed” (Jefferson, Papers
, 29:247–248, 263–264,
270–272).
r:24.
The enclosed extract of a Letter from Paris, which has
been communicated to me, contains certain paragraphs from the Rédacteur a newspaper used by the French
Directory for their official and non-official publications.1 It explicitly denies as you will
observe that the Directory have determined to suspend their intercourse with
the Government of the United States. It is among those paragraphs which come
from an official source without being encumbered with official
responsibility. It serves to unfold more clearly the motives and
expectations of the French Government, as well as to corroborate the concert
between them and the Enemies to the Government of the United States which I
have long seen forming, of which I 527 have
often given you my opinion and the completion of which as discovering itself
in this transaction was intimated to you in my last Letter.— How this
concert was effected, and how far its future projects extend, I can easily
conjecture, but it is not at present necessary to enquire. The present and
immediate object of this measure is evident: to influence the choice of
President in the United States, and if it cannot turn the election to
embarrass the new Administration, and rally all its opponents under the
standard of France. You see there is a pointed address to the minority of the House of Representatives, and
an invitation to them whenever they can rise to a majority to usurp upon the
Executive functions and be sure of the support of France.— The objections
against “the fatal Treaty which passed only by
a majority of two votes,” are all taken you see from the mouths of the
American opposers to the Government. The pretence that the Treaty gives the
British commercial advantages and facilities for their military
provisionments denied to France, though stated in general terms for the sake
if possible of eluding refutation, is in such direct opposition to truth,
that it only serves to shew that no scruple of
morality can interpose an impediment in the political conduct of those who
advance it. Yet they have not even the address or the countenance to dwell
upon this article; it is the British tutelage,
the british yoke upon which they lay their
principal stress; they appeal to the reason of our people, and to their own
triumphs to dissipate the terrors of a pusillanimous policy; it is for our
own sakes that they take all this generous concern in our welfare, and they
contemplate their own work in our
prosperity.
And thus the American Government is to abandon the solemn engagements of the United States, and involve them in an inevitable War, which must ruin their commerce and check if not destroy their prosperity, because it suits the good-will and pleasure of the French Directory, and because France by sacrificing not only her commerce and prosperity, but millions of her own lives, and all that can render life valuable to the remainder, has obtained some triumphs which are still very far from being secured.
The violation of the British Treaty, and a War with Britain therefore is what the French Government wish to provoke.— The house of Representatives, is the instrument which they intend to use, and the Comte d’Avaux’s policy, fear, the fear of their displeasure the motive which they purpose to inspire.— We shall see how they will succeed.
At the same time with this Letter from Paris, came the
account 528 that the Directory ordered Lord
Malmesbury to withdraw within forty-eight hours. They have not however
ventured to break up the negotiation entirely; every circumstance
contributes to prove that they wish to continue the War with Britain, but at
the same time fear the wishes of their own People for Peace. I send you the
papers containing the last papers published in the course of the
negotiation. You will plainly see that they are determined to avoid a Peace
if they can.
2
If when this and my late Letters reach you, they find you still in the service of the public, I hope they may contribute to give you some little information of utility. If you are not they can do no harm. France in that case will have answered one purpose for herself and her party, though I fondly cherish the hope that even then the ultimate objects of both will be disappointed.
Should you still hold a public Station it needs no
observation on my part to convince you of the delicate situation in which
the Government will be placed to preserve the firmness, the Spirit and
dignity which must not be abandoned, and to avoid at the same time a rupture
with France. There is but too much reason to suppose that the opposition
party in America, will provoke and negotiate such a rupture, rather than
abandon their designs; they have acquired a footing too firm with the French
Government; and much caution, much prudence much candour and moderation will
be necessary to counteract prepossessions which have been artfully instilled
and demonstrate interests which have been misrepresented.— The friendship of
France may I have no doubt be still recovered,
but not by submission to her caprices or by acquiescence in her exclusive
preferences.— A full, clear and explicit denial of any commercial advantages
or facilities of military provisionment to the British is indispensable; for
as this is the only colour of a rational complaint that they have exhibited,
it is necessary as it is easy to take it completely from them.
You will find by the papers that the Expedition from
Brest has sailed. Its destination is yet unknown.— The amended Constitution was yesterday reported to
the National Assembly here. The discussion is to begin next week.3
your dutiful Son
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers); internal address: “The
Vice-President.”; endorsed: “J. Q. A. Decr.
30. 1796 / No 28.” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 128.
FC-Pr (Adams
Papers); APM Reel
131. Tr (Adams
Papers).
JQA enclosed an anonymous 23 Dec. letter
extract addressing the deteriorating state of Franco-American relations.
By early 1796, French political factions had formed various press
outlets in Paris to disseminate news and propaganda. The French
Directory’s major organ was Le rédacteur,
while constitutional royalists relied on L’éclair and Jacobins turned to Le
journal des hommes libres (The
Anti-Gallican, 12 vols., London, 1804, 1:116)
Sir James Harris, Earl of Malmesbury, was in Paris to
negotiate an Anglo-French peace. He sought the restoration of the
Austrian Netherlands, but French negotiators rejected the request.
Malmesbury returned in 1797 for a second effort, which also failed (
AFC
, 11:392).
Throughout the first half of 1797, radical and
moderate Batavian revolutionaries deadlocked on drafting a new
constitution that sustained democratic practice while disassociating the
Dutch from the bloody turbulence of the French Revolution. The draft
constitution was widely defeated in a referendum on 8 Aug., largely
owing to fears that it did not uphold popular sovereignty (René
Koekkoek, The Citizenship Experiment: Contesting
the Limits of Civic Equality and Participation in the Age of
Revolutions, Leyden, 2020, p. 231–232).