Papers of John Adams, volume 21

Eliphalet Fitch to John Adams, 11 March 1791 Fitch, Eliphalet Adams, John
From Eliphalet Fitch
Dear Sir, Kingston Jamaica March 11th. 1791

I received your Favor of the 18th. Febr̃̃y and the valuable Present of Books you were so obliging as to send me.—1 I have received much Pleasure and Instruction from your Defence of the American Constitutions; and I am fully of Opinion that the great Offices of Government should afford the most ample Compensation; and thereby invite the Services of the first Characters in the Nation.—

How far it may be requisite, in the next Century, to continue the two first Branches of the Legislature for Life, or render these Offices hereditary, Experience only can evince.— The open manly manner, in which you have offered your Sentiments on the best Form of Government, and nobly hazarded your established Popularity, must command the Respect of every liberal Man, whether he approves your Opinion or not.—

The Papers I sent you relative to the Slave Trade were chiefly written by my Friend Mr. Edwards, whose Abilities have been often exerted in promoting the Welfare of the late British Colonies.— I am aware that in writing on the African Commerce I may receive much less Attention, North of the Delaware, than may be found to the Southward.— I understand the virtuous Quakers are more disposed to receive Money for their Negroes, than to give them their Freedom:— In this Way they “assume a Virtue, when they have it not.”—2

We know from the highest Authority that the Prospect of a better World would hardly reconcile a rich Man to “Sell all he had and give to the Poor,”—3 This Trial of his Faith was very distressing— The 10 Man was sorrowful,—for he was very rich.— For my own part I consider the Emancipation of Slaves as a visionary Project, at present; and am willing to compound the Matter, by meliorating their Condition; which will make them more happy; or, if you please, less wretched than I found them.— I will expect no more from you, on this point, than to admit it as a negative Virtue.—

The Zeal of the English Reformers is not according to Knowledge:— They do not consider that the Progress from Slavery to Liberty is very slow, and can only be effected by a gradual Change in the Minds of Slaves, derived from a progressive Elevation of their Condition:— Give the Slaves in Jamaica their Liberty, and they will exterminate the white People—consume all the Provisions—and then, with a few Banditti, probably ravage the American Coast, for a further Supply:— Men without Ambition will have no Industry.— Your superior Knowledge of the nature of things will, I think, induce you to admit that Men mislead themselves, by not regarding properly the Tendency of the Cause, which produces the Effect.— When a Man who has been free, becomes a Slave; he regrets the Situation of which he has been deprived.— The Case is reversed in an African sent from a despotic Government, without Controul in the Prince or Chieftain, to a Country where the Slave holder is restricted by Laws.— In the latter Case there is much Cause for Joy and Satisfaction.— The great Error is in applying the Delicacy of our Sensibility to their Feelings:—for altho’ to him who has enjoyed Liberty, there can be no Happiness without it; yet a Slave, not being harshly treated, is satisfied with his Situation. It is moreover a Question whether the Master, whose Mind is enslaved by his Passions and the Urgency of imaginary Wants, is more happy than the Slave, whose Habits of Labour have humbled his Temper to his Situation; and whose Wishes extend no further than the Necessities of the Moment.— The Condition of the Negroes having been much considered, of late Years, has occasioned many very favorable Regulations; and the most extensive Benefit is daily arising from this humane Attention.— Their Situation is far removed from Misery and Wretchedness—they are chearful and contented.—

Happiness, in all Countries, depends chiefly on Opinion.— The Cobler whistles o’er his Work—eats his humble Meal, and then sleeps quietly on his Bed of Straw.— A Monarch may be proud of his Dignity,—but Churchill tells us “Sleep was not made for Kings.”—4

I will dwell no longer on this Subject, having trespassed so much 11 already on your Attention; and I know so much of your Opinion, by reading your late Publications, that I suppose you will ascribe my Arguments, such as they are, rather to the Avarice of the Planter than the real Opinion of a Moralist.—

I thank you for your Politeness in delivering my Packet to the President, who has done me the Honour to acknowledge the Receipt of it, by a Line from his Secretary, Mr. Lear.—5

My Son is in the Law-Line with Messrs. Farmer and Moore.—6 The Profession is lucrative and very respectable in this Country.— If I give him a good Estate, he will know how to keep it—if otherwise he can provide for himself.— It may be truly said that the West Indies are the Sport of the Winds.— I have suffered very much by Storms; but of late Years the Crops have been very favorable, and our Prospects are pleasing.—

Mrs. Fitch has been very ill, but is so much recovered in her Health that She has no Thoughts of leaving the Island.—7

No Family has more agreable Accomodations than We have,—possessing a very good House in Town and two pleasant Seats in the Country—

Our Fruits are not in Season, but I hope to send you some in a short Time.— I shall be always very happy to hear of the Welfare of your Family, and beg you will do me the Favor to offer my best Respects to Mrs. Adams, to the Col: and Mrs. Smith and the young Gentlemen, your Sons; the eldest in particular, to whose Attention I owe my best Acknowledgments.—

Mrs. Fitch begs that her most kind Regards may be offered with mine, wishing you all that Happiness, which Friendship and our Family-Connection can induce us to wish, to you and yours.—

I am truly, Dear Sir, with the highest Esteem, / Your faithful & Mo. Obedt. Servt

Elipht. Fitch

Ps—I shewed your Letter to my Son, who begs me to offer his best Respects to you, for your kind Regards to him:—

He is much pleased by your friendly Attention.—

RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “The Honble. John Adams / &c. &c. &c.—”

1.

Not found.

2.

Shakespeare, Hamlet, Act III, scene iv, line 160.

3.

Matthew, 19:21.

4.

Charles Churchill, “Gotham,” Book III, line 166.

5.

JA forwarded Fitch’s 10 May 1790 letter to George Washington, enclosing several pamphlets on the African slave trade that included writings by the Jamaican merchant and slaveholder Bryan Edwards. Tobias Lear sent an acknowledgment to Fitch on the president’s behalf on 28 Aug., and the pamphlets remain in the portion of Washington’s library 12 held at MBAt (vol. 20:348; François Furstenberg, “Atlantic Slavery, Atlantic Freedom: George Washington, Slavery, and Transatlantic Abolitionist Networks,” WMQ , 3d ser., 68:247, 270 [April 2011]).

6.

Fitch wrote again to JA the next day (Adams Papers), introducing Mr. Farmer of the Jamaican law firm of Farmer & Moore, where his son Jeremiah was an apprentice (vol. 20:394).

7.

For Mary Fitch, see vol. 20:394.

John Adams to William Tudor, 15 March 1791 Adams, John Tudor, William
To William Tudor
Dear sir Philadelphia March 15. 1791

Thank you for yours of Feb. 27.—1 You Seem to threaten me with a Place in the Pages of some Tory Historian. If the Party “to a man Supposed me the most energetic Plotter and intrepid Projector of all the Authors of the Revolution” I shall no doubt have it. The Papers signed Novanglus, and the Controversy with Brattle about the Independence of the Judges they could be no strangers to. nor could they be uninformed of the share I had in the Controversy between the House of Representatives and Hutchinson about the supremacy of Parliament any more than of the Impeachment of Oliver.2 From these Things which they remember, though all the rest of the World have forgotten them, they had some Reason to suppose me as deep as any body in the Plott: accordingly I was informed in England that I was one who stood proscribed on the Records of the Privy Council. However they ascribed to me a thousand Scurrilous and mean publications in the Newspapers, and have accused me of Savage designs towards them of which I was incapable. I have long expected that my Memory would be blackened by a thousand Lyes, from that quarter: but there is another region from which Volumes of Obloquy will be found in dastardly Secret Letters, concerning me. I mean From the Tools and slaves of Franklin in France England Holland and elsewhere. I expect more Lyes and slanders from that Quarter than from the Tories, who to do them Justice, if they were not more honest, as I believe, they were less ungenerous Ennemies I know. never did the little Passions of Envy Jealousy and Rivalry operate with more malignity on any human heart, than they did in that of that old Dotard, against me. I hold however in deep Contempt all the scandal that Scrib Ecritoirs can vomit forth. Both Tories and frenchified slaves have ever been compelled to acknowledge my Integrity a[nd] this will preserve me. Have you heard of any one of [the] Tories who has written or intends to write the History.?

I rejoice that Congress are rising in Popularity. may they rise and shine more and more to the perfect day. I am happy that it has fallen 13 to my share to do some thing towards setting the Machine in motion. It has done more and better in two years than I expected, and in two years more if I can keep my Machine agoing so long, I may see it so established as to receive my Quietus with comfort.

The good that I can do as a Farmer at Braintree will be very little, unless it be to my own health. The President is going southward as far as Georgia, and I hope besides establishing his health will do as much good as he did in his northern Tour.3 Much still depends upon his Life, which I am thankful is a very good one.

I owe the Marine Committee a Letter and many Thanks. I have waited in hopes of having to write that something was done: but Congress had not time to compleat any Thing.4

I hope your Neighbour my son behaves like [a] good Sprig or young shoot of the Law: he can har[dly be] yet called a Limb.5

I am with sincere Esteem, my [dear] / sir yours

John Adams

RC (MHi:Tudor-Adams Correspondence); addressed: “William Tudor Esqr. / Boston.”; internal address: “Judge Tudor.”; endorsed: “15 March 1791”; notation by JA: “Free / John Adams.” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 115. Text lost where the seal was removed has been supplied from the LbC.

1.

Vol. 20:483–484.

2.

For JA’s Novanglus letters and his role in the Mass. General Court’s 1774 impeachment of loyalist Peter Oliver, chief justice of the province, see vol. 2:vii, 7–17, 216–226.

3.

For George Washington’s southern tour, see Henry Knox’s letter of 10 June 1791, and note 4, below.

4.

In previous sessions, JA laid the Boston Marine Society’s petitions and related documents before the Senate. The society sought to establish pilot regulations, clarify federal and local supervision of lighthouses, and create a marine hospital. All of these matters remained pending when Congress adjourned on 3 March (vol. 20:xxxii, 380, 381, 457–459, 461).

5.

JQA opened his Boston law office on 9 Aug. 1790 ( AFC , 9:507).