I have more than once mentioned to you, the state of retirement from political conversation in which I live, and the restraints which I am endeavouring to lay upon a disposition inclining perhaps with too much ardor, to feel interested in public occurrences. But it sometimes happens that I am accidentally witness to conversations upon these subjects; from which I collect some trifling information, 309 that I imagine might at least not be unentertaining to you. In general I have supposed that your other correspondents in this quarter would anticipate me and that I should only employ your time in reading a relation of occurrences, which would not even have with you the merit of novelty. But from some late Letters I have been led (though perhaps erroneously) to imagine your correspondents here have not been so punctual in their communications, as they have been formerly, and I have supposed I might mention some circumstances which though generally known here might not be public; at New-York.—1 It appears to me that the hostile character of our general and particular governments each against the other is increasing with accelerated rapidity; The Spirit which at the time when the constitution was adopted, it was contended would always subsist, of balancing one of these governments by the other has I think almost totally disappeared already; and the seeds of two contending factions appear to be plentifully sown. The names of federalist and antifederalist, are no longer expressive of the Sentiments which they were so lately supposed to contain; and I expect soon to hear a couple of new names, which will designate the respective friends of the National and particular Systems. The People are very evidently dividing into these two parties. What the event will be, I hardly allow myself to conjecture,

In point of measures, the Government of the United States has undoubtedly greatly the advantage. But while they are strengthening their hands by assuming the debts, and by making provision for the support of the public credit, the partizans of our State government are continually upon the rack of exertion, to contrive every paltry expedient to maintain their importance, and to check the operations of the Government, which they behold with terror. As they can only clamour upon subjects of importance; their active efforts are used, in appointing a premature fast, or in opposing the cession of a lighthouse.— In the last Session of our general Court the light-houses in this Commonwealth were not ceded to Congress. And the keeper of that at the entrance of Boston Harbour has been forbidden upon his peril to receive any directions or pay from the federal officers.3 But 310 the imbecillity of our Government renders all these exertions the more ridiculous: for while they endeavour to prevent the assumption of their debt, they cannot even provide for the payment of the interest upon it. And they have never yet paid for two light-houses at the entrance of this harbour, although they are so solicitous to retain them.

The History of the additional amendments to the Constitution proposed by a joint-committee of our two houses, affords further evidence of the petty arts which are used by the enemies to the national union to turn the tide of popular opinion against the national Government.4 Mr: Austin who as I have been informed had the principal agency in that affair, never expected, that any amendments would be seriously proposed to Congress by our Legislature; and there is an internal evidence in the report of the Committee, that it was intended for a declamation to the people rather than for amendments to the Constitution. They are not even pretended to be amendments but after the long common-place rhapsody, upon the dangerous tendency of the government, when we come to the articles, we find them pretended to be nothing but principles for amendments.— The Committee consisted of seven members; of whom only four were present when this report was agreed upon. Mr: Dane who drew it up was one of the absent, and it is said, afterwards declared that he should have objected to the two last articles, (perhaps the most important of the whole number) though he drafted them himself. The two other absent members utterly disclaimed the report; and the chairman, who did not vote, was equally opposed to it. Three members only agreed upon the point; and when they produced the paper in the Senate; they obtained a vote to have a certain number of copies printed. It was then dismissed without being suffered to undergo the test of an examination, and Mr: Austin I am told, made no scruple to acknowledge that he had answered his purpose.

Yet, even when opportunities are presented, where the importance of our own Government might be really increased; some other little selfish interested principle steps in, and produces measures calculated to bring it into contempt. The appointment of N. Cushing upon the bench of our Supreme Court, has certainly not tended to increase the confidence of the people in that important branch of the government: the appointment was very unpopular; and what perhaps in a political view rendered the measure the more injudicious, is that it is not his integrity but his abilities that are called in question. But personal animosity against the characters who would have added 311 dignity to that Station, the apprehension of giving offence to the late chief Justice, who it is said recommended his cousin too strongly, and the pleasure of removing a troublesome councillor, concurring together were too powerful even for antifederal principles, and produced we are told a nomination, which could be accounted for upon no other motives.— The only liberal and generous measure by which they have pursued their System has been the raising the Salaries of our Judges and I fear they would not have succeeded even in that, had not the personal interest of certain influential men, of very different principles been engaged, and assisted to promote it.— It is melancholy to observe how much even in this free Country the course of public events depends upon the private interests and Passions of individuals.

But the popularity of the general Government is, and for some time to come must continue to be disadvantageously affected, by those very exertions to support the public credit, which must eventually strengthen it so effectually. It must suffer however chiefly in the Sea-ports and among the merchants who find their interests affected by the operation of the revenue Laws. In this town and Still more in Salem there have lately been considerable clamours raised by men who have been the firmest friends to the constitution; and there is now I presume before Congress a petition from the merchants in this town, praying relief from an evil, which has excited great complaints, but which will probably be remedied without difficulty.5

Those people among us who are perpetually upon the search, for causes of complaint against the government, are cavilling at the dilatory manner with which the Congress proceed in their business.— The decision upon the subject of discrimination, has met with general approbation in the circles of company where I have heard it mentioned; and from the complexion of our news-papers, I have concluded that the public opinion of which so much was said in the debates, is here much in favour of the measure. I do not think indeed that the public opinion can always be collected from news-papers; but they are never silent upon unpopular topics of so great importance— Mr: Madison’s reputation has suffered from his conduct in that affair; and Judge Dana is the only man I have known whose character gives weight to his opinions, that has adopted those of Mr: Madison.

The report of the Secretary of the Treasury, has in general met with great approbation. I have heard it almost universally spoken of 312 with great applause. Yet I am almost ashamed to acknowledge, that I know not how justly it is admired, as I have never read it. This neglect has rather been owing to my accident than to inclination, for little as I attend to the public prints I should certainly have noticed a publication of so important a nature had I been in the way of seeing the Gazette of the United States which contains it.— I am equally ignorant of the System for the establishment of the militia; which is as much disliked as the treasurer’s report is esteemed; the most favourable judgment that I have heard passed upon it was, that however excellent it might be, it would never be submitted to by the people.—6

I know not, but that I shall incur your censure, for departing even in this instance from the line which I have prescribed to myself, and losing the lawyer in the politician; and still more for the freedom with which I have express’d myself upon public men and measures: if I should on this occasion meet with your disapprobation, I shall without difficulty observe a more prudent silence upon these subjects in future. The opinions which I have heard express’d are no evidence of the general opinion even throughout the Commonwealth; but in some instances they have been the opinions of men whose influence is great and extensive.— But if the information contained in this Letter should compensate in your mind for its tediousness, I shall from time to time continue to give you a similar supply.

In the mean time I remain, your affectionate Son.

Your last letter is a treasure.—1 Every Sentence in it is full of instruction. I have often contemplated that passion in mankind to concentrate all their homage and Admiration in One Man, in all the revolutions which advance knowledge or happiness.— Cicero Observed it, and deplored it in the fame and power of Pompey. I have thought at last that I had discovered in this weakness in human nature, the high destiny of the Soul even in its ruins.— Does it not prove that it was created originally to concentre all its love and Adoration in One Supreme Being, and that all its Obligations are due to that Being only? Is it not the counter passion of the love of fame, which is only a misplaced desire after immortal life & happiness?— Are not all our follies & vices the counterfits of virtues? Are not the love of pleasure—of power—of wealth—of Activity—& of rest,—nothing but passions & propensities which have corresponding Objects held out to them by revelation, but which are at present under a false direction?— a belief that this is the case has Often afforded me great pleasure, for as I observe folly & vice to be universal, and as I believe the Author Creator of human Souls has in infinite wisdom made no means without an end,—and made nothing in vain, so I have derived, from contemplating the weak & corrupt passions—& desires that have been mentioned, a satisfactory Argument in favor of the tendency, and Ultimate termination of all human beings in complete and eternal happiness in every respect suited to their present tempers, but under a new, and different direction.—

Had the king of Prussia never said nor wrote another Sentence than the One you have quoted from him upon human reason, he would have deserved the high rank he holds among philosophers and kings.— Mr Bayle has expressed the same idea, but with much less force. “We are governed, says this great man by our prejudices, and not by our reason.”—2 What did Reason do, in the council or the field in the late American War? Were not most of your the wise 314 measures of Congress the effects of passion—accident or necessity, & were not all the successful movements or engagements of our Army little else than lucky blunders? Most of the valuable discoveries in philosophy have been the effects of accident. This is eminently the case in medicine. We owe more to Quacks, who never reason, for useful & powerful Articles in the materia medica,3 than to the learning of MDs:— I love to establish the truth of these prepositions, inasmuch as they lead to the beleif of a general & particular providence, and at the same time Show the weakness & folly of human nature. Man is indeed fallen! He discovers it every day in domestic in social, & in political life. Science—Civilization & goverment have in vain been employed to cure the defects of his nature. Christianity is alone equal to this business. Did its mild & gentle Spirit prevail in our country it would do more towards rendering our liberty perpetual, than the purest republic that my imagination, or the Strongest monarchy that yours, could devise. Let us not despair. The peaceable manner in which our Constitutions has been changed in the United States & in Pennsylvania make it probable than man is becoming a more rational creature in America than in Other parts of the World.—

I made no Note of the company or Conversation to which you allude in your letter, but as nearly as I can recollect, the company in the boat consisted of yourself—Owen Biddle—David Rittenhouse—Michl Helligas—Chas Humphries—and myself.4 The most interesting Subject discussed was a proposal to write a letter to Lord North discovering to him (as a friend to Goverment) that there was a design among the rebels to burn some of the Arsenals in Great Britain, & to urge his Lordship to take measures to prevent it. This deception was to be practised only to shew the risk of engaging in a War with America, & that Great Britain at 3,000 Miles from her was not invulnerable. The proposition was made in a joke, but Mr Helligas was so much pleased with it, that he thought it merited Serious Attention.—

Now Attend to some more of your Speeches in the first years of the revolution.

Upon my asking Mr J: Adams what he thought of sending Mr. Dickinson to Europe as a Minister—he said—“Mr D: is the most unfit Man in the World to be sent Abroad.— He is such a friend to Monarchy, that he would prostrate himself at the feet of every throne he saw. I would prefer Dr Wetherspoon to him.”—Octobr: 1776

When Genl Sullivan brought Lord Howe’s proposition to Congress for a Conference, in Sepr 1776, Mr Adams said privately to me “that he wished the first ball that had been fired on the 27th of Augst: had 315 gone thro’ his head.”5 On the floor of Congress, he called the General “a decoy duck.” The issue of the Conference shewed Mr A: to be right in his principles & predictions.— Upon perceiving a disposition in Congress to appoint a Committee to confer with Lord Howe, he said to me at his lodgings “that mankind were made for slavery, & that they must answer the end of their Creation sooner or later.”—

I intended to have concluded this letter by transcribing your character from my Notebook—but upon reading it over, I find so many things said in favor of your principles & Conduct in the years 1775 & 1776, that I should incur your disapprobation by sending be suspected of flattery should I send you a copy of it. I shall give you a Specimen of the manner in which I have Observed in drawing characters by sending you that of your Colleague Robt: Treat Paine’s—whose name follows yours in the note Book.—

“Rob T Treat Paine— He was educated a Clergyman, and Afterwards became a lawyer. He was facetious in his manner both in public and in private. He had a certain Obliquity of Understanding which prevented his seeing things in the same light that they struck Other people. He opposed every thing, and hence he got the Name of the Objection maker in Congress. He was thought by his Colleagues to be cool to independance. He was a useful member of Congress, especially upon Committees where he was punctual & faithful.”

In my notebook I have recorded a Conversation that passed between Mr Jefferson & myself on the 17t of March of which you were the principal Subject. We both deplored your Attachment to monarchy, & both agreed that you had changed your principles since the year 1776. The proofs of this change we derived from your letter to Mr Hooper which was Afterwards published in this city—upon a form of Government for north Carolina.—6

What say you to a visit to Philada. next Spring?— You have many friends in this city—as well as in the State. Do bring Mrs Adams along with you. After You have been feasted by our fashionable people, I will claim a family evening from you, & while Mrs Adams is engaged with Mrs Rush in enumerating the years in which they were both neglected by their husbands during the War, I will read extracts from my note book to you, & afterwards receive more materials for it from your conversation.

Take care what you say, or write to me. I wish I could whisper the same caution to some Other Gentlemen high in power & Office in New York.— Some of them will find themselves, (if they survive me) turned inside outwards.— I have never deceived my Country in a 316 single instance,—nor shall I decive posterity. In my present retirement I daily hear of Acts & Speeches in New york which mark worse than British degrees of Corruption. My only consolation is, our people will not follow their rulers. They are as yet unprepared for sophisticated Goverment. There will be a change I beleive in the representation of several of the States next year. It is nearly certain in Pennsylvania. This is private for This is matter of opinion only for I am now only a Spectator of public measures, & shall probably be so indifferent as to a change in our State (if it should be proposed) as not to give a Vote at our next election.—

Adieu—yours sincerely