No! You and I will not cease to discuss political questions: but We will agree to disagree, whenever We please, or rather whenever either of Us thinks he has reason for it.— I really know not what you mean by apeing the Corruptions of the British Court.1

I wish Congress had been called to meet at Philadelphia: but as it is now here, I can conceive of no way to get it transported thither, without tearing and rending.— I own to you, that I shall wish to remain here rather than go to any other place than Philadelphia. Congress can not be accommodated in any other than a great City.

There was a dark and dirty Intrigue, which propagated in the Southern States that New England would not vote for G. Washington, and in the Northern States that New York Virginia and South Carolina would not vote for him but that all would vote for me, in order to Spread a Panick least I should be President, and G. W. Vice President: [and this] ma[nuvire] made dupes even of two Con[necticut Electors—] I am well aware that this plott originated in N. York and am not at a Loss to guess the Men or their Motives.2 I know very well how to make these Men repent of their rashness.— it would be easy to sett on foot an Inquiry: but it is not worth while.

That every Part of the Conduct and feelings of the Americans tends to that Species of Republick called a limited Monarchy I agree.— They were born and brought up in it.— Their Habits are fixed in it: but their Heads are most miserably bewildered about it. There is not a more ridiculous Spectacle in the Universe, than the Politicks of our Country exhibits.— bawling about Republicanism which they understand not; and acting a Farce of Monarchy. We will have as you say “but one great Man” yet even he shall not be a great Man.

I also, am as much a Republican as I was in 1775.— I do not “consider hereditary Monarchy or Aristocracy as Rebellion against Nature.” on the contrary I esteem them both Institutions of admirable Wisdom and exemplary Virtue, in a certain Stage of Society in a great Nation. The only Institutions that can possibly preserve the Laws and Liberties of the People. and I am clear that America must resort to them as an Asylum against Discord Seditions and Civil War and that at no very distant Period of time. I shall not live to see it—but you may. I think it therefore impolitick to cherish Prejudices against Institutions which must be kept in View as the Hope of our Posterity.— I am by no means for attempting any Such thing at present.— Our Country is not ripe for it, in many respects and it is not yet necessary but our ship must ultimately land on that shore or be cast away.

I do not “abhor Titles, nor the Pageantry of Government”—if I did I should abhor Government itself.— for there never was, and never will be, because there never can be, any Government without Titles and Pageantry. There is not a Quaker Family in Pensilvania, governed without Titles and Pageantry. not a school, not a Colledge, not a Clubb can be governed without them.

“I love the People,” with You.— too well to cheat them, lie to them or deceive them.— I wish those who have flattered them so much had loved them half as well.— If I had not loved them I never would have Served them— if I did not love them now, I would not Serve them another hour—for I very well know that Vexation and Chagrine, must be my Portion, every moment I shall continue in public Life.

My Country appears to me, I assure you in great danger of fatal Divisions, and especially because I Scarcely know of two Persons, who think, Speak and Act alike in matters of [Governmen]t. I am with real Friendship yours

I was duely favoured with your obliging letter of the 15th. of last Month and feel myself not a little gratified with the renewal of a correspondence with Mr. Adams, a friend for whom I feel a most exalted respect and affection.—1

When I took the liberty to write to you last I mentioned my happy situation in business, and my independent feelings, but I hope I have not been misunderstood by Mr. Adams in that declaration, or that I mean’t that Surly haughty English independence that many make it their boast to feel; On the contrary Sir I am clearly in sentimt. with Yorick that we are all (or ought to be) Brothers in this mutable State, and depend much upon each other for Acts of Kindness and Brotherly love, Indeed it is very commode for me to think so at present, because I am going to claim the honour of being your relation in his sense of the word, and in consequence to ask a Brotherly peice of Kindness from you, which I persuade myself you will not with-hold from me.

To come to the point, I have now laying before our Council in this State An Account and a Claim which I have against the State for my Agency & Expences in endeavouring to effect a Loan for the State, and the Comptroller general of the state thro’ whose office my Accts. must first pass, & who is my friend,2 tells me that he is convinced a few lines from you to me expressive of your opinion that I took the most effectual measures on my arrival in Holland to obtain the Aforesaid loan, and that the then Situation of Affairs in Holland would not admit of my obtaining the loan, woud greatly facilitate the Settlement of my claim— Now my Dear Sir as I did myself the honour to consult you agreable to the orders I had received from the 15 Council before I left America, in the early Stages of that business in Holland, and as you will no doubt recollect the difficultys that attended obtaining loans at that time (the Winter of 80 & Spring & Summer 81.) I humbly request you woud take the trouble at a leisure moment of writing me a few lines on this Subject, and perhaps you may so far gratify me as to give it as your opinion that I did not dishonour the State I represented or neglect their Interests in my endeavours to procure the Loan.3

I hope you will pardon the liberty I am now taking wch. I coud only prevail on myself to do, as I am fully convinced of your goodness & freindly disposition to me.

I have the honour to be with every Sentiment of respect / Dr. Sir / Your most Obliged & Obed Servt.