Papers of John Adams, volume 19
Ce pays est conquis & soumis au vainqueur. Il ne manque plus que la soumission d’Amsterdam; & je ne vois pas de meilleur parti qu’elle puisse prendre pour sa conservation.1 En l’attendant, nous som̃es ici à la merci à tous moments de la populace & du soldat. Le pouvoir exàcutif & judiciaire ne nous protege guere. J’ai sauvé jusqu’ici ma personne, famille & maison de la destruction, en ayant recours au bras militaire qui m’a secouru à peine, après avoir offert de me remettre entre leurs mains; ce qu’on n’a pas accepté. On fait accroire à la meute destructive que j’ai fourni de l’argent au Corps franc de La Haie (avoué, viz protégé, assermenté, pris au service du Souverain local qui vient de succomber). Rien n’est plus faux, ni plus aisé à verifier par les Listes des contribuants, qui sont mieux protégés que moi, abandonné, & exposé à tous momens à la fureur aveugle d’une meute, qu’on ne manqueroit pas de colorer après coup par mille faussetés absurdes.— J’ai donc le besoin le plus urgent, pour que Vre. Exce, corm̃e Minre. ou en son absence, Mr. Smith, com̃e Chargé d’affaires, écrivent en toute diligence une Lettre adressée directement au Président de L.h.P. & une autre, sa copie, au Greffier de L.h.P. (Mr. Fagel) pour réclamer le Droit des gens en ma faveur, qui, iñecent, ne cherche pas à me soustraire à mes Juges compétens, & qui, par conséquent, ne dois pas périr sur-tout irregulierement avec ma pauvre famille. J’ai servi depuis douze ans le plus
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fidelement les Etats-Unis mes Maîtres, constam̃ent Approuvé & loué par eux & par leurs Alliés.— Au nom de Dieu, écrivez im̃édiatement: car en attendant que je ne sois ni im̃olé ni sacrifié, je suis à chaque instant menacé de l’être. J’ai eu la force d’écrire ceci. Je ne l’ai pas d’en écrire une seconde à Mr. Smith, de qui je suis, ainsi que De Votre Excellence, avec tout respect & détresse, ainsi que de Mesdames Adams & Smith, avec ma désolée famille, / le très humble, obéissant / & excessivement infortuné / serviteur
P. S. Je reçois en ce moment le paquet de Mr. Smith, avec ses ordres du 21 court auxquels j’obéis en lui en accusant la réception.2 Je joins ici copie de la partie de son contenu qui me regarde, ainsique l’hôtel ici des Etats-Unis.3 L’ordre le plus prompt donné par Votre Exce., ou de sa part, à Mess. Wm. & Jn. Willink, Nic. & Jb. v. Staphorst Banquiers des Et. Un. à Amstm. pour concourir immédiatemt. avec moi & provisionellemt. au plus necessaire pour rendre l’hotel surement tenable & habitable selon la volonté du Congrés, peut, sous la divine providence, & avec les Lettres sollicitées ci a dessus operer mon salut, en attendant que je puisse répondre de ma conduite, si on l’attaquoit régulierement.— Com̃e jusqu’ici j’en suis quitte pour la peur, quoi que la plus justement autorisée & excessive, peutêtre une Simple com̃unication amicale toujours directe à L.H.P. de la Résolution du Congrès & Lettre du Ministre, ci-jointes, avec requisition de m’être favorable & secourable dans mes réparations & déménagement successifs, Sans com̃encer par porter aucune plainte, sera la voie la plus propre à produire l’effet desiré.
Il n’y a rien d’exagéré dans toute cette Lettre, je crains pour la vie de mon Epouse & fille à tous momens aux abois de frayeur. Nous craignons à tout moment toutes les miseres imaginables, & som̃es sans secours. Tout ici, amis & ennemis, se fuit, de peur de partager le sort de l’infortuné menacé.
This country is conquered and subject to the victor. Only the surrender of Amsterdam remains, and I do not perceive any better option she may take for her preservation.1 As we await it, we are at the constant mercy of the people and the soldiers. Executive and judiciary powers do not protect us. I have, up until now, protected myself, my family and my home from destruction by resorting to the militia which barely rescued me after I offered
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to place myself in their hands, an offer they did not deem acceptable. The rampaging mob is led to believe that I supplied the Free Corps of The Hague (recognized, protected and sworn, taken into the service of the recently fallen local sovereign leader) with money. Nothing is further from the truth, nor easier to verify by consulting the list of contributors who are better protected than me, I who am abandoned and constantly exposed to the blind fury of the mob and whom they will not refrain from misrepresenting in a thousand absurd falsehoods. I therefore most urgently need for your excellency as minister, or, in his absence, Mr. Smith, as chargé d’affaires, to write a letter with the utmost haste addressed directly to the president of Their High Mightinesses and another, a copy, to the secretary of Their High Mightinesses (Mr. Fagel) in order to claim the law of nations in my favor, who, an innocent, is not seeking to remove myself from my competent judges, and who, consequently, with my poor family, ought not to perish, above all. For twelve years, I have served the United States, my masters, most faithfully, have been constantly applauded and praised by them and by their allies. In God’s name, write immediately, for while I am not yet slain or sacrificed, I am at every moment threatened to be. I had the courage to write this. I do not have sufficient courage to write a second to Mr. Smith of whom I am, as of your excellency, with all respect and anguish, as well as of Mrs. Adams and Smith, with my afflicted family, your most humble, obedient and most excessively unfortunate servant
P.S. I have just this instant received Mr. Smith’s package with his orders of the 21st of the current month, of which I obey and confirm receipt.2 I herein enclose a copy of part of its contents which pertain to me and to the Hôtel des États-Unis here.3 The swiftest orders sent by your excellency or on his behalf to Messrs. Wilhem and Jan Willink, Nicolaas — Jacob van Staphorst, bankers for the United States in Amsterdam, in order to join immediately in my efforts in making the hotel provisionally equipped and securely inhabitable according to Congress’ wishes, may, by divine providence and with the letters solicited here, work toward my salvation. In the meantime I may defend my own conduct, should it be attacked regularly. Though up until now I have only had to suffer fear, albeit of the most justifiable and excessive variety, perhaps a simple, friendly report of the congressional resolution and the secretary’s letter, attached here, also addressed directly to Their High Mightinesses, along with a petition to be favorable to me and to come to my aid in my successive reparations and relocation, without starting off by filing a complaint, will open up the best path to arrive at the desired outcome.
I am not exaggerating in this letter. I fear for the life of my wife and daughter every moment in dire straits. We constantly fear all imaginable miseries and are without help. Everyone here, friends and enemies, flees for fear of sharing the fate of the wretched.
RC and enclosures (Adams Papers); internal address: “Londres à S. E. Mr. Adams”; endorsed: “Mr Dumas / 25. Septr. / ansd. 1. Oct.”; notation by CFA: “1787.”
Political unrest in Amsterdam obstructed the receipt of Dumas’ salary, and anti-Patriot mobs threatened to loot and burn his home. In a 3 Oct. letter to Dumas, Thomas Jefferson reported that he had asked the Dutch ambassadors to France, Gerard Brantsen and Mattheus Lestevenon van Berkenrode, as well as the Prussian envoy in Paris, Philipp Karl von Alvensleben, to protect the embattled American agent at The Hague. On 4 Oct. Brantsen and Berkenrode appealed to the States General on Dumas’ behalf. Hendrik Fagel, secretary to the States General, replied that Dumas’ safety equaled that of any other citizen (vol. 14:94;
Dipl. Corr., 1783–1789
>, 3:589–591; Black, British Foreign Policy
, p. 195; Jefferson, Papers
, 12:168–169, 193, 199–201, 289).
Not found.
Dumas enclosed an extract from John Jay’s 28 July letter, which included a copy of Congress’ 24 July resolution approving Dumas’ residence in the American legation at The Hague and the continued payment of his salary, for which see vol. 18:537–538.
I received your favors by Mr. Cutting, and thank you sincerely for the copy of your book. the departure of a packet-boat, which always gives me full emploiment for some time before, has only permitted me to look into it a little.1 I judge of it from the first volume which I thought formed to do a great deal of good. the first principle of a good government is certainly a distribution of it’s powers into executive judiciary, & legislative, and a subdivision of the latter into two or three branches. it is a good step gained, when it is proved that the English constitution, acknowleged to be better than all which have proceeded it, is only better in proportion as it has approached nearer to this distribution of powers. from this the last step is easy, to shew by a comparison of our constitutions with that of England, how much more perfect they are. the article of Confederations is surely worthy of your pen. it would form a most interesting addition to shew what have been the nature of the Confederations which have existed hitherto, what were their excellencies & what their defects. a comparison of ours with them would be to the advantage of ours, and would increase the veneration of our countrymen for it. it is a misfortune that they do not sufficiently know the value of their constitutions & how much happier they are rendered by them than any other people on earth by the governments under which they live.— you know all that has happened in the United Netherlands. you know also that our friends Van Staphorsts will be among the most likely to become objects of severity, if any severities should be exercised. is the money in their hands entirely safe?2 if it is not, I am sure you have already thought of it. are we to suppose the game
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already up, and that the Stadtholder is to be reestablished, perhaps erected into a monarch, without this country lifting a finger in opposition to it? if so, it is a lesson the more for us. in fact what a croud of lessons do the present miseries of Holland teach us? never to have an hereditary officer of any sort: never to let a citizen ally himself with kings: never to call in foreign nations to settle domestic differences: never to suppose that any nation will expose itself to war for us &c. still I am not without hopes that a good rod is in soak for Prussia,3 and that England will feel the end of it. it is known to some that Russia made propositions to the emperor & France for acting in concert; that the emperor consents and has disposed four camps of 180.000 men from the limits of Turkey to those of Prussia. this court hesitates, or rather it’s premier hesitates; for the queen, Monmorin & Breteuil are for the measure.4 should it take place, all may yet come to rights, except for the Turks, who must retire from Europe: and this they must do were France Quixotic enough to undertake to support them.5 we I hope shall be left free to avail ourselves of the advantages of neutrality: and yet much I fear the English, or rather their stupid King, will force us out of it. for thus I reason. by forcing us into the war against them they will be engaged in an expensive land war as well as a sea war. common sense dictates therefore that they should let us remain neuter: ergo they will not let us remain neuter. I never yet found any other general rule for foretelling what they will do, but that of examining what they ought not to do.— you will have heard doubtless that M. Lambert is Comptroller general that the office of Directeur general du tresor royal has been successively refused by Monsr. de la Borde & Monsr Cabarnes; that the Conte de Brienne, brother of the Archbishop, is minister of war, and the Count de la Luzerne minister of Marine. they have sent for him from his government in the West Indies. the Chevalier de la Luzerne has a promise of the first vacant Embassy. it will be that of London if Adhemar can be otherwise disposed of. the Chevalier might have had that of Holland if he would. the Count de Moustier will sail about the middle of next month. Count d’Aranda leaves us in a few days. his successor is hourly expected.—6 I have the honor to be with my best respects to mr̃s Adams, — sentiments of perfect esteem & regard to yourself dear Sir your most obedient & most humble servant
P.S. since writing the above, I learn thro a {very good channel that this court is decided} & is {arranging} with the {two empires} 172 perhaps as a proof of this we may soon {see them recall their officers in the Dutch service}7
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mr. Adams”; endorsed: “Mr Jefferson. sept. 28. / ansd. Oct. 9. 1787”; notation by CFA: “published partially in his / Writings. Vol 2d. p 240.” That is, Jefferson, Correspondence, ed. Randolph, 2:241–242.
These “favors” were JA’s letters of 6 Sept., above, and 16 Sept., in which JA enclosed a copy of his
Defence of the Const.
John Brown Cutting also carried WSS’s two letters of 18 Sept. to Jefferson. There, WSS summarized his diplomatic mission to Portugal and introduced Benjamin Parker, nephew of the Watertown, Mass., speculator Daniel Parker (vol. 17:243; Jefferson, Papers
, 12:124, 145–148).
For JA’s instructions to the loan consortium, see his letter of 1 Oct., below.
That is, a whipping or punishment.
Louis Auguste Le Tonnelier, Baron de Breteuil (1730–1807), served as the French ambassador to Austria from 1775 to 1783, then turned his attention to enacting state prison reform. A key supporter of the monarchy, he led the political opposition to Jacques Necker and fled to Swiss exile in 1789 (vol. 14:355; Bosher, French Rev.
, p. xxvii; Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale
).
Jefferson expressed similar ideas in his 19 Sept. 1787 letter to John Jay describing the political mood in Europe (Jefferson, Papers
, 12:152–153). Jefferson posited a large-scale diplomatic revolution, in which France abandoned a longstanding friendship with the Ottoman Empire and joined with Austria and Russia to champion the Dutch Patriots’ cause. However, Austria and France neither opposed the Prussian invasion of the Netherlands nor rushed to aid the Patriots. Rather, Austria sided with Russia in attacking the Ottoman Empire in 1788, which retained much of its European territory when the Russo-Turkish War ended in 1792 (David R. Stone, A Military History of Russia: From Ivan the Terrible to the War in Chechnya, Westport, Conn., 2006, p. 85, 88).
Jefferson referred to Charles Guillaume Lambert (1726–1793), who was appointed French finance minister in Aug. 1787 and served until Aug. 1788. François Louis Joseph, Marquis de Laborde-Méréville (d. 1801) was a prominent banker. François, Comte de Cabarrus (1752–1810), was a financier who established the Bank of St. Charles. Athanase Louis Marie de Loménie, Comte de Brienne (1730–1794), was brother to Étienne Charles de Lomenie de Brienne, the archbishop of Toulouse. Elénore François Elie, Comte de Moustier, French minister to the United States, arrived in New York in Jan. 1788. Pedro Pablo Abarca de Bolea, Conde d’Aranda, was Spanish ambassador to France from 1773 to 1787 (vol. 6:243; Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale
;
AFC
, 8:151).
This letter is Jefferson’s last known use of encryption in his correspondence with JA. From 1785 to 1788, Jefferson infrequently used Code No. 8, a standard 1,700-element no-menclator code, in his correspondence with JA. Here, Jefferson erred and used Code No. 11, the secret code that he used with Thomas Barclay and one that JA could not decipher. In his 9 Oct. 1787 reply to Jefferson, below, JA did not address the coded portion. Nor did he ask Jefferson for clarification, although Jefferson in his letter to JA of 13 Nov., below, added that “Little is said lately of the progress of the negociations between the courts of Petersburg, Vienna, & Versailles” (vols. 17:147, 18:246; Jefferson, Papers
, 9:383–384, 12:190).