Papers of John Adams, volume 18

To John Adams from François Adriaan van der Kemp, 31 October 1786 Van der Kemp, François Adriaan Adams, John
From François Adriaan Van der Kemp
Monseigneur! Leyde Le 31 Oct. 86.

L’accueil, dont vous m’avez honorés pendant votre Sejour dans cette Republique et les marqúes d’estime et d’amitie, avec lesquelles vous m’aves daigné de favoriser, m’ont animé, d’interrompre vos occupations Serieuses, et d’implorer en vous les secours d’un ami, qui je hesiterai de vous communique en qualite d’Ambassadeur, n’etant point accoutumé, de faire la cour aux gens en place, et ne Souhaitant jamais de briguer leurs faveurs.

L’etat de cette Republique, comparé avec celle des Etats Unis, m’ont fait Souhaiter depuis Quatre ans de changer d’habitation, et la persuaion d’etre dans l’impossibilite de me Soutenir dans l’amerique Sans aucun biens a empeché l’execution, quoique cet empechement n’auroit point retardé ma retraite, Sitout que le coup fatal Seroit porté a la liberté ou par le Stadhouder, ou par les Aristocrates.

A present ma fortune est un peu amelioré, et l’esperance, que celle Suffiroit en amerique et pour nourrir une Epouse et deux enfans et pour procurer aux derniers un etablissement convenable, j’ai taché de me procurer des informations—Sur les maniere et les moyens de vivre—principalement en New-hampshire et New-york. Je Souhaiterois de vivre dans la campagne— Sachant, que la vie champetre nourrit avec plus d’aisance au plus grand nombre que Le villes. On m’informe que le climat “de ces deux Provinces est plus heureux, qu’icÿ; le degrees de froid moindres, dans l’hiver, dans l’ete plus de chaleur, et en tout cas que the weather is not so variable as in Holland through the different Seasons— que 6 or 800 florins Suffiroit pour faire Subsister une famille dans les PLEASANT countrÿ parts of New-hampshire or New-York State—[”]

Sont ces Rapports vraÿs—Sont ce contrées plaisantes—fertiles? Pourrois-je Subsister avec aisance (ease, dignity and in reputation) dans le New-york—or New-hampshire—aÿant 16000 a 17000 florins?

Pourois-je esperer avec cette Somme—de pourvoir a la Subsistance de Ma Famille d’une maniere aisee—et laisser a mes enfans un patrimoine, dont ils pourroient Subsister?

498

Ayez la bonté d’eclaircir mes doutes—rends moi un detail, ample asses pour persuader une respectable Epouse de quitter cet Sejour dans l’esperance de vivre heureux dans un pays libre, et d’ameliorer le Sort de Ses enfants, un detail de ce qui est necessaire a Savoir pour nous determiner. je le compterai toujours pour un bienfait, Monseigneur! et en ce cas Je ne hesterai point, en partant pour ces paÿs, de vous demander des recommandations. Procuré moi, [Situ?], que vos travails ministerielles le permettent, une reponse; a cause, qu’aÿant reçu une, Selon mes desirs, aÿant persuadé mon epouse, je ferois tous mes devoirs de me defaire des mes biens immobiles—meublements—Bibliotheque—pour une partie—afin de pouvoir m’embarquer en May or Juin de 1787. Je l’attend, je desire cet moment avec impatience.1

Les choses ne prennent point icÿ une bonne tour—quoique les aveugles instruments de l’Aristocratie, et une Bourgeoisie dupé crie triomphe—et certains personnes en place—chez vous connus—croyent le pouvoir du Stadhouder assez abattu, pour oser miner Sourdement, jusqu’icÿ, l’esperance de retablir une influence juste du peuple dans le gouvernement—et ils Sont Si aveugles, de ne voir point qu’eux memes Seront les dupes. Mons. le Stadh. et Son parti Se tiennent fermes, ceux d’Hollande tachent de conserver ce qu’ils ont escroques a lui, au moyen de l’appaiser par la conservation de Son influence dans la gueldre et autres provinces, et a cet fin ils cajolent Sous main les deux premiers Membres des Etats d’Utrecht, et jouent de tems en tems de mauvais tours aux villes de Utrecht et Wyek. Nous avons bien arrangé deja tous nos affaires domestiques dans ces deux villes—mais a quoi Sert-il Si non pour endormir; parceque nous restons dans le meme peril, tandis que les griefs Provenciaux ne Sont point redressées, et que les troupes, qui nous contraignent de vieller nuits et jour, restent cantonnés dans le plat paÿs—

j’ai de raisons a craindre, que deux cours connues, asses intressés dans nos affaires, Se Sont arrangés a l’amiable—pour etre—dans un certain moment les medeateurs!!2 peut-etre qu’une proposition d’Amsterdam, pour appaiser tous ces troubles, et un certain plan d’assopiation et mediation: doivent crëer cet moment fatal—alors le pouvoir aristocrate que Seroi etablie—pour quelques ans! le Stadhouder regnera avec Ses esclaves Sur un ton moderé—les amis du peuple Seront peut-etre les victimes, Si on ne le dedaigne pas asses pour Se [servir?] d’eux, et Guillaume V ou plutost Madame Roÿale— 499 qui a tonjours bien fait! atteindra dans plus d’années cet Sommet, que Guill. IV. etant S[tadhou]der de Gueldre avoit en vue, et auroit atteint [S’il a]voit voulu, ou, S’il avoit osé—

jecrira[is dava]ntage, Si je ne craignais d’abuser de votre tems precieux. jaurais ecris en Anglais, Si je n’avois point le malheur de m’exprimer encore plus fautif, et pour cela Seul je vous demande excuse. je me recommende, Monseigneur! et Suis avec le plus profond respect / Monseigneur / Votre plus devoué / et plus obeissant Serviteur

Fr Ad[r van de]r Kemp

P.S. S’il me reussit de pouvoir vivre honnetement avec un capital de 16000 des autres familles Suivront mes traces—cet espoir est un motif pour engager ma chere Epouse!

TRANSLATION
My lord! Leiden, 31 October 1786

The reception, with which you have honored me during your stay in this republic and the tokens of esteem and friendship with which you have deigned to grace me have motivated me to interrupt your important business, and to implore your help on behalf of a friend whom I would hesitate to introduce in the quality of ambassador, being unacquainted with the courting of high-ranking individuals, and never wishing to solicit their favors.

It has been four years that the state of this republic, compared to that of the United States, has caused me to wish to move, and the conviction of being unable to support myself in America without any possessions has impeded its fulfillment, though this impediment would not have delayed my retreat the moment the fatal blow were to have fallen upon liberty, either by the stadholder or by the aristocrats.

My fortune has improved a little now, and with it, the hope that it would suffice in America to nourish a wife and two children and to procure for these last a suitable position. I have tried to procure some information on the manner and means of living, principally in New Hampshire and New York. I would like to live in the countryside, knowing that rural life provides more ease to a greater number than the cities. I am told that the climate “of the two states is more fortunate than here, the temperatures not so low in winter, in the summer more heat, and in any case that the weather is not so variable as in Holland throughout the different seasons—that 600 or 800 florins would suffice to sustain a family in the PLEASANT country parts of New Hampshire or New York state.[”]

Are these reports true, are these lands pleasant and fertile? Could I subsist in comfort (ease, dignity, and in reputation) in New York or New Hampshire, having from 16,000 to 17,000 florins?

500

With this sum, could I hope to provide a subsistence for my family in an easy manner and leave a heritage to my children with which they might survive?

Have the goodness to clarify my doubts, send me a description, as ample as possible to persuade a respectable spouse to leave our abode in the hopes of living happily in a free country and to better the fortunes of our children, a description of what is necessary to know for us to make up our minds. I will always count it as a blessing, sir! And in that case, I do not hesitate, in leaving for this country, to request your recommendations. Provide me, your ministerial duties permitting, a response; because, having received one according to my desires and having persuaded my wife, I will do everything I can to cast off my property—furniture, library—in part, in order to be able to embark in May or June of 1787. I await. I desire that moment with impatience.1

Things here are not taking a turn for the better, though the blind instruments of the aristocracy and a duped bourgeoisie are crying victory, and certain high-ranking people—known to you—believe the power of the stadholder to be sufficiently beaten to dare to surreptitiously undermine, thus far, the hope of reestablishing a just influence of the people in the government, and they are so blind that they do not see it is they who will be duped. My lord, the stadholder and his party are holding fast, those of Holland are trying to preserve what they have swindled from him, by means of appeasement with the conservation of his influence in the Gelderland and other provinces, and to this end they secretly cajole the two first members of the States of Utrecht, and play tricks from time to time on the cities of Utrecht and Wyck. We have already arranged all of our domestic affairs in those two cities, but what does that serve other than to slumber? Because we remain in the same peril, while provincial griefs have not been redressed and our troops, who night and day force us to lie awake, remain billeted in the lowlands.

I have reasons to fear that two known courts, rather interested in our affairs, have kindly arranged themselves to be, in a little while, the mediators!2 Perhaps a proposition from Amsterdam to appease all of these troubles, and a certain plan of association and mediation will bring about this fatal moment: then the aristocratic power will be established for several years! The stadholder will reign moderately with his slaves, and the friends of the people will perhaps be the victims, if the people are indeed condescended to be taken advantage of, and William V or rather Madame Royal, who always did so well! shall reach in a few more years that summit which William IV, being stadholder of Gelderland, had in his sights, and which he would have reached if he had wished to, or if he had dared.

I would write more if I did not fear abusing your precious time. I would have written in English if I did not have the misfortune of expressing myself still worse, and for that alone I beg your pardon. I refer myself to you, sir, and am with the most profound respect, sir, your most devoted and most obedient servant

Fr Ad[r van de]r Kemp 501

P.S. If I am able to live honestly with a capital of 16,000, then other families will follow my lead—this hope is a means of persuading my dear spouse!

RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To His Excellencÿ / The Honourable John Adams, Esqr. / Minister Plenipotentiarÿ of / the United-States of America / to His Britannic Majestÿ / &c &c London”; endorsed by WSS: “Leyden.” Some loss of text due to removal of the seal and wear at the fold.

1.

François Adriaan Van der Kemp of Leyden (1752–1829), Dutch anti-Organist Patriot, wrote to JA on 2 Dec. 1785 (Adams Papers) requesting information on immigrating to America. On 7 Dec. 1786, he again wrote JA, seeking details and recommendations on the price of fertile farmland near Albany, N.Y., for which see JA’s letter to Van der Kemp of 1 Dec., below.

From 5 July to Dec. 1787, as the Patriots consolidated control over the provinces of Holland and West Friesland, Groningen, and Overijssel, Van der Kemp was imprisoned for his political activities. Choosing exile after being freed, the former Mennonite pastor, his wife, Reinira Engelbartha Johanna Vos Van der Kemp, and their children immigrated to New York City, arriving on 4 May 1788. They were naturalized as American citizens by the New York State legislature on 26 Feb. 1789, and Van der Kemp purchased a farm in Esopus, N.Y., and resumed his correspondence with JA ( ANB ).

2.

Van der Kemp probably means France, to whom the Patriots looked for support, and Prussia, which favored the Orangist-Stadholder party. But if so, his hopes for their mediation were not realized. While political chaos in the Netherlands was of little value to either nation, neither was prepared to pursue a straightforward policy toward its Dutch supplicants, and as the political situation deteriorated it was Prussia that acted, invading the Netherlands in Sept. 1787 to support the stadholder (Schama, Patriots and Liberators , p. 124–129). See also JA’s 3 Oct. 1786 letter to John Jay, and note 4, above.

To John Adams from John Jay, 1 November 1786 Jay, John Adams, John
From John Jay
Dr Sir New York 1st: November 1786

My last to you was dated 4th: Ult:1 since which I have been honored with yours of the 15th. July last, which was immediately communicated to Congress.—

My Report on the Answer of the british Minister to your Memorial respecting our frontier Posts is under the Consideration of Congress.2 Your Ideas and mine on those Subjects very nearly correspond, and I sincerely wish that you may be enabled to accommodate every Difference between us and Britain, on the most liberal Principles of Justice and Candor. The Result of my Enquiries into the Conduct of the States relative to the Treaty is that there has not been a single Day since it took Effect on which it has not been violated in America by one or other of the States—and this Observation is equally just whether the Treaty be supposed to have taken Effect either at the Date or Exchange of the provisional Articles, or on the Day of the Date of the definitive Treaty, or of the Ratification of it.—

502

Our Affairs are in a very unpleasant Situation and Changes become necessary and in some little Degree probable. When Government either from Defects in its Construction or Administration, ceases to assert its Rights, or is too feeble to afford Security, inspire Confidence and overawe the ambitious and licentious, the best Citizens naturally grow uneasy and look to other Systems.—

How far the Disorders of Massachusetts may extend or how they will terminate is problematical; nor is it possible to decide whether the People of Rhode Island will remain much longer obedient to the very extraordinary and exceptionable Laws passed for compelling them to embrace the Doctrine of the political Transubstantiation of Paper into Gold and Silver.—3

I suspect that our Posterity will read the History of our last four Years with much Regret.—

I enclose for your Information a Pamphlet containing the Acts of the different States granting an Impost to Congress.—4

You will also find enclosed a Copy of an Act of Congress of 20th. and 21st. Ult. for raising an additional Number of Troops.5 This Measure was doubtless necessary, although the Difficulty of providing for the Expence of it, is a serious one. I flatter myself you will be able to obviate any improper Suspicions which the Minister may be led to entertain respecting the Object of this Force. I have pressed the Policy of deciding on my Report on the Infractions of the Treaty without Delay, that you may thence be furnished with conclusive Arguments against the Insinuations of those who may wish to infuse and support Opinions unfavorable to us on those Points.—

The Newspapers herewith sent will give you Information in Detail of Indian Affairs, but they will not tell you what however is the Fact that our People have committed several unprovoked Acts of Violence against them.6 These Acts ought to have excited the Notice of Government and been punished in an exemplary Manner.—

There is Reason to believe that the People of Vermont are in Correspondence with Canada. This Hint by calling your Attention to that Subject may possibly suggest Modes of Inquiry and further Discoveries on your Side of the Water. Some suppose that the eastern Insurgents are encouraged if not moved by Expectations from the same Quarter—but this is as yet mere Suspicion.—

I have left my Dispatches for Mr. Jefferson (which you will find under the same Cover with this) open for your Inspection. You will perceive that the Nature of them is such, as to render it expedient 503 that they should be conveyed to him without Risque of Inspection. That Consideration induced me to decline sending them by the french Packet.—7

With great and sincere Esteem and Regard / I have the Honor to be / Dr Sir / Your most obt. & very hble: Servt.

John Jay—

RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “The Honorable John Adams Esqr. / Minister Plenipoy. of the United / States at the Court of London —”; endorsed by AA2: “Mr Jay Nov 1st 1786—”

1.

With his 4 Oct. letter (Adams Papers), Jay enclosed an order to John Lamb to return immediately to America, for which see JA’s 30 Nov. letter to Thomas Jefferson, and note 2, below. Jay noted a report that Thomas Barclay had concluded a “Truce” with Morocco, and he commented on New Hampshire’s actions regarding a Shaysite insurrection. Concerning the unrest he wrote that “a Rage for paper Money and too little Decision or perhaps Capacity of Decision in the Construction of our Governments expose us to Inconveniences, for which it is Time to provide Remedies.”

2.

On 13 Oct., Jay reported to Congress on JA’s [30 Nov. 1785] memorial to the Marquis of Carmarthen on the frontier posts (vol. 17:624–625), and Carmarthen’s 28 Feb. 1786 reply, above, with which was enclosed a “State of the Grievances” regarding state laws that prevented British creditors from collecting money owed them by American debtors. In his report, Jay reviewed the British complaints and included the texts of the offending state laws, proclamations, and acts. Jay concluded that the Revolutionary War left “unextinguished” debt that must be paid to uphold the Anglo-American peace treaty. The state legislatures, according to Jay, retained “perfect though limited sovereignty” under the Articles of Confederation, and therefore lawmakers should repeal any acts that blocked the settlement of outstanding debts, so as not to endanger compliance with the terms of an international agreement ratified by Congress. He recommended that JA be “instructed candidly to admit that the 4th and 6th Articles of the treaty have been violated in America, as well as the 7th has on the part of Great Britain.” With regard to the British violation, Jay proposed that JA should estimate and request compensation for the removal of American property and slaves by British forces upon their evacuation from the United States. Jay’s proposal for an Anglo-American convention to recover those losses included an article for the remission of interest, but Jay suspected that “from the general and great impropriety of such interference with private Contracts,” any effort to obtain such a provision by JA would prove “fruitless.” On 16 Oct., Congress appointed a committee to consider Jay’s report and renewed it on 12 Feb. 1787 upon the opening of its new session ( JCC , 31:781–874, 881; 32:42).

It took several months for Congress to fully respond to Jay’s report and issue instructions to JA. On 21 March 1787 it adopted three resolutions. The first stated that the state legislatures could not “of right pass any act or acts for interpreting, explaining or construing a national treaty or any part or clause of it.” The second and third called for the repeal of all such acts and recommended that it be done with a general act stating that all “such acts and parts of acts repugnant” to the Anglo-American peace treaty were repealed (same, 32:124–125). Jay enclosed a copy of the resolutions with his 2 April 1787 letter to JA and recommended that “it might be well to communicate it informally to the Minister. I think it would have a good Effect, and tend to abate the Irritation which long Delays & Silence may have occasioned.” In his reply of 14 May, JA reported that he had followed Jay’s advice and that Carmarthen “appeared to be sincerely and highly pleased, and said that those resolutions did the highest honor to Congress” ( Dipl. Corr., 1783–1789 , 2:684–685, 751). Congress’ next action came on 13 April 1787 when it approved a circular letter from Congress to the states to accompany the 21 March resolutions, but it was not until 20 July that it approved JA’s related instructions, although they had first been proposed by Jay on 23 April ( JCC , 32:176–184, 229–230, 378–379). Jay enclosed the instructions with his 31 July 1787 letter 504 ( Dipl. Corr., 1783–1789 , 2:756–787), which JA acknowledged in his first letter to Jay of 22 Sept. (LbC, APM Reel 112). On 24 Sept. he executed the instructions by presenting Carmarthen with a memorial detailing the actions taken by the states to alleviate British grievances and proposing a that a convention to establish the value of the “Slaves and other American Property” by British forces at their evacuation of the United States and providing compensation for prizes taken after the 1783 armistice (PRO:FO 4, State Papers, vol. 5, f. 525–531).

3.

This led William Ellery, commissioner of the loan office in Rhode Island, to cease issuing indents of interest in Sept. 1786. The Board of Treasury approved Ellery’s decision because Rhode Island’s action entirely defeated the purpose of Congress’ requisitions for funds from the states, and on 30 Oct. Congress adopted a resolution approving of Ellery’s action (Ferguson, Power of the Purse , p. 243–244; JCC , 31:658, 663, 885, 916)

4.

Not found. For the final act in Congress’ long-running effort to obtain adequate financing by convincing the states to grant it the proceeds from an impost, see Jay’s first letter of 4 May, and note 4, above.

5.

On 20 Oct., Congress resolved to enlist 1,340 noncommissioned officers and privates for a term of three years, to be drawn from Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Maryland, and Virginia. Ordered to enlist 660 men, Massachusetts had the greatest charge to fill out the “legionary corps” that, with troops already raised, would total 2,040 ( JCC , 31:892–893).

6.

The newspapers have not been found, but in 1786 relations between American settlers and Native Americans were in a state of flux all along the western border of the United States. Jay likely refers to the ill-fated expedition led by George Rogers Clark, launched in September from Kentucky. Intended to protect the settlers at Vincennes and along the Wabash River, it destroyed several Shawnee villages and seized property from French and Spanish merchants. By the date of this letter the expedition had been ended ignominiously by mutinous troops and without achieving its objectives (Thomas P. Abernethy, Western Lands and the American Revolution, N.Y., 1932, p. 317–318; L. C. Helderman, “The Northwest Expedition of George Rogers Clark, 1786–1787,” MVHR , 25:317–334 [Dec. 1938]).

7.

For Jay’s 27 Oct. letter to Jefferson and its enclosures, see Jefferson, Papers , 10:488–490. The letter to Jefferson, like this one to JA, was carried by Rev. Samuel Provoost rather than going by the French packet because two of the enclosures concerned the Franco-American consular convention. JA forwarded Jay’s letter to Jefferson with his of 30 Nov., below.