Adams Family Correspondence, volume 14

John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 10 July 1800 Adams, John Quincy Adams, Thomas Boylston
John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams
10. July 1800.

I received two days ago your N: 16. dated the 11th: of May. which you gave to Mr: Treat, with injunctions to take special care of it— Now, mark how specially this recommendation was observed— In order to secure your letter from all accident, which might happen to the bag, Mr: Treat put it into his own trunk.— But being boarded by the officer of a french privateer, he was obliged to submit his trunk to inspection, and as your letter was perhaps the first thing that met the officers eye, he might perhaps be struck with the hand-writing, and feel curious to know your style; for he insisted upon having a perusal of it; to which of course Mr: Treat could not object.— Accordingly the officer read your letter, and having gratified himself return’d it to Mr: Treat, who assures me that it was then immediately sealed up again—though in truth, I received it open— After this adventure Mr: Treat arrived somewhere; and I suppose in England— For he wrote me a letter, without date either of time or place; in which he tells me the circumstance that had happened, and adds that when he reaches London he will forward the letters, and likewise a package of newspapers and pamphlets which you gave him at the same time— Accordingly this letter of his, enclosing yours, and one from your mother; and likewise the package of newspapers &c all came to me together by the last mail from England, with a charge of nine dollars for their postage.—1 I would therefore request 293 that whenever you send large packages for me, by the way of England, you would address them to the care of Mr: King, who will forward them by some cheaper conveyance than the ordinary post.

I hear from Mr Pitcairn that soon after the date of your letter a vessel did arrive at Philadelphia, which carried letters from me, though I know not whether any from for you—2 The length of time during which the Elbe was closed last winter, concurring with some other circumstances, rendered me for a time, really too remiss in my correspondence with America. Besides which, I know, that a british packet was taken in the course of the last spring, which had on board, one letter from me to the Secretary of State, and one to you; as also one from my wife to her mother: so that I may perhaps be considered as more remiss than I really was.—3 For the last six weeks at least I have been very assiduous, and both my public and private correspondents will hear from me as frequently as they could expect.

I am much obliged to you, for your information, your papers and your pamphlets. I see the electioneering campaign has begun at a very early period indeed, and with equal inveteracy and ability on the part of opposition— That very pimping to the popular passions, upon which all the Jacobin cabals are founded is but too well calculated to succeed in a country like ours. I despise it from the bottom of my soul, but I have too long witnessed its efficacy not to be conscious of it.— When I see governor M’Kean and Edward Livingstone become the panegyrists of Washington, I cannot help thinking of Boileau’s lines

“Je crois voir le diable, Que Dieu force a louer les Saints.”4

You tell me in one of your former letters that it is surprizing to see how pliable the tempers of people are, and how generally they follow the torrent of political success.—5 But such is the Nature of the human heart— When Governor M’Kean turns out of office old meritorious sufferers in the cause of our revolution, to make way for his own sons and his creatures, his party care not a fig for the inconsistency of such conduct with his professions of republican purity; or rather they feel there is no inconsistency in it— The object in both instances is the same— The professions are made to strengthen his party— The offices are taken from his opponents and given to his friends to strengthen his party— The professions, are like Hodge’s razors, made, not for use but for sale, and when they have answer’d their purpose, it is ridiculous to think of returning them upon the 294 seller’s hands— He has got his money and may boldly laugh at the dupes who took his razors on the presumption that they would shave.6

The fair mask of public spirit has so often and so long been worn to cover the foul visage of private interests and malignant passions that if it were susceptible of decay, it would long since have been worn out.— But as it has always been used successfully, so it will continue to succeed as long as there shall be on earth men to cheat and be cheated. Nor is it of much consequence how thin the disguise is, since a Cooper can assume it with as bold a face as a M’Kean.

To a man of the philosophical school of Timon, a pamphlet like that of Cooper’s trial must be a valuable feast.—7 Here is an expatriated English patriot, who turns to a flaming American patriot; who begs for an office, to which he could not have the least pretension; of a man whose political opponent he owns he had been, as holding him unfit for his station from want of capacity—who upon meeting the refusal which in every respect he deserv’d, lays up his resentments carefully for two years, untill the time approaches when a new election is to designate the dispenser of offices; and then seizes the only moment when he thinks he can do harm, to libel the man of whom he had begg’d in vain for office— And now talks of his sacrifices for the public, with as bold a face as if he were a real Decius—8 Boasts of his manliness, because the tone in which he begg’d for office was surly and not servile—the growling of a mastiff, and not the fawning of a spaniel, for the sop; and of his purity from vindictive motives, because he waited two years to exhale his venom; knowing that the object against which he meant to dart it would then be most within his reach.— Holds out his application to the President of the United States, for an office, and his friend Priestley’s application for him, as confidential communications from friend to friend, which the President could not honourably divulge, and publishes extracts of real private letters, written by the President before he held that office; and entirely as from and to a private person.— What a comment all these transactions contain too upon Priestleian republicanism and virtue— Mr: Adams had written letters to Dr Priestley, containing assurances of respect and esteem for his character— Upon these, no sooner has Mr: Adams become President of the United States, than Dr: Priestley grounds an application for official appointment to a man notoriously improper for it, and upon being refused, commences libeller upon the same man, 295 whose private friendship he would have had abused by improper solicitation.9

With respect to the changes which you mention, of the heads of departments, I lament them whatever the occasion which gave rise to them may have been; and as I am entirely left to conjecture, with very few data upon which to ground an opinion concerning them, I cannot but wish you had been less reserved in speaking of them— It has been suggested that the last mission to France was sent against the opinion of the two secretaries who are no longer in place— It can no longer be a question whether this measure was for the benefit of the United States.— The ministerial writers in England to be sure found great fault with it, and talk’d about the degradation of dignity in negotiating before the injuries and insults of the french government against us had been repair’d and aton’d for.— Such too was in a transient moment of success the system pursued by the same english ministry, which had twice sent Lord Malmesbury to implore peace in vain—10 They soon after rejected repeated offers of peace with the same arrogance.— Now what is the consequence of this dignified system; why that those same english ministers, after spending fifty millions sterling more, will in a moment of defeat, and humiliation, be compelled again to intreat for Peace, and take the terms prescrib’d by an insulted and exulting enemy, instead of those which they might have had by fair agreement and without humiliation on either side— Should the consequences of the mission to France be ever so unpropitious to the personal influence of the person at the head of the American Government, I bless my God, that he had the firmness and the wisdom to propose and to persist in that measure, even against the opinion of his friends and supporters—at least I consider our Country now as out of the danger of a formal war with France— And surely in point of dignity, it was infinitely more generous to send the mission at a time when France appeared in adversity, than it would have been to wait for the moment of her triumph

Such is at present her situation in a very eminent degree— You will undoubtedly before this reaches you hear of the battle of Marengo, the most decisive action perhaps that has been fought within a century—11 The corsican ruffian is beyond all doubt a hero in the common acceptation of the word; and I suppose in other respects as good a man as the rest of his class— If you look into the twenty-first book of Livy, at the fourth chapter you will find the character of an 296 antient hero; and one of the greatest that ever lived.—12 Buonaparte’s military excellence is in all probability equal to his, and the remainder of his character is perhaps not so bad.

You mention your wish to vest some of my property in real estate, and I myself very strongly desire that you may— I consider it as much more secure than any other, and hope you will never lose sight of the object, but ever be ready to improve any favourable opportunity for the purpose— A house in Boston would on several accounts suit me in a special degree— You can consult on the subject with Dr. Tufts, and perhaps with Mr: Smith of Boston, who could give you good advice in this particular— I should be willing even to receive rather less of interest, for the sake of the greater security— But I should think, by watching for a good opportunity you might get the one without making any sacrifice of the other. For ready cash, a good bargain is in all countries often to be made.

Yours invariably.

——— ———

RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “T. B. Adams Esqr:”; endorsed: “J Q Adams Esqr: / 10 July 1800 / 3d Octr: recd: / 12th: Do acknd:LbC dated 11 July (Adams Papers); APM Reel 134.

1.

Robert Treat’s letter to JQA has not been found. AA’s letter was dated 15 May, above.

2.

Not found.

3.

Rufus King informed JQA in a letter of 2 June (Adams Papers) that he had sent a batch of JQA’s letters aboard the British packet Princess Charlotte, Capt. Kerr, which departed London for New York on 2 May, but that the letters had been sunk with other mail just prior to the vessel’s capture by a French privateer. The dispatch to Timothy Pickering was possibly that of 14 Jan., in which JQA discussed Swedish diplomatic overtures to the United States. The RC is not extant, and a Dupl reached the United States on 29 June. JQA later took the unusual step of sending a Tripl, which did not reach Pickering until 28 Oct. (both DNA:RG 59, Despatches from United States Ministers to Germany, 1799–1906, Microfilm, Reel 2; Marshall, Papers , 4:58–59; London Chronicle, 3–6 May).

4.

“I think I see the devil, forced by God to praise the saints” (Nicolas Boileau Despréaux, Œuvres, Epigram 16, lines 7–8). Editions of this work published in Paris in 1768 and 1775 and Amsterdam in 1715 are at MQA; the latter two bear JQA’s bookplate (Catalog of the Stone Library).

5.

TBA to JQA, 1 April 1800, above.

6.

Peter Pindar, “Farewell Odes for the Year 1786,” Ode III, in which Hodge buys faulty razors from a street vendor, only to be informed when he attempts to return them that they were designed to sell rather than to shave.

7.

Timon of Phlius was an adherent of Pyrrhonism, the Greek school of philosophical skepticism (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, plato.stanford.edu). For Dr. Thomas Cooper’s pamphlet outlining his defense in his April sedition trial, see AA to JQA, 27 April, and note 4, above.

8.

Emperor Trajan Decius in A.D. 249 issued an edict that required inhabitants of the Roman Empire to make animal sacrifices to the gods (J. B. Rives, “The Decree of Decius and the Religion of Empire,” Journal of Roman Studies, 89:135, 137 [1999]).

9.

See AA to William Smith, 19 Nov. 1799, and note 2, above.

10.

For the Anglo-French negotiations of 1796 and 1797 involving Sir James Harris, Earl of Malmesbury, see vols. 11:392, 12:175.

11.

On 14 June 1800 Napoleon defeated the Austrian Army at the Battle of Marengo, forcing Austrian troops out of Italy. A Franco-Austrian armistice was reached in July that 297 granted Napoleon control of most of northern Italy and strengthened his political position in France as first consul, for which see JQA to TBA, 3 Dec., and note 6, below (Roberts, Napoleon , p. 262–263, 267; Jefferson, Papers , 32:102).

12.

Livy’s History of Rome, Book XXI, ch. 4, describes Hannibal’s military career.

Abigail Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 12 July 1800 Adams, Abigail Adams, Thomas Boylston
Abigail Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams
Dear Thomas Quincy July 12th 1800

On the 23d of June I wrote You a Letter, and one to your Father, addressing it to him in Philadelphia, and in his absence to be opened by You. I was much mortified to find it returnd again to Quincy, not So much for what it containd, as the appearence of my having neglected to write to you; Your last Letter found me upon a bed of sickness wholy unable to write.1 the Hot weather brought on a voilent fever, and lade me by So that when Your Father arrived on the 3d of july I had been confined to my Chamber more than a week; I have got about again & as We N England people say, am pretty spry again. your Father was much fatigued with his long journey; but is renewed by the Quincy air, with fresh Spirits and Vigor— I was pleased to find him So much gratified by his Tour—

when I returnd I came on to Brunswick & the col met me there I went on with him to the camp where I past the night. the next day the troops were reviewd by the Gen’ll who arrived the day I did— he told me he Should come on to the Camp to oxford— he also came to Boston and went as far as Portsmouth. it was Soon understood that the Gen’ll did not come to disband troops, so much as to raise them; and that his visit was merely an Electionering buisness, to feel the pulse of the N England states, and to impress those upon whom he could have any influence to Vote for Pinckney & bring him in as President holding up the Idea, that it was totally impossible for Mr Adams to obtain an Election, that he would not have a Vote in Conneticut or new Jersey. this he Said to your Friend J Q who told me himself of it, it was therefore necessary to excert themselves to carry Gen’ll Pinckney— at the Head of the Army in oxford he made a similar Declaration, in a formal speech addrest to them as col Hanniwell himself told me. the President had become so very unpopular with the federilists that he had wholy lost his Election—2 His Aids were holding a similar language—fellows, boys of yesterday who were unhatchd and unfledgd when the venerable Character they are striving to pull down Was running every risk of Life & Property to serve and save a country of which these beings are unworthy 298 Members—with a set of Men who have been warmly attach’d to Hamilton known by the name of the E. junto Hamilton has succeeded, if I May judge by the news paper weekly publications in Ben Russels paper which has become their Devoted vehical—3 Jefferson is vilified and abused by a writer under the Signature of Decius, in a series of papers call’d the Jeffersoniad—written by a Youthfull hand from the stile and manner, under Hamiltons direction I presume, and I think not unlikly to be written by one of his Aids by the Name of How— these Numbers commenced upon his first arrival here and they are the pledge which he promised to give, to prove that Jefferson was an Atheist. you may recollect hearing, that he pledged himself in NYork to prove all that he asserted against Jefferson at the Election there—4

To one gentleman How, said that the Disbanding the Army was altogether the work of the President, upon which the Gentleman observed, that it was a Vote of the House and senate, therefore could not be asscribed to the President. to an other Hamilton said, that it was of little concequence who was President. for his part, he Did not expect his Head to remain four Years longer upon his shoulders, unless it was at the Head of a Victorious Army— He tried Govr Fenno in Road Island, who told him Sir I see what You are after.5 You mean to bring in Gen’ll Pinckney— I will not engage in any such jockying trick— I do not know Genll Pinckney he May or he may not be a good Man, but I will sooner give My Vote for Mr Jefferson— thus has this intriguer been endeavouring to divide the federal party—to create Divisions and Heart burnings against the President merely because he knows that he cannot Sway him, or carry such measures as he wishes untill he can be instrumental of getting in a President to his mind. the object is to make a stalking Horse of the President and bring in a Military Man as he says, a Military Man only should be President and, but Hamiltons Rope has been long enough I trust— by his intrigues he will lose many more votes for Pinckney than he will obtain—

We shall have enough of popular Elections by the time this closes, and Characters disclose themselves now which have lain concealed & unknown before, but says a sensible writer [“]Crimes contradictions, and folly will be popular in a state, when they bring gain or selfish gratifications to those, who are in possession of a power to render folly contradiction and crimes, advantages to the pernicious pursuits they are engaged in”6

Inclosed is a Letter of a very old date received from your Brother return it when read—

299

We have had some very Hot weather I fear it will generate yellow fever with You— william has written to You. I bid him inclose the Chronical. You will there see a peice which I think must be denyed, or fix a stain upon the writer—7

We all send abundance of Love to you Your sister & caroline are with me. I hope the col will use his office with discretion let me hear from you— I will keep You informd of what is passing here. Should your pen be drawn, let it be publishd here—

Mrs Norten is better and we hope may Yet be saved—

your ever affectionate Mother

A A

RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs: A Adams / 12th: July 1800 / 19th: Recd: / Do Ansd:.”

1.

AA’s 23 June letter to TBA and hers of the same date to JA have not been found. TBA’s last extant letter to AA was of 18 June, above.

2.

From 7 to 30 June Alexander Hamilton traveled through Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire, giving speeches to troops and meeting with Federalists to rally support for Charles Cotesworth Pinckney in the presidential election. He arrived at the encampment of the U.S. Army’s 14th, 15th, and 16th Regiments in Oxford, Mass., on 10 June, and on the 13th delivered a speech to the troops that was described in the Boston Russell’s Gazette, 23 June, as “an elegant and affectionate acknowledgment of the patriotism and spirit which at the first signal of danger, brought them into the field.” AA learned of the speech from Lt. Col. Richard Hunewell (ca. 1758–1823), of Castine, Maine, who commanded the 15th Regiment from 3 March 1799 to 15 June 1800 (Hamilton, Papers , 23:28, 24:574–585; George F. Daniels, History of the Town of Oxford, Massachusetts, Oxford, Mass., 1892, p. 150–152; Boston Columbian Centinel, 21 May 1823).

3.

The Boston Columbian Centinel printed articles in June and July expressing at least tacit support for Hamiltonian Federalists. In the issue of 11 June, an article speculated that the dismissals of Timothy Pickering and James McHenry were precipitated by JA’s forming “a political arrangement with Mr. Jefferson.” A 2 July essay defended the so-called Essex Junto, crediting Hamilton with the framing and adoption of the U.S. Constitution and citing his military and political service as evidence of his patriotism.

4.

The “Jeffersoniad” on the presidential candidacies of JA, Thomas Jefferson, and Pinckney was written under the pseudonym Decius and appeared in the Boston Columbian Centinel in sixteen installments from 25 June to 20 September. The series attacked Jefferson as an opponent of commerce, a deist, and an indifferent slaveholder and was possibly authored by Thomas Yardley How (ca. 1777–1855), Princeton 1794, a New Jersey lawyer who served as Hamilton’s secretary from 11 July 1799 to 15 June 1800 (Hamilton, Papers , 24:585; Andrew Burstein and Nancy Isenberg, Madison and Jefferson, N.Y., 2010, p. 711; Princetonians , 5:387–389, 393).

5.

Arthur Fenner (1745–1805) was a Providence merchant. On 5 May 1790, he was elected governor of Rhode Island, a position he held until his death ( ANB ; Washington, Papers, Presidential Series , 5:410).

6.

[John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon], Cato’s Letters, 4 vols., London, 1723–1724, 2:317, an incomplete set of which is in JA’s library at MB ( Catalogue of JA’s Library ).

7.

William Smith Shaw’s letter to TBA has not been found but likely enclosed the Boston Independent Chronicle, 7–10 July 1800, which printed an essay that claimed Federalists were “an expiring faction” and alleged that Fisher Ames was the “Massachusetts Federalist” who penned a piece in the Boston Columbian Centinel, 5 July. The Centinel piece called Jefferson “the enemy of the Federal Constitution from the moment he read it” and said a splintered Federalist Party could either rally around JA or lose the election.