Adams Family Correspondence, volume 13

John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams, 14 September 1798 Adams, John Quincy Adams, Abigail
John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams
14. September 1798.

I received a few days ago your kind favour of 14 July, forwarded by the Secretary of State, and at the same time a letter for my wife, from Mrs. Johnson.—1 The accounts from home continue to discover a spirit truly worthy of the American name; a spirit which I earnestly hope may support itself in all the vigour through the severe trial which it must undergo, and which if thus supported, will beyond all doubt carry us triumphantly through all the dangers and difficulties which weak and wicked men have brought upon us.

You cannot well imagine how much the attitude which our Government and People have taken has raised them in the opinion of the European world; out of France, and the circle of french fanaticism, the clear and unequivocal voice of Europe declares that in this contest we are right, and France is wrong. Our forbearance and long-suffering under accumulated injuries and insults were well known, and had in some degree countenanced an idea that was gaining ground, that we too should sink unresisting and submissive to that yoke of tyranny and oppression which bears so heavily upon the greatest part of Europe— That we too should receive Constitutions ready made from Paris, under the name of the rights of Man—should have the members of our Directory prescribed to us, and appointed, dismissed, replaced, and again turned off, as the paroxysms of Rewbell’s infirmities should increase or abate—should have french 234 Generals to dictate our laws, and french agents to dispose of our public treasures, and amidst the most burthensome contributions, and insupportable depredations, sing Paeans of gratitude to the great Nation and her glorious warriors.— The french newspapers made no scruple of announcing that a Revolution would soon overthrow the American Government and place the affairs of the United States in the hands of patriots devoted to France, and as it was freely intimated that the influence of France would be liberally employed to promote this desirable effect, the arguments were doubtless preparing which have been publicly avowed to justify the robbery of the public treasures of Switzerland, for application in America.— But the tone is now totally changed, and the signal of the change, was the first shew of firmness and a determination to resist on the part of our Government— Dupont the ex-consul arrived at Paris— The newspapers, not having yet received their cue, announced that Dupont had said the American People were as decided in favour of France as the American Government was against her, and that this Government would fall at the first instant of hostility from France against it.— Dupont soon contradicted this paragraph, and gave it as his opinion that a rupture would only strengthen the English party, and english influence in America, and that the true patriots french and American wished rather for conciliatory measures on the part of France.— From that moment the french Government have affected a friendly disposition towards the United States; as long as Mr: Gerry continued in France every letter of Talleyrand to him sunk more and more of its pretensions, and since his departure every opportunity has been seized to spread the opinion that the differences between the United States would soon be amicably settled.—2 At the same time it is true the strongest proofs have appeared that the system is not changed, but only the course of manoeuvres; that the deadliest enmity still rages, but only involved in a deeper mask of dissimulation and perfidy. These proofs however are not immediately discerned by the world— The public here only perceive the immense alteration of Talleyrand’s notes from brutal insolence, and rapacious extortion, to courtly complaisance, and even humble sollicitations: they generally believe that France will now yield every point of the controversy, and court a reconciliation as zealously strongly as she before rejected it.

I have said that all this is dissimulation and perfidy, not only because these characters appear evident even in Talleyrand’s last 235 Letters to Gerry, but because they are yet more unequivocal in the reception and treatment of Doctor Logan, a man, who publicly gives himself out as an Envoy from the party in America, opposed to its Government.— Logan arrived at Hamburg, and applied for a Passport to the french Consul— the Passport was at first refused but afterwards upon his exhibiting his Letters from certain American characters was granted.— He went through Holland announcing himself every where as bearing a public mission from the United States, but avoided seeing both Mr: Pitcairn at Hamburg and Mr: Murray at the Hague.— After arriving at Paris, he had several interviews with Talleyrand and with Merlin then President of the Directory. He dined with Merlin, and all these circumstances were formally published in the newspapers, which added that at his request the Directory had raised the embargo, upon almost all the American vessels in the Ports of France. But at the same time Talleyrand in an underhand manner intimated to an American public character not far from France, and known to be warmly attached to his own Government, that he (Talleyrand) was sorry for Logan’s mission, and had given no encouragement to it— That he wished him to return to America, and was disposed to negotiate only with the American Government.3

The Embargo, is certainly raised upon all the American vessels, for the arreté of the Directory raising it is published in the Rédacteur; but even this measure still proceeds from the old system of dividing the People from the Government, and the arreté itself, while it professes friendship for the people of the United States, is grossly insulting to the Government.4

But this raising of the embargo, and all Mr: Gerry’s anodynes with which he will probably soon reach home are nothing satisfactory to us.— The demand of tribute is abandoned; that for an explanation or recantation of the President’s speeches is given up—those insolent preliminaries to negotiation are renounced and Talleyrand tells Mr: Gerry that any person uniting his advantages will be well received from the United States—which is reserving the pretence to dismiss and reject again any person who may not exactly suit the Directory.— The decree for restraining their privateers in the West Indies within the limits of the laws is in fact tantamount to nothing—if it means any thing it must be a confession that heretofore they have countenanced those privateers in depredations contrary to the Laws; which I have no doubt is true; but which is among the smallest of our numerous injuries.— The laws themselves, and the decrees of the 236 Directory which have the force of laws, are the greatest of those injuries: and that of 18 Jany. or 29 nivose last is altogether incompatible with a state of Peace between France and America.5

A very recent attempt has been made in the Council of 500, to obtain the repeal of this Law.— It was on the 31st: of last month or 14. fructidor.— A member of the council at great length stated its injustice, its impolicy, and its pernicious tendency even to France itself.— He stated as a certain fact that of the whole number of captures made by the french privateers seven eighths at least were neutral property— He complained that it was contrary to the most indisputable laws of nations, that it far exceeded any thing that England had ever done, and that its consequences could only enrich a few privateersmen, by the plunder of inoffensive neutrals, while it drew down upon France the universal detestation of all nations. He added that it was upon the point of producing a rupture with America, and that Denmark had declared she would protect her commerce against it by military naval force— Nothing of all this was denied—but one or two members answered that the repeal of the law would discourage privateering, that the English purchased neutral papers by the bale, and upon such arguments as these, the Council passed to the order of the day, and left the Law in full force.6

The situation of the Directory in Europe is at this period such as makes dissimulation and delay, with regard to their differences with the United States highly politic— They are threatened with a new combination against them of Austria, Russia, Turkey and Naples, which together with the War they have now upon their hands will furnish them as much employment as they wish.7

Since I began this letter, I have received yours of 20 July, by Thomas Welsh, who arrived at Hamburg after a passage of 38 days from Boston—8 He forwarded your letters immediately, and I now expect him here from day to day.— My brother has determined to sail with the first good opportunity from Hamburg. I need not tell you how reluctantly I shall part with him— His loss to me is irreparable.— I can only comfort myself with the hope that his return will be for his own advantage.

My wife wrote two days ago to her mother; a letter which I have already forwarded, but which perhaps may go by the same occasion as this—9 She has again been ill, as upon our first arrival, but with less violence, and is now in good health and spirits.— Her lovely disposition and affectionate heart, afford me constant consolation amidst all the distresses, cares and vexations, which the public 237 concerns as well as my private affairs so thickly strew in my way.— But I find myself sliding into a strain equally unprofitable and unbecoming— I shall close it at once with the assurance that I am ever affectionately and dutifully your’s.10

RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs: A. Adams.”; endorsed: “J Q A Sepbr / 4 / 1798”; notation by TBA: “No 42 / 41 July 25th:.” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 133.

1.

See AA to JQA, 20 July, and note 3, above.

2.

Gen. Victor Marie Dupont’s 3 July return to France prompted a lessening of tensions with the United States when Talleyrand used the consul’s return as a pretext to urge the Directory to rein in French privateers. Talleyrand presented the Directory with a report, ostensibly written by Dupont but heavily influenced by Talleyrand, that portrayed the actions of the privateers as damaging to French interests. The report prompted the Directory to issue decrees favorable to U.S. interests, for which see notes 4 and 5, below. Between the arrival of Dupont and Elbridge Gerry’s departure on 8 Aug., Talleyrand wrote Gerry four letters, finally reporting that owing to “information which it has just received” the Directory had acted to restrain French privateers. Gerry pledged to convey the developments to the U.S. government, and this change in tone eventually convinced JA to renew efforts for a diplomatic solution (Elkins and McKitrick, Age of Federalism , p. 665–668; Samuel Eliot Morison, “Du Pont, Talleyrand, and the French Spoliations,” MHS, Procs. , 3d ser., 49:63–79 [Nov. 1915]; Amer. State Papers, Foreign Relations , 2:216–222; Paris Gazette nationale ou le moniteur universel, 22, 26 July, 26 Aug.).

3.

Dr. George Logan (1753–1821), a Philadelphia Quaker and Democratic-Republican, undertook an unauthorized diplomatic mission to Paris from 7 to 29 August. Letters of introduction from Thomas Jefferson, Thomas McKean, and Philippe André Joseph de Létombe afforded him access to French officials. William Vans Murray reported to JQA on 6 Sept. (Adams Papers) that Talleyrand assured him the French did not engage Logan and advised him to depart. The coincidence of Logan’s visit and the lifting of the 9 July embargo resulted in his lionization in the French press. The Paris Gazette nationale ou le moniteur universel, 28 Aug., for instance, said that it was certain that Logan, a member of “le parti patriote,” had obtained the raising of the embargo from the Directory. In the United States he was guardedly supported by Democratic-Republicans and scorned by Federalists. A lasting legacy of the mission was the Jan. 1799 Logan Act, prohibiting American citizens from negotiating with foreign nations without authorization, for which see William Smith Shaw to AA, 28 Dec. 1798, and note 1, below ( ANB ; Tolles, George Logan , p. 153–173, 179, 202). For Logan’s 26 Nov. debriefing by JA, see Shaw to AA, 18 Dec., and note 1, below.

4.

The Directory’s decree of 16 Aug. (An. VI, 29 thermidor) lifting the embargo barring American ships from French ports claimed the action was being taken as a mark of France’s affection “towards a people whose liberty it defended” and “notwithstanding the hostile manifestations of the Government of the United States” ( Amer. State Papers, Foreign Relations , 2:229).

5.

In a decree of 31 July (An. VI, 13 thermidor), the Directory acknowledged that recent reports from the West Indies left “no room to doubt that French cruisers, or such as call themselves French, have infringed the laws of the republic.” Henceforth, the Directory declared, cruisers would be authorized only by special agents of the Directory and privateers would be expected to “conform themselves to all the laws relative to cruising and prizes” and ensure that “the interests and property of vessels belonging to neutrals or allies, be scrupulously respected” ( Amer. State Papers, Foreign Relations , 2:222–223). For the 18 Jan. (An. VI, 29 nivôse) decree declaring all ships carrying British goods lawful prize and barring from French ports any vessel that had visited a British port, see vol. 12:354, 355–356.

6.

On 31 Aug. Denis Couzard unsuccessfully argued in the Council of Five Hundred that the decree of 18 Jan. should be rescinded. Jacques Charles Bailleul and Jean Joseph Victor Genissieu spoke in favor of keeping the law in place (Paris Gazette nationale ou le moniteur universel, 3 Sept.).

7.

A series of seven treaties of alliance 238 signed between 19 May 1798 and 20 Sept. 1799 united Austria, Russia, Naples, the Ottoman Empire, Great Britain, Portugal, and Bavaria against France. The War of the Second Coalition began in Dec. 1798 and ended in March 1802 with France’s victory over splintered allied forces (Douglas M. Gibler, International Military Alliances, 1648–2008, 2 vols., Washington, D.C., 2009, 2:103–105; Raymond Pearson, The Longman Companion to European Nationalism, 1789–1920, N.Y., 1994, p. 5).

8.

For Thomas Welsh Jr.’s voyage, see Thomas Welsh to AA, 15 July 1798, note 3, above.

9.

Not found.

10.

For the publication of extracts of this letter at AA’s behest, see John Russell to AA, 6 Dec., below.

Thomas Boylston Adams to Abigail Adams, 14 September 1798 Adams, Thomas Boylston Adams, Abigail
Thomas Boylston Adams to Abigail Adams
My dear mother. Berlin 14th: of September 1798.

Your kind favor of July 19th. was transmitted from Hamburg by our cousin Welsh & came to hand last evening.1 He had a pleasant passage of 38 days and will come on here as soon as he is a little recruited.

We had already received your letter of the 14th: informing of his intended embarkment in a short time, and I have made my arrangements in consequence to be off as soon as the Elizabeth letter of Marque shall be ready for sea, having written to Mr: Pitcairn to take passage for me on board of her.2 By my last letter to you, (towards the last of July) perhaps you may be led to expect me rather sooner than I shall actually arrive.3 When that was written I had thoughts of taking passage on board a neutral vessel, then nearly ready for sea, but the news we received from home in the interval determined me to renounce this project & wait for an armed vessel of our own nation. It seemed, with me, to be even a point of honour, not to desert my Country’s flag, because it was in danger; but even a submissive & tame neutral appeared preferable to the defenceless merchantment under our Colours. At length however an occasion presents itself, such as I should chuse, except that our force is rather less than one could wish. The Elizabeth carries 12 Guns & 40 Men, but if the Captain is hearty in the cause—equal force will not take us.4

I am sorry to find by your account, that N. York proves deficient in public spirit or even inferior to its neighbours. I had calculated otherwise— But if we must have french tories as formerly we had british, New York, has certainly a prior right to the honor of containing them—if precedent in this respect confers a title.

I have remarked with pleasure, that the thermometer of my feelings upon the subject of our national interests & concerns was not an incorrect indication of the degree of temper, which a full 239 knowledge of our wrongs would raise among our fellow citizens. I foretold also, that the general politics of Pennsylvania would eventually be right, though I confess, that since this prophecy was uttered, there has been abundant reason to think it desperate. A federal Governor & Chief Justice would keep that State invariably true in its politics— But perhaps “Tom the Tinker” does pretend to such a reputation, in these times— I give the credit of it, if it be so, to his son in law—a worthy & spirited lad, with whom I will be better acquainted, please God I get safe home. Of all the descendents & heirs of the old Pennsylvania Patriots, I have marked him out as one (I hope not the only one), in whom the father’s soul survives.5 There must be others, whom time and events will bring to light. They cannot conceal themselves in such times as these, for to distinguish them from the degenerate race who court & covet a foreign or a french master, is as easy as to distinguish truth & loyalty from deceit & hypocrisy, or an honest man from a Jacobin.

The farce is yet kept up by the french Directory relative to their pacific and friendly dispositions towards us (our people)—they have most graciously & condescendingly & gratuitously & lovingly, and abundance of more ly’s raised the Embargo upon our vessels. How many were there & to whom did they belong? The number was hardly sufficient to warrant the name of an embargo, & the vessels chiefly belong to their dearest friends in America. At whose instance has it been raised? As a compliment to the mission of Dr: Logan—(a villain & a traitor to his Country) patronized & recommended if not deputized, by a brother philosophical letter writer, whom I once designated as “liable to be seized with the disorder so common to his inmates & companions, that of betraying his Country’s trust.”6 In times like these open hatred, publicly expressed, may be indulged with decency when such characters are the objects. This very Extraordinary Envoy arrived a few days too late, for he missed meeting another extraordinary Envoy, who had set sail before he could get to Paris. Miraculous departure! Had an interview taken place, the sage of Cambridge might have been terrified into a new negociation by a fresh menace of rupture. This said Doctor I am inclined to suppose will need the benefit of an amnesty to restore him to his friends & employers. Who knows, but that at this moment, like another Citizen Ochs, he is framing a new Constitution for the United States and securing for himself a seat in the Directory?7

Since the date of my last letter, I have made a short & delightful excursion to Dresden and visited all the curiosities of that town & 240 its neighborhood, of which I shall be happy to give you an oral description. At present I shall only observe, that knowing the beauties of the place, I should have been mortified to have left the Country without seeing them.

In the hope of meeting you, my father & friends before another chistmas, I remain my dear mother with the warmest affection / Your Son

T. B. Adams.

RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Mrs: A. Adams”; internal address: “Mrs: A Adams.”; endorsed: “T. B A Sepbr / 14 / 1798.”

1.

That is, AA to TBA, [21] July, above.

2.

For AA’s letter to JQA of 14 July, see AA to JQA, 20 July, and note 3, above. TBA wrote to Joseph Pitcairn on 7 Sept., requesting that he book him passage to the United States, commenting on the French embargo, and introducing William Brown (OCHP:Joseph Pitcairn Letters).

3.

TBA to AA, 26 July, above.

4.

TBA did not travel aboard the Elizabeth. For his voyage home, see JQA to AA, 8 Oct., and note 1, below.

5.

In 1795 William Cobbett had dubbed Pennsylvania governor Thomas Mifflin “Tom the Tinker,” a nom de guerre popularized by the rebels of the Whiskey Rebellion. Mifflin’s daughter Emily was wife of Joseph Hopkinson, whose father was Revolutionary-era statesman Francis Hopkinson (vol. 12:486; Marcus Daniel, Scandal & Civility: Journalism and the Birth of American Democracy, N.Y., 2009, p. 209, 356; Charles Ledyard Norton, Political Americanisms, N.Y., 1890, p. 115; LCA, D&A , 1:224).

6.

TBA thus characterized James Monroe in a 12 Feb. 1798 letter to AA, for which see vol 12:394.

7.

Peter Ochs (1741–1821), a French sympathizer of Basel, Switzerland, drafted the constitution of the Helvetic Republic (Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale ).