Adams Family Correspondence, volume 13
th1798
I received two kind Letters from you since I had the pleasure of writing to you.1 I regreet that both you, and your Family have experienced so much ill Health Since you arrived in this Country. I feel for you as a stranger; and wish you were near enough to me, that I might have it in my power, to return to you, and your Family, Some portion of the kindness and Hospitality which I experienced myself, and which others of my Family received, long before we had an Idea of a closer connection subsisting between us.
8My Heart was filled with tenderness and anxiety, for our Dear
Daughter at the recital of Her danger, and the situation she found herself in, with the
circumstances attendant upon it, as described by my son’s. I inclose to you their
Letters.2 the President has one to the
30 Jan’ry in which Mr Adams writes that they were then all
well. I will thank you to return them to me as soon as you have read them—but my dear
Madam you must not think it oweing to want of duty or affection that you have not
received Letters. at the period when these Letters were dated, Your arrival in America
was unknown to them
I wrote in Nov’br & in December, as
you will See by Mr Adams’s acknowledgment, but you were not then arrived. I embrased the
first opportunity of communicating to them the pleasing intelligence as soon as it
reachd me, but have no Letters that inform me those have been received, and I never
write my son, without letting him know your welfare as I have had the pleasure of
hearing frequently from you. I wrote to Mrs Adams twice this winter. I have inclosed the
Letters you sent for her in one to my Son, and Mr Liston has been kind enough to take
Charge of it for me. the other Letters have been put into the Bag, as you desired it
will give me pleasure at any time to forward Letters for you.3
Your intelligence respecting mr Cranch gives me pleasure. I do not hesitate to say, that I believe mr Johnson will find him every way worthy his confidence.4 I rejoice to find an other Friend raised up to him, to compensate the one whom he lost in mr Deakings and of whom he spoke to me with a filial affection— Mrs Cranch is an amiable domestick woman, seperated too, from all her connections, and renderd very unhappy by the misfortunes which have befallen some of them. I have felt much for her. she is one of a very large and amiable Family I wish her to cultivate an acquaintance with your Family. With mr Daltons Family I have been for Years acquainted, and in habits of intimacy. with Mrs Law, I never was acquainted untill I had the pleasure of seeing her here this winter. I was then much pleased with her. she appears to me, an agreable Benevolent unassuming woman— I hope my dear Madam the Country will become more agreable to you as you become more acquainted with its inhabitants. it requires time to assimilate ourselves to any place, and I can make many allowances for a person educated in England, not finding the customs manners and habits in America agreable at first. the domestick arrangement of our Families is very different, and we 9 have much of the spirit of Equality. you will find more of that the further you come Northward.
You ask My opinion respecting the Removal of the Seat of Government. I do belive that it is the design of Congress to remove at the period stated, provided the accommodations at the Time are such as to warrant it—. For myself it is matter of very great uncertainty whether I shall ever reside there. the Period for which the President is Elected will expire near the Time of Removal, and God only knows what will take place in our Country. we are in a very critical Situation tho I think as the danger approaches, we become more united, and firm more determined to resist our Enemy. War is a dreadfull scourge to any Country, most devoutly to be deprecated, but subjugation is worse, and more particularly so to France, Who in her Revolution has broken down all the Barriers which united other powers, and with a besom of destruction, appears to be let loose as a scourge to the whole civilized world. that she early formed a party in this Country, we have painfull evidence of. they have obstructed the measures of our Goverment. they have intruded themselves into the counsels of our Country. they have sowed the seeds of discord amongst us, vilified and abused our best and Fairest Characters, and endeavourd to subvert our Religion— in short there is not any evil which they have not devised against us, and as far as they have been able executed against us. but America is now roused. she sees the Hand raised to shed her Blood, and I trust she will not shrink from the contest if compelld to it for the preservation of her Liberty and Independance
Some dispatches have been received from our Envoys in France up to
the 6th of Feb’ry they will be made publick, but they do not
give us any prospect of an accomodation with them.5 If they are Serious in their intended invasion
of England, I think they must not delay the attempt much longer. I am sanguine that they
will not succeed. I pray Heaven they may not. I consider England the only Barrier
remaining, against universal domination— I shall tire you I fear with politicks.
As the young Ladies are musisians I inclose the New song now in much repute. the portrait I do not think a likeness—
Present me affectionatly to Mr Johnson to the young Ladies and to your son. My Nephew, his Classmate inquires affectionatly after him— I now fear I shall not have the pleasure of seeing you before I go Northward, which I hope to do, as soon as congress rise if you find 10 your Health suffering, come to Boston and you will find a journey to the Northward very agreable in the month of June— You must not however look for English turnpike Roads or Inns but you will find much of true English Hospitality, in N England we have few Foreigners, and most of our inhabitants are descended from English Ancestors.—
adieu My dear Madam / and believe me at all times / Your obliged and affectionate / Friend
RC (Adams Papers).
Not found.
TBA and JQA discussed LCA’s illness in letters to AA of 22 and 28 Dec. 1797, respectively, for which see vol. 12:337–340, 342–343, 395, 396.
No extant letters from AA to LCA have been found for this period. Johnson reported in her letter to LCA of 26 April 1798, for which see vol. 12:533–536, that AA would forward the letter to JQA. AA received that letter and others from Johnson on 3 May and sent them with a letter to JQA of the same date, which also reported George Cabot’s appointment as secretary of the navy and passed along a message from JA denying any involvement with JQA’s election to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (Adams Papers).
For Joshua Johnson’s offer to entrust his legal affairs to William Cranch, see Cranch’s letter to AA of 8 May, below.
On 4 May JA submitted to Congress the commissioners’
7 Feb. dispatch. Congress ordered 500 copies be published, and the contents were also
printed in the Philadelphia Gazette, 8 May (
Annals of
Congress
, 5th Cong., 2d sess., p. 555; Message
of the President of the United States, to Both Houses of Congress. May 4th,
1798, Phila., 1798, Evans, No. 34819).
I have a day or two since received your favour of 10. Feby: by which I perceive that my last Letters from London, had
reached you, though I know not what was the fate of several that preceded them, and none
of those which I wrote from this place had come to hand.1 I have not however since my arrival here been
altogether negligent, and I hope that before this time you have received the proofs of
it.— I have always endeavoured not only to make my correspondence frequent but as
expeditious in the conveyance as possible. For this however I have never been well
situated, and at this time am worse so than ever. The circumstances of the times too
render an unusual degree of caution necessary.— I propose for the future not to sign my
letters as you will know very well from whom they come: nor to name any date of the
place except in case of removal.
My wife has received letters from her mother and brother of 19. January, the latest we have from America, excepting this last of 11 your’s.2 She is now thanks to God, in good health, as well as my brother.
It is probable that before this letter can reach you, Mr: Marshall will have returned home. Genl: Pinckney would have done the same, but for the illness of his daughter, which
has induced him to go to the South of France, where he has a permission to remain only one hundred days. Mr:
Gerry stays behind alone!—3 It would not perhaps become me to give all my
sentiments upon this extraordinary measure, as I have not heard from himself upon what
grounds he thought it justifiable.— Of this however I am confident. He will gain nothing
for his Country by staying. There is not a Nation upon Earth with which France has
chosen to differ, but she has degraded and oppressed in making arrangements of
settlement.— She has indeed deeply injured her enemies, but she has utterly and
irretrievably ruined her friends.— If Mr: G stays to put his
hand to such a Treaty as was forced upon the Batavian and Cisalpine Republics, or to
subscribe to such terms, as the unhappy Swiss have been compelled to submit to, he stays
to the unspeakable misfortune of the American Union; if it is only to protract an
unavoidable rupture untill the time shall exactly suit the
Directory, and to keep the United States in that state of listless impotence, which will
soon make them the fable of Europe, they will have little reason to be satisfied with
his obsequiousness to their implacable enemies.— One thing in my own mind is clear as a
midday Sun.— Under the present Rulers of France, no settlement of our affairs there
consistent with our national honour and safety can be made.
Mr: G. ought long since to have been unequivocally certain
of the same thing; and if he was, he is much to blame for such a desertion of his
colleagues, and for throwing out such a new apple of discord in the midst of his
countrymen, the People of America.— The policy of temporising, will not answer with men
of such character as those with whom he has to deal. It was tried by Venice, by Genoa,
by Geneva, but most especially by the Swiss Republics—4 They trusted to professions of friendship, and
gave up one point of controversy after another, without making adequate preparations for
defence, until the enemy was at their very gates.— What has been the consequence: they
were left only the option of accepting a Constitution made for them at Paris simply
without alteration or amendment, or of defending their Independence by force of arms.—
They fought, but it was too late— Their antagonist had palsied all their strength by
division, and to complete the conquest had only to butcher some thousands of their 12 People.— The victory has been followed by every
species of tyranny, of depredation and oppression. The only free and happy Country in
Europe, has been turned into a field of desolation, wretchedness and servitude slavery, forced to take the mockery of a
Constitution made for them at Paris, and to hymn the deadly gloom of their servitude as
the new dawn of their freedom.— After such an example as this, a Citizen of a free
Republic, who places any sort of dependence upon the generosity or Justice of France
must be the veriest dupe on Earth, and cannot even claim the privilege of ignorance or
stupidity.
The expedition against England which has so long been threatened, is yet unattempted, and by many People it is yet a doubt whether it ever will be. You will see much in the public Papers about a great armament upon the mediterranean, principally at Toulon, and the numerous conjectures as to its destination.— Egypt, Greece, Sicily, or Portugal.— General Buonaparte who has been appointed to the supreme command of all the forces both by Land and sea, employed against England is said now to be gone to embark at Toulon, and his wife goes with him.— Toulon is by no means in the direct way towards England, and so they say that Buonaparte and his army are going to Egypt; to cut a canal between the mediterranean and the red sea. Then to march over land and attack the british settlements in India— But extravagant as the undertakings of the french Republicans are, this report is ridiculous.— Others say that the object is to reestablish the Grecian Republics; this would easily be effected, but in that Country there is little plunder, and therefore few inducements for the great Nation to carry its fraternity to them. The island of Sicily or Portugal may be more inviting. But time only can decide.5
Since the definitive Peace between Austria and France, the
Directory had sent General Bernadotte as their Ambassador to Vienna.— On the 13th: of last month, he fixed a three
coloured flag in the balcony of his house.— The People of Vienna were not
accustomed to such a sight— A large crowd of People gathered round the house and
insisted upon its being taken away. Upon the refusal of the Minister, they pulled down
the flag and burnt it in the street, broke the windows of the house; broke into it, and
destroyed the furniture and carriages of the Ambassador. It was several hours before a
large body of troops could disperse the mob. Two days after, Bernadotte left Vienna, and
is now waiting for further orders from his Government, at Rastadt.6
In England every preparation has been making to meet the case of an invasion, and it is generally wished by the friends of the 13 Government that the attempt may be made. Several members of the opposition in Parliament have declared their determination to give all their support to the Ministry upon this occasion; the overpowering influence of the public opinion appears to have forced this measure upon them. The Habeas Corpus act is suspended, and great numbers of suspected persons have been imprisoned. Several are now upon trial for treason. All Ireland has been declared in a state of rebellion and put under martial Law.—7 But you will undoubtedly have English-news, more directly from that Country, than I can give them you, at this distance.
This Country is in a state of perfect apparent tranquility, though rumours of approaching War are freely circulated.— I believe them unfounded. There is an army of two hundred thousand Men, always on foot here, and they are now ready to march at a week’s warning.
I have written to you heretofore, how much of our time was
indispensably engrossed by the necessity of frequenting the continual rounds of Court
company. This inconvenience is now over for this Season, and we are left as much to
ourselves as we desire. The king and queen are at Potsdam, about twenty of our miles
from this City, and will not return to reside here untill the Winter.— The king is to go
on the 25th: of this month for Prussia (here you know, is the electorate of Brandenburg) to receive what is
called the homage of his subjects there. He is to return here for the same ceremony by
the last of June, and spends the remainder of the Summer at Charlottenburg, about three
miles from Berlin.8
I wrote you some time ago, proposing a mode whereby I could place in safety my library, which is now at Lisbon, causing me constant expence for storage; I cannot send for it to come here, for the voyage would be as long and more dangerous than to America; and by the time of its arrival I should have to pack it off again.9
Mr: Pitcairn is now at Hamburg, and you
may safely direct to him any Letters for me, which upon receiving, he can forward by the
Post every day. You can also enclose letters for me under cover to Mr: Bourne at Amsterdam from whence the Post is only five days
coming here. I will thank you to mention this circumstance to my brother Charles from
whom I have not heard these many months.
I am your ever affectionate Son.
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs: A.
Adams.”; notation by TBA: “No 36 / 35.
Feby 22.” Dupl (Adams Papers). LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 133.
See vol. 12:388–391.
Not found.
JQA learned of the commissioners’ movements in a
letter from William Vans 14 Murray of 24 April
(Adams Papers). Both John
Marshall and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney departed Paris in mid-April. Marshall
traveled to Bordeaux, where he embarked on 24 April aboard the ship Alexander Hamilton; for his arrival in New York in
mid-June, see AA to Mary Smith
Cranch, 19 June, and note 2, below. With permission from the French
government, Pinckney traveled south to Lyons, arriving around 1 May, so that his
ailing daughter Eliza (d. 1851) might recuperate before returning to the United
States. The family continued on to Bordeaux, arriving on 8 July, and finally departed
France on 5 August. They returned aboard the Prussian ship The
Hope of Emden and arrived in Elizabethtown, N.J., on 12 October. Elbridge Gerry
also departed France in August, traveling aboard the American brig Sophia, Capt. Henry Geddes, and reaching Boston on 1 Oct.
(vol. 12:499; DeConde, The
Quasi-War
, p. 58, 92; Marvin R. Zahniser, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney: Founding Father, Chapel Hill, N.C., 1967, p. 182,
188–189, 190; Mabel L. Webber, “The Thomas Pinckney Family of South Carolina,”
SCHGM
, 39:24 [Jan. 1938]; Charleston, S.C., Evening Courier, 23 Oct.; Georgetown Gazette
(S.C.), 30 Oct.; Letitia A. Humphreys, “Diary of Clement Humphreys, of Philadelphia,”
PMHB
, 32:34, 51, 53 [1908]).
For the creation of the Batavian Republic, see vol. 10:xv–xvi, and for the series of French client states forced on various Italian and Swiss republics, see same, 12:xii–xiii, 124, 175, 433.
In a letter of 24 April, Murray informed JQA of reports from Paris that Napoleon was to command the Army of Egypt with “british India probably their object, connected with stations permanently in Egypt” (Adams Papers). For the launch of the Egyptian campaign from Toulon, see JQA to AA, 11 June, and note 7, below.
Gen. Jean Baptiste Jules Bernadotte (1763–1844) served as the
French ambassador at Vienna from 8 Feb. until 15 April. On the evening of 13 April,
Bernadotte hung a large French flag on the outside of his residence. As a crowd
gathered outside, the police requested that he remove it to prevent a riot. He
refused, and the crowd tore down the flag and broke into the house. Insulted by his
treatment, Bernadotte left Vienna at noon on 15 April. Napoleon’s intervention, as
well as discussions between the Austrian diplomat Count Johann Ludwig Josef von
Cobenzl and Bernadotte’s replacement, Nicolas François de Neufchâteau, prevented an
escalation of hostilities between the two nations (
Repertorium
, 3:114;
The Diaries of Gouverneur Morris: European Travels,
1794–1798, ed. Melanie Randolph Miller and others, Charlottesville, Va., 2011,
p. 603; Karl A. Roider Jr., Baron Thugut and Austria’s
Response to the French Revolution, Princeton, N.J., 1987, p. 274–276;
Cambridge
Modern Hist.
, 8:642).
With the threat of a French invasion, British prime minister
William Pitt urged a variety of defensive measures to ready the nation for war. The 5
April Defence of the Realm Act sought to count the number of able-bodied men willing
to fight in the event of an invasion, and in the following months, the number of
volunteer forces doubled. On 20 April Parliament passed a law suspending habeas corpus
that was quickly used to arrest suspected revolutionaries. These measures were
supported by members of the opposition such as Richard Brinsley Sheridan and George
Tierney. In addition, Pitt urged a new land tax to fund increased naval and military
expenses (Jenny Uglow, In These Times: Living in Britain
Through Napoleon’s Wars, 1793–1815, N.Y., 2014, p. 215–217, 221; John Ehrman,
The Younger Pitt: The Consuming Struggle, Stanford,
Calif., 1996, p. 115, 117–118). For the outbreak of the Irish Rebellion following the
declaration of martial law, see JQA
to AA, 11 June, and note 6, below.
The kingdom of Prussia was composed of the duchy of Prussia and
the electorate of Brandenburg. The German city of Charlottenburg, now part of Berlin,
was the site of a royal palace built during the reign of Frederick I (
Cambridge
Modern Hist.
, 5:628).
For the transport of JQA’s library from the Netherlands to Portugal and ultimately to the United States, see vol. 12:137, 353.