I have written, by the late Packetts, for the Orders of Congress concerning near a Million of Guilders in the Hands of Messs. Willinks &c in Amsterdam, and requesting the Ratification of my last Loan, and other Subjects. by the February Packet, hourly expected I hope to have the Honour of Letters from you, with the Pleasure of Congress relative to those Matters.1

Our joint Dispatches will Shew, all the Information We have yet obtained concerning the Power of the Barbary States and the Costliness of their Friendship.2 We must proceed Slowly and cautiously.— I often hear the Trade of the Mediterranean and of the Levant Slightly Spoken of, and represented as of Small Value to the United States. I think very differently, with an absolute Certainty that time will demonstrate me in the right. But the rise of Insurance on all our Trade, is to be added to the full Value of the Trade We may 17have, in the Mediterranean and the Levant. and what is worse, We have the Cries of our Countrymen, in Captivity, in Chains, and exposed to many Cruelties to consider. it is not the Loss of Property which has induced any Nation to become tributary to them but this inhuman Practice of enslaving Captives. France England and Holland, have avoided Stipulating in Treaties to pay a Tribute: but Sweeden & Denmark have not, I hope we shall not imitate the Example of these last. if We are directed to negotiate, We shall probably negotiate through the French Consul, but it will be necessary finally for Congress to Send Consuls to Sign the Treaties, and to make the Presents.— We have collected Some Information which will be usefull to our Country, respecting these Powers: I wish We Were able to do as much, under our Commission to Spain. That Court will not treat here, and for Us to go to Madrid is a dangerous Measure. We know not how much time, the Negotiation there may require, and if We go, and return without Success, it will be industrously Spread by all the Diplomatick Corps, and will hurt the Reputation of our Country in Europe, and elate the English beyond Measure, inconveniences which may be avoided, by your conducting the Negotiation with Mr Guardoqui at New York, or by Congress Sending a Minister to Madrid.3 this I know is much desired by the Spanish Court, and by this Court, as many Simptoms have indicated, particularly a Conversation between the Duke de la Vauguion and me, a few days before his Departure for Madrid. a Minister at Madrid would be usefull to Us in conducting this Business with the Barbary Powers and is in all respects as far as I can see a desirable Measure.— The Expence, of maintaining three Ministers, is the same whether they reside at Auteuil, Passy and Paris, or at Madrid, Versailles and the Hague, and I am Sure We could not do less Seperately than We are likely to do together.

You remember, Sir, that one of the first Things Mr Hartly Said to Us, was to propose in the Name of the King his Master and his Minister Mr Fox that Ministers should be exchanged immediately between Congress and st James’s.— You have recd before now, the formal Proposition from the Marquis of Carmaerthen, transmitted to Us, through the Duke of Dorsett to the same Effect.4 The Appointment of Mr Temple, as Consull General is a Still Stronger Indication of a real Wish in the Ministry, that this Measure may be pursued, and of a Secret Consciousness that they shall be obliged to treat. in their Refusal to treat here they would be justified by all the Courts and diplomatick Bodies in the World. I make no Scruple nor 18Hesitation to advise that a Minister may be sent nor will I be intimidated from giving this Advice by any Apprehension that I shall be suspected of a Design or Desire of going to England myself. Whoever goes will neither find it a lucrative or a pleasant Employment, nor will he be envied by me. I know that for years if he does his Duty, he will find no personal Pleasure or Advantage. But the Measure, of Sending a Minister to England appears to me, the Corner Stone of the true American system of Politicks in Europe and if it is not done We shall have Cause to repent it for a long time when it will be too late. Every Thing is callculating as it appears to me, to involve Us in a War with England. Cries and Prejudices are fomented in England and America, which have no other Tendency but to involve Us in a War, long before We shall be ready. Ten or fifteen Years hence, We Should have nothing to fear from a War with England, if they should be mad enough to force Us upon it. at present it would distress Us extreamly, altho it would ruin England. My System is a very Simple one.— Let Us preserve the Friedship of France and Holland, and Spain if We can and in Case of a War between France and England, let Us preserve our Neutrality, if possible. in order to preserve our Friendship with France and Holland, and Spain it will be usefull to Us to avoid a War with England. to avoid a War with England We should take the regular Diplomatick Steps to negotiate, to settle disputes as they rise, and to place the Intercourse between the two Nations upon a certain footing. Then We may understand one another, avoid Deceits and Misrepresentations. it is so much the Interest of England that We should be Neutral in a future War, that I am perswaded that cool and candid Reasoning with their Ministers upon the subject would convince them of it. The Force of Truth is greater, even upon the Minds of Politicians than the World in general is aware of. England is now mad with the hope of our having a War with Spain & even France in consequence of the Family Compact, and of our courting them to become our Allies and Undertake our Defence. Surely it would not be difficult for an American Minister to convince a British one that this is Chimerical, and that the only Thing they ought to expect from America is neutrality. The real Thing the English have to fear is our joining their Ennemies against them in a future War. She has no Alliance to hope from Us, unless Spain Should force Us into a War, and even then We ought not to ask or accept Aid from England, if We could avoid it, unless France from the Family Compact Should join Spain.

This Reasoning and this System you see, goes upon the 19Supposition that We are independent of France in Point of Moral and Political Obligation. But if the sentiments of America are otherwise and those Principles are general which you and I once heard delivered with great Formality and Ennergy “viz That America ought to join France, against England in two future Wars, one to pay the Debt of Gratitude already contracted, and the other to Shew ourselves as generous as France had been”5 I confess myself all wrong, and to be so totally ignorant of the Rights Duties and Interests of my Country as to be altogether unfit for any Share in their publick Affairs foreign or Domestic.

At any rate, our Negotiations in this Place, have not answered the Ends proposed by Congress, and expected by the People of America, nor is there now Scarcely a possibility that they should. I am very happy in my Friend Mr Jefferson, and have nothing, but my Inutility to disgust me, with a Residence here. But I presume Congress Will not think it expedient to renew the Commissions, or attempt any longer to carry on Negotiations with the rest of the World in this Place. if they Should however, I hope they will think of some other Gentleman in my Place, as it is my desire to return home, at the Expiration of the Term of the present Commissions.

With great and Sincere Esteem and Respect / I have the Honour to be, Sir your most / obedient and most humble sert

Our letter to you the 18th day of March with those preceding that period which had been addressed to the President of Congress have conveyed exact details of our transactions till that time.1 Since the making out of that dispatch the following proceedings have taken place.

The letter No 1. from Mr. Carmichaels to Dr Franklin dated Feby. 27. 1784 (instead of 1785) will apprize you that there is a prospect of Mr Hartwell’s regaining his liberty & property tho’ not without some delay, & probably some loss.2

The same letter will inform you of Mr Carmichael’s proceedings in the case of the brig Betsey taken by the Emperor of Morocco, & the papers which accompanied that letter and which we have marked No 1. a. b. c. d. e. f. g. will shew the progress in that business to the 15th of Janry last; and a subsequent communication from Mr. Carmichael marked No. 2. being a letter from the Ct. de Florida Blanca to him dated March 16th. 1785 will shew its situation at that time.3

With this last Mr. Carmichael also sent us the papers No. 3. a & b. the first being a letter from a spy employed by the Spanish court, a holy father of the order of the redemption of captives; and the second a state made out by the same person of the naval force of the Algerines from Feby 1. 1777 to Septr. 8. 1783. the revolutions it underwent during that period, the number of cruizes they made, prizes they took, & the nations from whom taken.4 While these give a smaller idea than had been entertained of this the most formidable of the Pyratical states, the following papers marked No. 4. a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h. i. k. l. m. n. o. p. q. will shew that the price of their peace is higher than the information heretofore communicated, had given us reason to expect. The paper No 4. a. is a letter from the M. de la Fayette to whose means of access to the depositories of this species of information, & his zeal for the service of the United States we are indebted for the intelligence it contained, as well as for the report No. 4. b. and the details No. 4. c. d. e. f. g. h. i. k. l. m. n. o. p. q. 21from these it will appear that Powers which, like France & England, can combine the terror of a great naval force with the persuasive of pecuniary tribute, yet give as far as 15,000 guineas to Morocco which holds but the second rank amongst these states.5 This information is still very incomplete, giving only a view of detached parts of the transactions between the European & African Powers: it will contribute however with what we have formerly laid before Congress, to enable them to form some estimate of what will be required of a people possessing so weak a navy and so rich a commerce as we do. These rovers will calculate the worth of the prizes they may expect to take from us in the Mediterranean & in the Atlantic; and making some allowance for the expence & losses they will incur in these enterprizes, they will adjust their demand by the result regarding little the representations which we may make of our poverty. They count highly too among the motives which will induce us to give a good price the horrors we feel on the idea of our countrymen being reduced to slavery by them. Some of the European merchants & perhaps consuls resident with them will probably not be backward in supplying their want of knowledge as to the extent & nature of our commerce and the degree of protection we are able to afford it.

We have been many days in expectation of the arrival of the French Packet which should have sailed from N York the middle of Feb having been informed that as early as Dec Congress had referred sundry foreign affairs to the consideration of a Committee, & that the Packet arrived at NYork Jany 17 which conveyed our letter of Novr with a detail of the situation in which their business was on this side the Atlantic, we hope that the Packet sailing a month afterwards & now expected here will bring us further instructions. In the mean time the situation of our trade rendered it necessary to admit as little delay as possible with the Barbary Powers. We therefore thought it best to put that business in train. For this purpose we resumed a correspondence which had formerly taken place between the American Commissioners & this court, copies of which are herewith given in the papers marked No 5. a. b. & c. the want of money & the want of powers had discontinued this correspondence. We thought it a proper ground however whereon to found applications to this court for their aid in the treaties which may now be proposed. Mr Adams accordingly waited on the Count de Vergennes with copies of that correspondence (his colleagues being prevented by indisposition from accompanying him on that occasion) No 5. d. 22is his report of what passed, and No 5. e. a copy of the letter we addressed to the Count de Vergennes according to his desire—to this we have recd no answer.6 We propose to make no actual overtures to the Barbary states till the arrival of the packet now expected, which we suppose will convey us the ultimate will of Congress on this subject.

A similar expectation of new information & instructions from Congress as to our affairs with the British court suspends till the arrival of this packet our taking any measures in consequence of the enclosed letter No. 6. from the Duke of Dorset the British Ambassador at this court.7 That their definitive answer must be required to the Articles in our instructions distinct from the treaty of commerce admits of no question: but as to the doubts they pretend and the information they ask with respect to the powers of Congress we do not decide what we shall say or do till we see whether we receive by this conveyance any new instructions.

With the highest esteem & regard / We have the honor to be / Sir / Your most obedient & / Most humble Servants