Adams Family Correspondence, volume 5
Copyright @2006 by the Massachusetts Historical Society
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Funds for editing The Adams Papers were originally furnished by Time, Inc., on behalf of Life, to the Massachusetts Historical Society, under whose supervision the editorial work is being done. Further funds were provided by a grant from the Ford Foundation to the National Archives Trust Fund Board in support of this and four other major documentary publications. In common with these and many other enterprises like them, The Adams Papers has continued to benefit from the guidance and cooperation of the National Historical Publications and Records Commission, chaired by the Archivist of the United States, which from 1975 to the present provided this enterprise with major financial support. Important additional funds were supplied by The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, The J. Howard Pew Freedom Trust and The Charles E. Culpeper Foundation through the Founding Fathers Papers, Inc.
October 1782 - November 1784
RICHARD ALAN RYERSON, EDITOR IN CHIEF
SERIES II
Adams Family Correspondence
RICHARD ALAN RYERSON, EDITOR
JOANNA M. REVELAS, ASSISTANT EDITOR
CELESTE WALKER, ASSOCIATE EDITOR
GREGG L. LINT, SENIOR ASSOCIATE EDITOR
HUMPHREY J. COSTELLO, EDITORIAL ASSISTANT
Volume 5 • October 1782 – November 1784
THE BELKNAP PRESS OF HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS AND LONDON, ENGLAND
1993
Copyright © 1993 by the Massachusetts Historical Society • All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America
Funds for editing The Adams Papers were originally furnished by Time, Inc., on behalf of Life, to the Massachusetts Historical Society, under whose supervision the editorial work is being done. Further funds were provided by a grant from the Ford Foundation to the National Archives Trust Fund Board in support of this and four other major documentary publications. In common with these and many other enterprises like them, The Adams Papers has continued to benefit from the guidance and cooperation of the National Historical Publications and Records Commission, chaired by the Archivist of the United States, which from 1975 to the present provided this enterprise with major financial support. Important additional funds were supplied by The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, The J. Howard Pew Freedom Trust and The Charles E. Culpeper Foundation through the Founding Fathers Papers, Inc.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data (Revised for vols. 5–6)
Adams family correspondence.
(The Adams papers. Series II, Adams family correspondence)
Vols. 3–4: L. H. Butterfield and Marc Friedlaender, editors.
Vols. 5–6: edited by Richard Alan Ryerson et al.
Includes bibliographical references and indexes.
Contents: v. 1. December 1761 – May 1776–v. 2. June 1776 – March 1778–[etc.]–
v. 5. October 1782 – November 1784–v. 6. December 1784 – December 1785.
I. Butterfield, L. H. (Lyman Henry), 1909–1982. II. Friedlaender, Marc, 1905–1992. III. Ryerson, Richard Alan, 1942–. IV. Series: Adams papers, Series II, Adams family correspondence.
E322.1.A27 929'.2 63–14964
ISBN 0-674-00400-0 (v. 1–2)
ISBN 0-674-00405-1 (v. 3–4)
ISBN 0-674-00406-X (v. 5–6)
This edition of The Adams Papers
is sponsored by the massachusetts historical society
to which the adams manuscript trust
by a deed of gift dated 4 April 1956
gave ultimate custody of the personal and public papers
written, accumulated, and preserved over a span of three centuries
by the Adams family of Massachusetts
These two volumes are dedicated
to the memory of
Adams Papers Editor Marc Friedlaender (1905–1992)
His fellow editors will miss the wisdom,
scholarship, and ever-present good humor,
which he generously shared with us
for twenty-seven years
- Thomas Boylston Adams
- James Barr Ames
- Emily Morison Beck
- Theodore Chase
- F. Douglas Cochrane
- Marc Friedlaender
- Lilian Handlin
- Edward C. Johnson 3d
- Henry Lee
- Stephen T. Riley
- Hiller B. Zobel
- Joyce O. Appleby
- Bernard Bailyn
- Joan R. Challinor
- David Herbert Donald
- William M. Fowler Jr.
- Linda K. Kerber
- Thomas K. McCraw
- Ernest Samuels
- Robert J. Taylor
- Gordon S. Wood
The acorn and oakleaf device on the preceding page is redrawn from a seal cut for John Quincy Adams after 1830. The motto is from Caecilius Statius as quoted by Cicero in the First Tusculan Disputation: Serit arbores quae alteri seculo prosint (“He plants trees for the benefit of later generations”).
[Note: for permissions reasons, not all illustrations from the letterpress volumes
are available in this digital edition.]
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This miniature, shown to members of the Massachusetts Historical Society by Dr. Malcolm Storer in March 1922 (MHS, Procs.
, 55:233, illustration facing p. 232), is the only known likeness of
Charles Storer was the second surviving son of
Charles Storer remained one of the closest friends of the Adamses through 1786, but thereafter his contact with them was infrequent. Although John and Abigail Adams regarded Storer as a young man of considerable promise and regarded him warmly into the 1790s, his fortunes were clouded by his father's financial decline after the War for Independence, and he apparently did not prosper after his return to Boston. In 1786 he announced his intention to take up farming in eastern Maine, but if he did move there, he did not stay long. In 1790, writing from Troy, New York, where whatever business he was engaged in evidently had not gone well, he sought John Adams' assistance in becoming official secretary to Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson, but Adams replied that the position must go to another. In 1793–94, he served as secretary to the federal Indian commissioners, and in 1796 he visited the Adamses in Quincy. In 1797 he asked Abigail to intercede with John for a federal office for his father, and in 1798, after Ebenezer Storer had been appointed a federal excise inspector, he asked John Adams to grant his father a more convenient position. Of the last thirty years of Charles Storer's life almost nothing is known.
Most of Storer's surviving correspondence is in the Adams Papers, xprimarily in the years 1783–1786. John and Abigail were his principal correspondents, but there are several letters exchanged with John Quincy Adams, and a few written to Abigail Adams 2d survive in print. Several letters to his cousins, Isaac Smith Jr. and William Smith, and to Indian commissioner Timothy Pickering, are in the Smith-Carter, Smith-Townsend, and Pickering Papers collections at the Massachusetts Historical Society. (Adams Papers Editorial Files; see also vol. 4; Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, vol 3; and
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 12:208–214 [Ebenezer Storer].)
Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
This small pastel portrait of
John Thaxter Jr. was the son of John Thaxter and Anna Quincy Thaxter of Hingham; his mother was a sister of Abigail Adams' mother, Elizabeth Quincy Smith. Graduating from Harvard in 1774, Thaxter immediately became a clerk in John Adams' law office, roomed in Adams' house, and after Adams' departure for the First Continental Congress, began tutoring young John Quincy Adams. Thaxter continued his legal studies in Massachusetts until December 1777, when, with John Adams' endorsement, he journeyed to Congress to seek the post of secretary to the president. In January 1778 he accepted a clerkship in the office of the secretary to Congress, which he held until September. He then returned to Massachusetts, again boarded with Abigail and her family over the winter, and tutored Charles and Thomas Boylston Adams for the next year.
In November 1779, John Thaxter accepted John Adams' offer to be his private secretary during Adams' second diplomatic mission. After their departure for Europe with John Quincy and Charles Adams, Abigail wrote: “Mr. Thaxter too, who has lived in the Family near 6 years and was like a Brother in kindness and Friendship, makes one of the absent Family” (vol. 3:236–237). Thaxter served John Adams in France and the Netherlands, to Adams' great satisfaction, and offered occasional assistance in the education of John Quincy and Charles Adams, until his return to America with the completed treaty of peace with Great Britain, which he delivered to Congress in November 1783.
In May 1784 John Thaxter moved to Haverhill to set up a law practice. There he married Elizabeth Duncan in 1787, and passed the last seven years of his life. He continued his close friendship with John Quincy, Charles, and Thomas Boylston Adams, who were all studying with their uncle, the Reverend John Shaw, in Haverhill xiin the mid-1780s, but his correspondence with John and Abigail Adams became infrequent after his return to America. He died in 1791, less than a year after the death of his infant son, John Adams Thaxter, leaving his wife and infant daughter, Anna Quincy Thaxter.
John Thaxter was not one of the Adams' more gifted or concise correspondents, but he wrote frequently and reported on many events involving the Adamses that other correspondents ignored. In their voluminous correspondence, Abigail treated Thaxter almost like another son. He returned a filial affection, and regarded her as his closest confidant. For the entire period from 1774 through 1783, he was on the most intimate terms with each member of the Adams family.
Two likenesses of Thaxter are known to have been made. The first, a miniature that he considered no likeness, was executed in Paris in 1780 (to Abigail Adams, 19 September 1780, vol. 3:418). With some misgivings, Thaxter sent it to his sister Celia in Hingham in 1781, but he enjoined her never to wear it or show it to any one (to Celia Thaxter, 21 December 1780, 24 May 1781, Thaxter Papers, MHi). Whether through a delay in receiving Thaxter's May letter, or deliberate disregard of his request, Celia or another Thaxter did show this miniature to friends, and Abigail Adams thought it a poor likeness indeed (John Thaxter to Celia Thaxter, 9 October 1782, same; vol. 4:348–349). This miniature has not been found.
The second likeness is the pastel portrait reproduced here, which Thaxter liked better and sent to Celia, in care of Abigail Adams in the late summer of 1782, saying that anyone who chose could wear this portrait, but that “they will be soon tired, for Glass, Frame &ca, would be a little weighty: and besides, . . . it would not be borne by a silk Ribband” (9 October 1782, Thaxter Papers, MHi). Abigail, however, liked the portrait no better than the miniature (to Thaxter, 26 October 1782, below).
Thaxter's extensive correspondence with the Adamses, from 1775 to 1788, is in the Adams Papers and in small collections of Thaxter papers at the Massachusetts Historical Society and the Boston Public Library. The Thaxter Papers at the Society also contains over fifty letters written between 1778 and 1791 to his father, his sister Celia, and other family members.
From a Private Collection, photograph courtesy of the National Society of Colonial Dames of America in Rhode Island Portrait Index.
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The fall of 1782 marked three unbroken years of separation for Abigail and John Adams, the longest of their lives, and it would continue for nearly two years more. Beginning with John Adams' departure for Europe on his second diplomatic mission on 13 November 1779, accompanied by his and Abigail's two elder sons, John Quincy Adams and Charles Adams (vol. 3:224, 233–235), this separation would last until 7 August 1784, when they were reunited in xiiLondon (see John Quincy Adams to John Adams, 6 August 1784, below). The anxiety of these years was heightened for both parties, first by the war, then by John's serious fevers in Amsterdam and Paris, and the delays and mishaps that interrupted transatlantic mail nearly as effectively in the first years of peace as they had during the War for Independence.
Abigail Adams' letter of 8 October 1782 to John Adams, the first page of which is reproduced here, eloquently expresses these frustrations, and just as effectively conveys the balance in Abigail's mind between her desire to be reunited with John, her feeling that she ought to come to Europe to “try to soften, if I cannot wholy releave you, from your Burden of Cares,” and her own dedication to John Adams' mission in Europe: “I feel loth you should quit your station untill an Honorable peace is Established. . . . Tis no small satisfaction to me that my country is like to profit so largely by my sacrifices.”
From the original in the Adams Papers.
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In the nearly twenty years since their marriage, John and Abigail Adams had come to think remarkably alike on so many issues, both personal and public. John Adams' letter of 28 March 1783 to Abigail, the first page of which is reproduced here, nicely mirrors Abigail's letter of 8 October 1782, reproduced immediately above (illustration no. 3).
John begins as Abigail does, with the frustration of separation and poor communication: “On the 30 Nov. our Peace was Signed. On the 28. March We dont know that you have Yet heard of it.” He proceeds to his determination to return to her: “If I receive the Acceptance of my Resignation, I shall embark in the first ship, the first good ship I mean, for I love you too well, to venture my self in a bad one.” Then, again like Abigail accepting the paramount requirement of duty to country, John considers the possibility that he might have to stay longer in Europe, perhaps on an assignment in London, and in the passage used as a subscription to this illustration, he reacts to a continued separation much as Abigail had. Finally, he shares Abigail's preference (see Abigail Adams to John Adams, 19 October and 20 November 1783, both below) that their reunification be in America: “I cannot bear the Thought of transporting my Family to Europe. It would be the Ruin of my Children forever.”
From the original in the Adams Papers.
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“Thus drops the Curtain upon this mighty Trajedy,” wrote John Adams to his wife on 22 January 1783 (below). Peace would not be official until the definitive treaties were concluded and ratified, but xiiion 20 January representatives of Great Britain, France, and Spain met at Versailles to sign preliminary peace treaties and exchange declarations of an armistice. The arrival of this news signaled, for all intents and purposes, that the war of the American Revolution had ended. John Adams and Benjamin Franklin witnessed the occasion and, at the same time, signed an armistice agreement with the British representative, Alleyne Fitzherbert (Miller, ed., Treaties
, 2:108–110). These agreements brought the preliminary Anglo-American peace treaty of 30 November 1782 into effect. Its implementation had been conditioned upon the conclusion of a general peace in order to keep the United States within at least technical compliance with Article 8 of the Franco-American Alliance of 1778, which prohibited the conclusion of a separate peace (same, 2:38–39).
The broadside announcing the event was the work of John Gill, noted Boston printer and publisher of the Continental Journal and Weekly Advertiser. Its appearance on the morning of 1 April was received with rejoicing and relief: the war was over. Abigail Adams wrote: “I now most sincerely rejoice in the great and important event which sheaths the Hostile Sword and, gives a pleasing presage that our spears may become prunning hooks” (to John Adams, 7 April 1783, below). Samuel Phillips Savage's note written on the reverse of the broadside was perhaps even more expressive. “This is kept for future Generations, tho it cannot by any means convey to them, the Joy so happy an Event gave us, who heard the first guns fired at Lexington and Concord and saw Charlestown in Flames, and who have endured and supported a Struggle of near 20 years and an actual, cruel and bloody war from 19 April 1775 until the arrival of a French Cutter called the Triumph, commanded by the Chavelier Duquesne on the 25 March 1783 at Chester in the River Delawar from Cadiz—for which happy Event may America be properly thankfull. Sam Phps Savage then 65 years Old.”
Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
In the spring of 1783, John Thaxter wrote Abigail Adams a vivid description of the annual parade to Longchamp. Two years later, Abigail herself wrote a description of the event, to her niece Elizabeth Cranch. Both of these are printed below at 18 April 1783 and 8 May 1785 (vol. 6).
Longchamp was a Franciscan abbey founded in the mid-thirteenth century by Isabelle, sister of Louis IX (Saint Louis) in the Bois de Boulogne. By the first half of the eighteenth century, austerity had disappeared from the nunnery, and it was at this time that the parade of the Parisian beau monde to attend concerts during Holy Week began. The public concerts were stopped by Archbishop of Paris Beaumont, but the tradition of the parade continued.
At its height from about 1750 until it was suppressed in 1789, the parade attracted the gamut of society: servants of the royal household, chorus girls from l'Opéra, the wealthy and the penurious. xivThose with means competed in ostentatious displays of carriages and costumes, those without gawked. After describing this concentration of pomp and grandeur, Thaxter defers judgment to Abigail Adams. “Your own Reflections will be infinitely more judicious than any I can make, and therefore I will be silent as to the Impressions this Entertainment has made on my mind” (to Abigail Adams, 18 April 1783, below).
Adams' conclusion, from her own observations, is censorious. “It was a Ceremony that one must study Some time to find out either utility or pleasure in it. I own tho I made one in the procession I could not help feeling foolish as I was parading first up one side of a very wide road, for a mile and half and then turning, and following down a vast number of Carriages upon the other as slow as if you was attending a funeral. . . . it is a senseless foolish parade, at which I believe I shall never again assist” (to John Thaxter, 8 May 1785, vol. 6).
The engraving is by Dambrun, from Etrennes galantes des Promenades et Amusemens de Paris et de ses environs, Paris, 1781. See Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale
; Larousse, Grand dictionnaire universel
; under both Longchamp and Boulogne.
Courtesy of the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris.
Adopted at the same time that the definitive peace treaty was ratified and proclaimed in force, this resolution brought the United States into compliance with Article 5 of the definitive peace treaty (Journals of the Continental Congress, Washington, 1928, vol. 26, p. 23–31; Miller, ed., Treaties
, 2:154). That article sought to resolve what was easily the most divisive issue during the negotiations, the fate of the loyalists and their confiscated property. The Shelburne Ministry was under intense pressure to require restitution in any Anglo-American peace settlement. The American negotiators opposed such a provision as contrary to their instructions, but more important because Congress had no power to coerce the states and thus to require restitution would both block ratification and be meaningless. To settle the issue the negotiators agreed to a compromise that was an exercise in Anglo-American cynicism, for in agreeing to recommend rather than require restitution, both sides knew that there was little likelihood of the loyalists receiving satisfaction.
Although the article's effect depended wholly on the states' willingness to observe its provisions, that did not prevent controversy. Referring to the article's appearance in the preliminary treaty, Abigail Adams wrote to her husband on 28 April 1783 that “it would be at the risk of their lives” for loyalists to return to seek the restitution, and on 7 May she added that he could hardly imagine “the spirit which arises here against the return of the Refugees” (both below). John Adams thought that it would have been better if no articles regarding the loyalists had been included, but he refused requests to interpret their meaning and hoped that their spirit would be xvobserved (to Cotton Tufts, 10 September 1783, below). Adams' ambivalence concerning the loyalist compromise resulted from his fear that Britain would use the states' refusal to comply with the spirit of the article to justify its own violation of the treaty, a fear that was realized, particularly in Britain's refusal to evacuate forts in the Northwest (to Cotton Tufts, 24 April 1785, vol. 6).
This broadside, docketed on the reverse “Recommendation of Congress Respecting Restoring Lands” and “Jany. 14. 1784,” was one of the copies of the resolution ordered by Congress to be sent to the states (
JCC
, 26:31).
Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
Isaak Schmidt, an Amsterdam artist, painted this portrait of John Quincy Adams during his stay at The Hague from April to August 1783. It is a small pastel on vellum, measuring 10¼ by 7¾ inches. Though Adams was only sixteen years old that summer, he just had returned from Russia after spending more than a year as private secretary to the American representative, Francis Dana. It is a picture of a boy, but a boy moving in an international world, developing into a poised, intelligent, and mature young adult.
Naturally, as a concerned parent, John Adams solicited reports on his son's whereabouts during his long journey back to the Netherlands. Even discounting the desire of his correspondents to flatter the important American, it is apparent that John Quincy impressed those he met (see John Adams to Abigail Adams, 7 April 1783 and note 6, below). It is also apparent that he greatly enjoyed himself at the same time. Twenty-eight years later Adams, then U.S. minister to Russia, recalled that the Swedish were “the kindest hearted, friendliest and most hospitable people in Europe.” “I entered Sweden in November and left it in February. The beauties of the Country therefore, whatever they may be, were hidden from my eyes,” but “the beauties of the women . . . were not, and indeed could not be concealed. . . . [T]he Swedish women of that time were as modest, as they were amiable and beautiful. But to me, it was truly the 'land of lovely dames,' and to this hour I have not forgotten the palpitations of heart which some of them cost me, and of which they never knew” (to Alexander H. Everett, 19 August 1811, Everett-Peabody Papers, MHi).
After Adams returned to America in 1785 to continue his formal education, his sister, Abigail, hung the picture in her room. “I would not mortify you by saying I think it a likeness nor Pay so Poor a compliment to my own judgment. However as it was intended for you I shall look upon it for you, and derive some satisfaction from it, and at the same time wish it were better” (Abigail Adams 2d to John Quincy Adams, 4 July 1785, vol. 6). When he was sixty-four years old Adams remarked about himself and the early likeness that “they who look at the bald head, the watery eye, and the wrinkled brow of this day, would search in vain for the strong likeness which it was said to exhibit when it was taken” (to Caroline Amelia de xviWindt, 20 August 1831, de Windt Coll., MHi). The portrait descended through Abigail Adams 2d's family; it is now owned by the National Portrait Gallery.
Courtesy of the National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution.
The illustration of the Reverend William Smith that appeared in volume 1 (p. xii, facing p. 81) was reproduced from a small photograph of a painting in Daniel Munro Wilson's The “Chappel of Ease” and Church of Statesmen: . . . the First Church of Christ in Quincy, Quincy, 1890, facing p. 81. Since that time the original portrait has turned up, and it is this that is illustrated here. The painting once was misattributed to John Singleton Copley, but the real artist and date of execution are unknown.
The Reverend William Smith died in September 1783 at the age of seventy-six, leaving his estate divided among his son and three daughters and in trust for his daughter-in-law. (For the division of property see his will, 12 September 1783, below.) He had served as the minister of the First Parish of Weymouth since 1734 and after the death in 1775 of his wife, Elizabeth Quincy Smith, continued to live in the Weymouth parsonage where Abigail Adams and her siblings were born (see vol 1:ix, and illustration facing p. 80).
The death of her father gave Abigail Adams greater freedom to think about joining her husband in Europe. She wrote John: “My dearest Friend—Dearer if possible than ever; for all the parental props which once sustaind and supported me are fallen!” (20 September 1783, below; see also Abigail Adams to John Adams, 19 October, below). Abigail later arranged for her father's slave Phoebe, who was offered her freedom in his will, and her husband to move into and care for Abigail's home in her absence. Although Abigail's inheritance was more modest than that left to her sisters and sister-in-law, her father specifically bequeathed his silver tankard to her. It was the only item singled out among the family possessions for such a personal gesture. It survives to this day among the furnishings of the Adams National Historic Site.
Reverend Smith is buried in Weymouth, the site marked by a monument inscribed by Cotton Tufts: “As a Divine he was eminent, As a Preacher of the Gospel Eloquent . . .” (New England Historic and Genealogical Register, 23 [October 1869]:425). Some of Smith's line-a-day diaries and the official records he kept as pastor of the First Church, Weymouth, are in the Massachusetts Historical Society. (See
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 7:588–591.)
Courtesy of Mrs. Lewis Greenleaf.
During his curtailed tour of England in the fall and winter of 1783, John Adams had fellow American and friend John Singleton Copley paint this grand portrait representing Adams as a dignified diplomat. Though Copley moved to England from Boston in 1774, followed by his wife and young children a year later, he was not a loyalist. xviiHis portrait of Adams celebrates the signing of the definitive treaty of peace with Great Britain.
When Abigail Adams arrived in London, she saw the portrait prior to meeting her husband. “I went yesterday accompanied by Mr. Storer and Smith to Mr. Copleys to see Mr. Adams picture. This I am told was taken at the request of Mr. Copely and belongs to him. It is a full Length picture very large; and very good likeness. Before him stands the Globe: in his hand a Map of Europe, at a small distance 2 female figures representing peace and Innocence. It is a most Beautiful painting” (Abigail Adams to Mary Smith Cranch, 6 July 1784, below).
Abigail Adams, perhaps focusing more on the image of her husband, whom she had not seen for four years, than on the details in the painting, inaccurately described the portrait and its commission. John Adams paid Copley 100 guineas for the portrait on 10 Dec. 1783 (receipt in the Adams Papers). He is depicted holding a scroll, presumably the treaty with Britain, and a map of America lays on a table. A single figure is in the background.
John Adams instructed his son, sent to meet both Abigails in London: “Desire Mr. Copeley to get a Frame made for my Picture and do you give him the Money. He will tell you how much and give you a Receipt. The Frame should be made, to take to Pieces, so that it may be removed to the Hague or to Boston, in time. Thus this Piece of Vanity will be finished. May it be the last” (
Copley retained the portrait for over twenty years, ostensibly for engraving. Two engravers worked from the painting itself, first Noble, for the February 1786 issue of The New London Magazine, and later Hall, for the frontispiece to John Stockdale's 1794 edition of John Adams' Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United State of America. The second of these, a considerably better likeness, was the model for numerous later renditions. In 1796, Copley exhibited the portrait at the Royal Academy.
John Quincy Adams had the painting shipped from England in 1817, two years after Copley's death. Cousin Ward Nicholas Boylston kept it carefully for many years, in part because there was no suitable place in the Adams home in Quincy. With the family's agreement, he left it to Harvard College in his will.
See Andrew Oliver, Portraits of John and Abigail Adams
, Cambridge, 1967, p. 23–38; Jules David Prown, John Singleton Copley, Cambridge, 1966, vol. 2, p. 300;
DAB
;
DNB
.
Courtesy of The Harvard University Portrait Collection, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Bequest of Ward Nicholas Boylston to Harvard College, 1828.
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It would only be a week more before the Adamses were finally xviii image reunited in London when John Quincy Adams wrote these heartfelt words to his father at The Hague. John Adams, confident in and proud of young John Quincy, wrote to Abigail soon after her arrival, “I Send you a son who is the greatest Traveller, of his Age, and without Partiality, I think as promising and manly a youth as is in the World. He will purchase a Coach, in which We four must travel to Paris” (26 July 1784, below).
The letter illustrated here is one of the last in a remarkable exchange between John and John Quincy from mid-May 1784 through July 1784. These letters, printed below, comprise the first fully mature correspondence between the Adams men. Until this time, John Quincy's letters were mainly reports to his father concerning his or his brother Charles' studies; in these later letters young Adams' style and manner becomes decidedly uninhibited and confident. After being admitted to the gallery of the House of Commons, John Quincy wrote: “I [have] given you my opinion of the eloquence of several great Orators. If it is erroneous my judgment is in fault, for I have followed in this matter the Ideas of no one” (6 June 1784, below). John Adams, quite pleased by John Quincy's attendance at Parliament and his vivid descriptions of the debates, was yet ever mindful of his son's studies: “You have had a Taste of the Eloquence of the Bar and of Parliament: but you will find Livy and Tacitus, more elegant, more profound and Sublime Instructors” (21 June 1784, below).
From the original in the Adams Papers.
Host of the famous salon “L'Académie d'Auteuil,” intimate friend of Benjamin Franklin, and near neighbor of the Adamses,
One of twenty-two children, Anne-Catherine Helvétius was born into the ancient Ligniville family. After spending much of her youth in a convent with rather dim prospects, she was brought to Paris by her aunt, the author Françoise Grafigny. There she met and married, in 1751, the hedonistic philosopher and farmer-general De l'esprit. Inheriting her husband's significant fortune, Mme. Helvétius settled in Auteuil, enjoying her garden, her menagerie, and the company of many of the great thinkers of her era.
Benjamin Franklin called Mme. Helvétius “Notre Dame d'Auteuil” and sometime between 1778 and 1780 proposed to her. Upon being rejected, he wrote a letter to her containing a parable in which he meets the late M. Helvétius and Deborah Franklin, who have married in the afterlife, prompting Franklin to renew his proposition. (“The Elysian Fields, M. Franklin to Madame Helvétius,” printed in Benjamin Franklin: Writings, ed. J. A. Leo Lemay, xixN.Y., 1987, p. 924–925. It is thought to be dated by the editors of the Franklin Papers.)
Following a dinner hosted by Mme. Helvétius, Abigail Adams 2d wrote to Lucy Cranch (4 September 1784, below): “I wish it were possible to give you a just idea of her. I know not in America any person of any class that would serve as a description, or comparison, unless it is Mrs. Hunt when she is crazy. I could not judge of her conversation as I could not understand a word, but if it was in unison with her dress, and manners, I assure you that I consider myself fortunate that I did not.”
Concluding a vivid description of Mme. Helvétius' behavior, Abigail Adams wrote, also to Lucy Cranch (5 September 1784, below): “I should have been greatly astonished at
See Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale
; Claude-Anne Lopez, Mon Cher Papa, Franklin and the Ladies of Paris, New Haven, 1966, p. 244–301.
Courtesy of the Caisse Nationale des Monuments Historiques, Paris (Copyright 1991 ARS, N.Y./SPADEM).
These volumes record a remarkable expansion of the corresponding Adams family in several dimensions—geographical, cultural, and generational—in just three years. In October 1782, the family's letter-writing is dominated entirely by Abigail and John Adams, as it had been since the 1760s. Their two older children and Abigail's sisters and uncles are seldom heard from; their two younger children are silent. And while both John and John Quincy Adams had become seasoned diplomats and traveled all over northern Europe in the preceding four years, Abigail and her daughter, Abigail Adams 2d (often called Nabby or Amelia by her parents and friends), were still living a largely rural life in Braintree, with brief excursions to adjacent communities and to Boston.
By the close of these volumes, in December 1785, the family's life had changed dramatically. In 1784 Abigail and Abigail 2d, who had never ventured more than fifty miles from Braintree, crossed the Atlantic Ocean to England to join John and John Quincy, and all four crossed the Channel to France. In 1785 the women returned with John to London, while John Quincy returned to America. In eighteen months both Abigail and her daughter became acute observers and accomplished, if somewhat reluctant, participants in the cosmopolitan diplomatic communities of Paris and London.
The Adams men kept moving, and busy. Young John Quincy, returning in the winter of 1782–1783 from fourteen months in Russia, extended his already considerable travels to include Finland, Sweden, Denmark, and northern Germany. John Adams augmented his diplomatic triumphs, begun in Holland in 1780–1782, with the successful negotiation of peace with Great Britain in 1782–1783 in Paris and his reception by George III in 1785 as America's first minister to Britain. Finally, John Quincy Adams' return to Massachusetts in 1785 to complete his education occasioned a great enrichment of the Adams' transatlantic correspondence, begun by his parents in 1778. This xxiiexchange of observations and ideas across the ocean would remain a prominent feature of the Adams family through four generations.
As the family grew and its travels increased, so did its important correspondences. In the war years the rich conjugal exchange between Abigail and John Adams, begun in the 1760s, grew larger, and Abigail developed important new correspondents, notably her cousin John Thaxter and congressman James Lovell. With the coming of peace and the reuniting of the family in Europe, the range of correspondents expanded again.
Following their reunion in August 1784, the correspondence between Abigail and John ceased, not to resume until 1789. In the year before joining Abigail and Abigail 2d, however, John and John Quincy, who had exchanged occasional letters for years, began to develop a correspondence that takes on the character of an exchange between two adults, if not quite between two equals. Abigail Adams 2d, a shy and reserved writer in her early teens, began to assert her personality, first through a more frequent correspondence with her cousin Elizabeth Cranch, then in letters from France to several relatives in Massachusetts, and finally from London, in an exchange of long, informative journal-style letters with her brother John Quincy. Abigail Adams, far from relinquishing her central role in the Adams family correspondence, greatly enlarged it by maintaining her lively exchange with John Thaxter, increasing that with her younger sister Elizabeth Shaw, and establishing new and highly interesting exchanges with her elder sister Mary Cranch and Mary's daughters Elizabeth and Lucy, with her uncle Cotton Tufts, and with Thomas Jefferson.
In the fall of 1782, however, neither the mood of Congress nor the hopes of any Adams pointed toward so expansive a future for the family. Congress was beginning to appreciate John Adams' recent financial and diplomatic achievements in the Netherlands, and several of its members were becoming critical of Adams' rival Benjamin Franklin as they became concerned about French influence over America's negotiations with Great Britain. But Congress' primary objective in 1782–1783 was to conclude peace as quickly as possible and reduce its presence abroad. Whatever reservations he had about this restrictive plan for American foreign policy in principle, John Adams eagerly anticipated his own release from service in Europe.
Both Abigail and John accepted the necessity of spending another winter apart to secure a good peace with Great Britain, though Abigail occasionally rebelled. In October, repeating an offer made the xxiiimonth before, she considered crossing the dreaded Atlantic Ocean: “I cannot O! I cannot be reconcild to living as I have done for 3 years past. . . . Will you let me try to soften, if I cannot wholy releave you, from your Burden of Cares and perplexities?”1 John for the moment stood firm, willing to endure an even longer separation: “If We make Peace, you will see me next summer. But I have very little faith as yet. I am most inclind to think there will be another Campaign.” Abigail's proposal to join him, he explained, was impractical. He was going to have to leave his comfortable residence in the American legation at The Hague, where he had just concluded America's first treaty of amity and commerce with the Netherlands, and live in rented quarters in Paris while negotiating the peace; he might even have to travel to Vienna.2 Soon he became unsure whether Congress would retain his services even for another year in the face of pro-French, pro-Franklin forces; at the same time he began thinking that it might be better for his wife and daughter to join him in Europe.3
This was but the first of several changes in John Adams' thoughts about how best to reunite his family. In December 1782 he wrote Abigail that, “upon the whole, I think it will be most for the Happiness of my Family, and most for the Honour of our Country that I should come home” with John Quincy.4 Now, after negotiating a satisfactory preliminary peace, he asked Congress to relieve him from his duties immediately. He stuck to this resolve through the following September, remaining in Paris to sign the definitive treaty only because the British Parliament, caught up in a change in ministries and bitter recriminations over its failure to retain its North American colonies, could not resolve to conclude it earlier, while Congress, riven by factions, could not decide whether to retire John Adams or to assign him to further diplomatic labors. Moreover, John promised Abigail that his retirement from public life would be permanent: “you may depend upon a good domestic husband, for the remainder of my Life, if it is the Will of Heaven that I should once more meet you.”5
In these months of political and diplomatic stalemate, trying for both John and Abigail Adams, the thoughts of both parents turned xxivto their children. John, from December 1782 to March 1783, was deeply concerned over the safety and whereabouts of John Quincy, who was making his way slowly, though quite happily, through a cold winter in Sweden, Denmark, and northern Germany.6 Abigail was equally distracted by the opening of one of the more obscure chapters in the family's history: the courtship of young Abigail by a lawyer recently moved to Braintree, Royall Tyler.
The Adamses involvement with Royall Tyler—for it was very much a family affair—threatened to create the first serious conflict between the first and second generations, and even more between the parents themselves. But this courtship, informal engagement, and dissolution, potentially most revealing of the family's inner dynamics, is partly obscured by the loss or destruction of the letters exchanged between Abigail Adams 2d and Royall Tyler, and by young Abigail's apparent decision not to make the slightest mention of Tyler in her correspondence with any other person. Everything that is known about the affair appears in the correspondence in these volumes, and in a few letters of early 1786, which are projected for inclusion in the next volume in this series.
The courtship's most visible and dramatic effect on the family came at its outset, as Abigail felt compelled to write to John about Tyler's suit and their daughter's gradually awakening response. Because she was even more charmed by Tyler than was her daughter, whom she described as being quite discreet, and “happy in not possessing all her Mothers sensibility,” Abigail sang the young man's praises to John. Because she was honest, and knew her husband's honesty, she felt obligated to admit that Tyler had been “rather negligent in persueing his buisness in the way of his profession; and dissipated two or 3 years of his Life and too much of his fortune for to reflect upon with pleasure.” He had since reformed, she assured John, and was on his way to success: “he cannot fail making a distinguished figure in his profession if he steadily persues it.”7
John Adams' response, by chance an unusually prompt one in a period of slow transatlantic mail, was explosive. In the middle of a January 1783 letter to Abigail, begun on other matters, he received her December letter, read it, and penned the angriest lines that he had ever written to Abigail:
xxvI confess I dont like the Subject at all. . . . My Child is a Model, as you represent her and as I know her, and is not to be the Prize, I hope of any, even reformed Rake. . . .
In the Name of all that is tender dont criticise Your Daughter for those qualities which are her greatest Glory her Reserve, and her Prudence which I am amazed to hear you call Want of Sensibility. The more Silent She is in Company, the better for me in exact Proportion and I would have this observed as a Rule by the Mother as well as the Daughter.8
After this inauspicious beginning Abigail Adams retreated, while retaining her affection and admiration for Royall Tyler. The young lovers agreed to cool their relationship, although it is not known what Abigail told them about John's reaction to Tyler. John Adams gradually calmed down, and by the fall of 1783 he began signaling a willingness to consider Tyler's suit. And Royall Tyler was persistent. By the spring of 1784 he had fully engaged young Abigail's affections, retained her mother's approval, and won over her father. This happened too late for a formal engagement before mother and daughter sailed for England, but Abigail Adams 2d and Royall Tyler had an understanding, and the family expected that they would marry.
Abigail, meanwhile, had other family concerns. Her younger sons, Charles and Thomas Boylston, needed a more formal education than she could arrange for them in Braintree. During the winter she attempted to enroll the boys with a schoolmaster in Hingham, and she inquired about the new Phillips Academy in Andover, but she found both places full. In April 1783 she sent them to Haverhill to live with her younger sister, Elizabeth Smith Shaw, and prepare for college with her brother-in-law, the Reverend John Shaw. Abigail's elder sister, Mary Smith Cranch, sent her son William to study with Shaw at the same time.9 In 1785–1786, John Quincy Adams would also prepare for college with Shaw. This arrangement helped bond the larger Adams-Smith family closer together at a time when its Adams members were physically separated by the Atlantic Ocean.
The great work of the winter, spring, and summer of 1783, for both John and Abigail Adams, was waiting: waiting for Britain to conclude a definitive peace; waiting for Congress to decide John Adams' fate; and Abigail's waiting for John to decide whether to return to America or to ask her to join him in Europe. In these long months Abigail Adams found solace in her children and in her circle of local friends and relatives. As she had in the war years, she managed the family xxvifarm with skill and paid Massachusetts' increasing war-debt taxes. On her own initiative (with John Adams' approval), she acquired small pieces of adjacent land to build up the family estate and made other small investments. She found her greatest pleasure in her correspondence with John Adams, and with his two young secretaries. Abigail's letters to John Thaxter and Charles Storer, mixing flirtatious teasing with a maternal affection, afforded her more of the light humor she had earlier shared with James Lovell.10
John Adams, feeling more isolated, received some relief from his tedium with John Quincy's return to Holland in late April. Father and son exchanged over a dozen letters in the next three months, and in July, John traveled there on business, and brought John Quincy back to Paris to be his personal secretary, replacing Storer, who had just moved to England, and Thaxter, who was soon to depart for America. For the next year John Quincy Adams would be his father's closest companion.
In September 1783, John Adams' long wait ended. On 3 September, the United States and Great Britain signed the definitive peace treaty in Paris. On 7 September, John received word that Congress had resolved to appoint him to head a three-man delegation, with Benjamin Franklin and John Jay, to negotiate a commercial treaty with Britain. The news somewhat surprised and highly gratified Adams. He had felt throughout 1782–1783 that the only condition under which he would stay on in Europe was the full restoration of his honor, lost in the ascendancy of Franklin and the pro-French policy of 1781, through the renewal of his old commission to negotiate a commercial treaty with Britain. This condition now appeared to have been met.11
Although the news that Congress intended to reappoint him, received in September 1783, preceded by nearly a year his receiving word that Congress actually had reappointed him, John Adams promptly accepted the challenge and wrote to Abigail, asking her to come to Europe as soon as possible in the spring of 1784.12 John's xxviidetermination that Abigail and Abigail 2d join him was now unwavering. He repeated his request in every letter written in October and November, and only in January 1784 did he even concede the wisdom of Abigail's waiting to see exactly what Congress would do for him before she sailed from Boston.13
Abigail saw things differently. Throughout 1783 she hoped for John's return, and at no time before late November did she consider crossing the ocean herself. One strong bond holding her to Massachusetts had recently dissolved. Writing to John on 20 September, she poured out her grief:
My dearest Friend
Dearer if possible than ever; for all the parental props which once sustaind and supported me are fallen! My Father, my Father, where is he? With Humble confidence I can say; he is with the spirits of just Men made perfect, become an inhabitant of that Country, from whose Bourn no traveller returns.14
But even after the death of the Reverend William Smith, on 17 September, Abigail's attitude toward joining John in Europe was unchanged: John must reject any new appointment if Congress offered one; his children needed him in America; and although she had, the previous winter, steeled her will to make the hazardous ocean crossing if necessary, “the train of my Ideas for six months past has run wholy upon your return; . . . nothing short of an assurence from you, that your happiness depended upon it, would induce me to alter my oppinion.”15
The arrival in late November of John's 10 September letter forced Abigail to confront the journey directly, but still she resisted. A winter's crossing, she declared, “I cannot possibly think of encountering.” Moreover, despite the assurances that John Adams would be given a new commission, Congress “have not yet made any appointment to the Court of Britain,” and many Americans were seeking the post, with “many more thousands to claim it with.” Finally, Abigail Adams did not wish to see John Adams appointed to another diplomatic post, especially to Britain:
. . . to think of going to England in a publick Character, and resideing there; engageing at my time of life in Scenes quite New, attended with dissipation parade and Nonsence; I am sure I should make an awkward figure. The xxviiiretired Domestick circle “the feast of reason and the flow of soul” are my Ideas of happiness, and my most ardent wish is, to have you return and become Master of the Feast.16
In December, Abigail thought no better of going to England or Europe. The return in the middle of that month of John Adams' secretary John Thaxter, from Paris, and of Adams' friend and diplomatic colleague Francis Dana, from Russia, only intensified her longing that John, too, should return. But in January 1784 the receipt of John's fall letters so alarmed Abigail with news of his recent illness and raised such fears for his health at The Hague, to which he now proposed to post himself, that she began making plans to sail to Europe in the spring.17 She made it clear to John, however, that her departure was contingent upon hearing that Congress had finally decided to appoint him to a secure and honorable position.18 In May, Elbridge Gerry informed Abigail that Congress had appointed John Adams to head a three-man commission, with Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson, to negotiate commercial treaties, not only with Great Britain, but with virtually every European power that might be interested.19 The last external obstacle to Abigail's joining her husband had been cleared.
John Adams' life, so tedious and frustrating from January through August 1783, now became by turns perilous and exciting. In mid-September, less than two weeks after signing the treaty with Great Britain, he fell ill and suffered an intense fever for nearly a month, recovering only by moving from Paris to the quiet suburb of Auteuil. Upon his recovery, a combination of unaccustomed leisure, natural curiosity, and a desire to strengthen his exhausted body with the salubrious waters at Bath prompted him, with John Quincy, to make his first visit to England, from late October to early January.20 Father and son finally had time to be simple tourists and enjoy the sights of London. And although John knew that he might soon return to London in an official capacity, his contacts with British political leaders were few, perfunctory, and private.21
This pleasant interlude ended suddenly when John received word that he must proceed to Holland immediately to attempt to save xxixAmerica's failing credit by negotiating a second Dutch loan. Crossing the North Sea in winter, both by boat and on foot across the ice along the Dutch coast, John and John Quincy Adams reached The Hague in mid-January, and resided there, with short trips to Amsterdam, until the summer. John pursued the Dutch loan, waited for Congress to grant him the commission he considered his due, and waited for his wife and daughter to arrive in England. John Quincy resumed his studies, particularly of the Latin classics. Both were rewarded with success, in an unusually relaxed and productive winter and spring.22
Abigail Adams' spring was more anxious. From early January until her departure in June she heard nothing from John, who so firmly believed that she would soon depart from Boston that he wrote no letters to her from late January until July. Still hoping for a letter and reluctant to face the early spring storms, Abigail delayed her departure from April to May, and then to June. She had two better reasons for her delay: a prospect of traveling with friends; and her desire to hear that Congress had in fact reappointed John Adams to a substantial term of diplomatic work. By May her friends had decided not to go to England; by early June she learned that John had been appointed to head the commission to negotiate new commercial treaties, and that the commission's work would take at least two years.23
While Abigail was waiting for news and making preparations to depart, John Adams, for reasons that are obscure, became so convinced that she had sailed with Captain Callahan in April that he sent his son to London in mid-May to welcome her. John Quincy Adams turned his five weeks in the metropolis to advantage by attending debates in the House of Commons and pleadings at the Court of Chancery, and his journey resulted in an exchange of over a dozen fine letters between father and son, their first really adult correspondence.24 But in early June, Callahan arrived without Abigail, and toward the end of the month John Quincy returned to The Hague, with no word of when she would arrive.
On 20 June, Abigail Adams, with her daughter and two young servants freshly recruited from Braintree, sailed from Boston for London on the merchant ship Active. This was a courageous voyage for Abigail. At age thirty-nine she had never been south of Plymouth, xxxnorth of Haverhill, west of Worcester, or east of Massachusetts Bay. She was uneasy about traveling without a male relation or close friend; she remembered with dread John saying that a lady at sea, suffering from seasickness, was a most odious creature; and she was terrified of the sea. But, as she observed in her last letter to John before her departure, “let no person say what they would or would not do, since we are not judges for ourselves untill circumstances call us to act.”25
From the time of her departure for Europe in June 1784 until the Adamses moved to London in May 1785, Abigail Adams' correspondence exhibited a different style from that which had characterized it during the preceding six years. Abigail's earlier letters were dominated by the concerns of John Adams, who relied upon her, above all his other correspondents, to supply him with news from Congress as well as periodic bulletins on Massachusetts politics. Her faithful performance of this duty, one for which she had a strong natural interest and great ability, gave her letters a more public tone, with less personal and domestic information, than one would expect from an eighteenth-century wife and mother.
Following his commission to negotiate commercial treaties in May 1784, however, John Adams' diplomatic position had little of the uncertainty that had characterized the previous three years. His additional appointment, in February 1785, as minister to Great Britain, was a deeply satisfying capstone to his diplomatic career. Moreover, whereas in Massachusetts, Abigail had felt free to write of American politics to John in Europe, as a diplomat's wife she did not feel quite so free to write about European politics back to America. Besides, several of her American correspondents were less interested in politics than John Adams had been. Finally, since the American commissioners in Paris made relatively modest progress in negotiating important commercial treaties in 1784–1785, Abigail had less crucial political information to convey. In eight months in France, until late April when the Adamses learned of John's appointment to the Court of St. James's, Abigail only rarely speculated about the xxxifamily's possible move to England, and she made relatively few observations about current political issues.26
In her own domestic world before her departure, the minutiae of Abigail's daily life in Braintree were well known to her friends and relations; and with the exception of reporting on the impact of the wartime economy on her village and farm, she had largely ignored such details in her letters to John. From July 1784, however, Abigail was writing to her sisters and close friends from places where neither she nor they had ever been. Her move to Europe caused Abigail to shift her primary focus from the formal public world to her own daily life and that of her family, and to the social and cultural world of the largely public figures among whom she was living.
The change is immediately apparent in the first letter Abigail wrote after her departure from America. Begun at sea and completed in London, her thirty-page journal-style letter is the longest in these two volumes, and one of the richest in content.27 Expressions of virtually every facet of Abigail's personality and vivid portraits of a dozen persons around her mingle with colorful accounts of an ocean crossing, travel through the English countryside, and daily life in London, with its plays and shows, its formal manners and its custom of rising, taking meals, entertaining guests, and retiring for the night so much later than any Massachusetts Yankee was accustomed to doing. A prominent feature of the narrative is the eagerness with which Bostonians in London, including several loyalist refugees, sought out Abigail Adams, and the pleasure she took in receiving and returning their visits. Along with half a dozen shorter but still substantial letters by both Abigail and Abigail 2d, written in July and August, this journal-letter gives the fullest view of London life in the Adams correspondence before John Adams began his duties as United States minister to Great Britain the following June.
The Adams women's first stay in England was brief. John and John Quincy, at The Hague, received word of their impending arrival just one day before Abigail and her daughter landed at Deal, England, on 20 July. From a letter carried by Abigail, John Adams learned that Thomas Jefferson had been appointed to the three-man diplomatic commission in place of John Jay, who was returning to America, and that Jefferson was going to Paris. This made Adams' plan to live with xxxiihis family at The Hague, apart from the second commissioner, Benjamin Franklin, impractical, and he immediately resolved to go to France. Following Abigail's reunion in London with John Quincy on 30 July, and with John on 7 August, the family traveled to Paris. On 17 August they took up residence in Auteuil, in the same house where John Adams had recovered from his fever the previous fall.28 There, Abigail and her daughter continued to write as they had done at sea and in London, composing long, minutely informative letters to their Cranch, Shaw, and Tufts relations, and to Mercy Warren and other friends.
If Abigail Adams' first response to polite London society was one of amazement, her first reaction to polite Paris society was one of shock. She and Abigail 2d spent their nine months in France trying to understand a culture that they at first thought they could never accept. Yet before their departure for England in May 1785, their keen powers of observation, their enjoyment in comparing different societies, and their belief in the value of toleration had effected a remarkable transformation. Their last letters from Auteuil show genuine regret at leaving France and, on Abigail's part, uncertainty that England would be pleasanter. After a few months in London, both women felt more affection and admiration for the French than they would have imagined possible a year earlier.
Abigail Adams vividly expressed her dismay at French manners in one of her first letters written at Auteuil. Visiting Benjamin Franklin at Passy with her family, Abigail met Anne-Catherine, Comtesse de Ligniville d'Autricourt, Madame Helvétius, the widow of the eminent philosophe, hostess of one of Paris' best-known literary salons, and Doctor Franklin's most intimate friend. Madame Helvétius, the first woman of high social standing Abigail met in France, was not what she had expected:
She wore a dressing chimise made of tiffanny which She had on over a blew Lutestring, and which looked as much upon the decay as her Beauty, for she was once a handsome woman. Her Hair was fangled, over it she had a small straw hat with a dirty half gauze hankerchief round it, and a bit of dirtyer gauze than ever my maids wore was sewed on behind. . . . When we went into the room to dine she was placed between the Dr. and Mr. Adams. She carried on the chief of the conversation at dinner, frequently locking her hand into the Drs. and sometimes spreading her Arms xxxiiiupon the Backs of both the Gentlemans Chairs, then throwing her Arm carelessly upon the Drs. Neck. . . . I own I was highly disgusted and never wish for an acquaintance with any Ladies of this cast.29
But in the fall Abigail and Abigail 2d, who had been just as appalled by Madame Helvétius,30 met a Frenchwoman whom they liked wholeheartedly: Adrienne Noailles, the Marquise de Lafayette. Abigail's first impression of the Marquise was highly favorable, and by the end of her stay in France she regarded the young noblewoman as a paragon among the women of her nation: “I should always take pleasure in
The Adams' circle of Parisian friends does not seem to have widened much beyond Madame Helvétius and the Lafayettes. In part because neither Abigail nor her daughter acquired a fluent command of French, the family's other friends and dinner guests at Auteuil were Americans in Paris, diplomats from northern Europe, an occasional foreign nobleman, and a few cosmopolitan French clerics. But by May 1785 both Abigail and her daughter had developed an affection for their few French acquaintances, even for Madame Helvétius.32
An acceptance of French city life, of social and cultural institutions, was another matter. Like John Adams before her, Abigail Adams admired the grand gardens and open squares of Paris, with their impressive plantings and statuary, and she was deeply impressed with certain of the city's larger and newer public buildings, particularly its theaters. To her surprise, she soon came to love the dance and drama of the theater as well.33 But most of Paris seemed a mere tangle of narrow, dirty streets, eternally shaded by tall residential buildings and gloomy stone churches. Most dismaying was a large foundling home that she visited in January 1785. She admired its cleanliness and xxxivefficiency, and the love shown the abandoned children by the charity sisters, but its cause deeply distressed her: “Whilst we approve the Charatible disposition,
Abigail Adams gratefully spent most of her time in France far from the cold streets of Paris, with her family in her large house and fine garden at Auteuil. Her letters written that fall and winter give one of the fullest portraits of the family setting found in the Adams Papers. Reports back to Braintree ranged from detailed descriptions of the large Hôtel de Rouault and its grounds, with particular attention to her private chamber and a few other rooms occupied by the family, to a full narration of an average day, supplying each person's routine of work, social obligations, and study—Plato for John Adams; Lord Bolingbroke's letters or French plays for Abigail; Horace, Tacitus, and mathematics for John Quincy; and French plays and didactic stories for Abigail Adams 2d—often ending with a game of whist for the whole family before retiring.35
Although she missed her sisters, relatives, and friends in Massachusetts, Abigail found the time at Auteuil increasingly pleasurable. Residing outside of Paris, in the shadow of the cosmopolitan diplomatic world, she could enjoy her family's company as she had not been able to do in a decade. These were not months of leisure for Abigail, but of an active engagement with every aspect of her family's life. She now had not one or two servants, but nine to superintend, two grown children whose continuing education still vitally concerned her, and another responsibility that grew larger with her move to Europe.
Abigail Adams' role as manager of the family's business, developed of necessity in the long years of John Adams' absence from Braintree, continued in Europe. John, now habituated to the extensive correspondence and negotiation attendant on his public role, and in his free time engaged in a major study of political thought, left the xxxvdirection of the family's financial affairs largely to his wife.36 Witness to Abigail Adams' role in major investment decisions is the parallel correspondence of John and Abigail with their business agent in Massachusetts, Abigail's uncle Cotton Tufts. In September 1784, Abigail overruled one land purchase that John had desired: “To the two first
From December 1784, a move to a more public venue appeared imminent, and in late April it became unavoidable when John Adams learned that he had been appointed the first minister from the United States to the Court of St. James's.38 The principal objective of Adams' mission—to negotiate a commercial treaty with Great Britain—appeared most difficult to achieve, and so it proved. In other respects, however, Adams' diplomatic position was never stronger than in 1785. His appointment was striking testimony of his countrymen's respect. Congress, now guided in diplomacy by its new secretary for foreign affairs, John Adams' old friend John Jay, was more favorable to Adams than at any time since 1780. His old rival Benjamin Franklin, grown mellow and congenial toward the Adamses in 1784–1785, had finally secured permission to retire and return to America. This left just Thomas Jefferson, who succeeded Franklin as America's minister to France, in commission with Adams in negotiating commercial treaties, and Adams and Jefferson had been close friends and allies since their first acquaintance in 1775. All this pleased Abigail Adams, and she also looked forward to living again in an English-speaking nation.39
In other respects the spring move saddened Abigail. She had come to love her new home, her garden, now approaching full bloom, and France itself. She dreaded being the wife of a resident minister to a xxxviroyal court, where she would be obliged to make regular appearances under the critical gaze of thousands of eyes.40 Worst of all, she had to say farewell to John Quincy Adams, whom she had just come to know again in their first year together since he was ten. Now he was eighteen, high time, his parents felt, for him to complete his education and begin a career among his countrymen. Feeling keen regret himself, John Quincy Adams left Auteuil on 12 May, bound for New York, Boston, and Harvard. Eight days later his parents and Abigail 2d left the Hôtel de Rouault for London.41
London proved to be everything Abigail Adams hoped for: more familiar, accessible, and convenient than Paris. And it proved to be everything she feared: rude and xenophobic, and particularly hostile to the first diplomatic minister from the former rebels. On balance the move was advantageous to Abigail because it gave her what she always welcomed: more important duties and a larger role in supporting her husband's public career. She also undertook a major share in an important task in which she had apparently not been involved in France: choosing the family residence. In this case, moreover, the Adams' residence would also be America's first legation in Britain.
In England, Abigail Adams soon resumed the more active political role, as John Adams' most trusted adviser, that she had played in America. John's new mission closely engaged Abigail's attention, and her new residence gave her the means to comprehend it. Living again in a country whose language and culture she could understand, Abigail immediately began, discreetly and succinctly, to convey that view of Britain's interests and America's objectives which she shared with her husband to relatives and close friends in America and France. Two new correspondents, Thomas Jefferson and John Quincy Adams, received the largest share of her political reporting, but she did not forget Cotton Tufts. So effective was her summary of vital political news that Jefferson urged her to include it in every letter, especially because she was sometimes more forthcoming than John Adams.42
xxxviiArriving in London on 26 May 1785, the Adamses took lodgings at the Bath Hotel in Piccadilly for just over a month. On 2 July, the family moved into a three-story brick structure at the northeast corner of Grosvenor Square in affluent Mayfair, just a mile northwest of the Court at St. James's Palace. John Adams was presented to the King on 1 June, receiving an unexpectedly gracious reception and a private conference with the sovereign. He was next presented to the Queen, on 9 June. This prepared the way for Abigail and her daughter, who joined some two hundred others on 23 June for a formal presentation to George III, Queen Charlotte, and the two eldest royal princesses.43
Forced to stand through four hours of Court etiquette, and to endure her own long-dreaded sense of awkwardness in such a new scene, Abigail still found the royal family reasonably personable, particularly the two princesses. She was less impressed with the appearance of the King and Queen and even more critical of the appearance of their subjects:
As
to the Ladies of the Court, Rank and title may compensate for want of personal Charms, but they are in general very plain ill shaped and ugly, but dont you tell any body that I say so. . . . I saw many who were vastly richer drest than your Friends, but I will venture to say that I saw none neater or more elegant.44
With rare exceptions, such as attending Court or giving formal dinners, Abigail Adams did not describe her activities in London to her American relatives and friends in nearly the detail that she had done in Auteuil. Perhaps she assumed that they were less curious about English life than they were about the France's exotic culture. Moreover, she apparently found less time to write. Living in the heart of London and speaking the language, she could go out freely, with Abigail 2d or alone, for walks, rides, and social visits to Americans living in England, a few friendly Boston loyalist refugee families, and English families that welcomed Americans. Evenings she and Abigail 2d went often to the theater or other shows, accompanied by Col. William Stephens Smith, secretary of the American legation, by old friends like Charles Storer, or occasionally by John Adams.
xxxviiiDuties at Grosvenor Square consumed Abigail's day. Her new home, although smaller than the grand residence at Auteuil, had several servants that needed her attention, and a steady stream of visitors, mostly Americans, came to see John Adams and his family, or just Abigail. She and her daughter described this home in nearly as exact detail as they had the Hôtel de Rouault in Auteuil, itemizing the duties of each servant, and the uses of each room.45 Although Abigail's correspondence from London became relatively light, her activities were amply chronicled by Abigail 2d, a minor correspondent in extant letters from France, who began to write unusually full letters recording the family's daily life.
The congruent nature of Abigail's and Abigail 2d's correspondence in London is hardly accidental. Abigail 2d, who in adolescence seemed a bit distant from her mother,46 now became her closest companion. In mid-summer Abigail, with John's assistance, helped her daughter reach an important decision: to sever her relationship with Royall Tyler. Young Abigail's awareness of her mother's early enthusiasm for Tyler, and her determination to appear to her parents as faithful to commitments that she herself had made, kept her for some months from even mentioning her “fear, suspicion, doubt, dread and apprehension” as ship after ship arrived, without letters from Tyler. In August she could bear the strain no longer. Her mother supplies this rare view of an intimate domestic conference in the Adams household:
A few days since, something arose which led her in conversation to ask me, if I did not think a Gentleman of her acquaintance a Man of Honour? I replied yes a Man of strict honour, and I wisht I could say that of all her acquaintance. As she could not mistake my meaning, instead of being affected as I apprehended she said, a breach of honour in one party would not justify a want of it in the other. I thought this the very time to speak. I said if she was conscious of any want of honour on the part of the Gentleman, I and every Friend she had in the world, would rejoice if she could liberate herself.47
Abigail then enlisted John, who told his daughter that to end her relationship with Tyler “was a serious matter,” but, “if she had reason xxxixto question the strictest honour of the Gentleman, or supposed him capable of telling her that he had written Letters when he had not, he had rather follow her to her Grave, than see her united with him.” Young Abigail promptly decided to end the affair. She told her mother that she wished that “neither the Name or subject may ever be mentiond to her.” Abigail conveyed her daughter's request to Mary Cranch, adding, “I hope none of her Friends will be so unwise as to solicit for him.”48
As Abigail saw her daughter through this crisis, her role was complicated by another suitor waiting in the wings. The Adamses had met Col. William Stephens Smith, who was appointed secretary to the American legation by Congress without John Adams' advice or knowledge, for the first time when they arrived in London. Within two months Col. Smith was taken with young Abigail and confided his feelings to her mother. Abigail replied that her daughter had an understanding with Royall Tyler; she may also have conveyed the impression that the understanding was not unshakable. Smith responded by asking John Adams for a leave of several weeks to attend Frederick II's last major military review in Prussia. In the week that Smith departed for Berlin, Abigail 2d made her decision and sent Tyler his dismissal.49
The months that followed were busy and anxious ones for both mother and daughter. They were concerned about John Adams' persistent eyestrain, which had been brought on by extended writing. This was alleviated only by the volunteer efforts of Charles Storer as secretary, until his departure for America in mid-September, and Abigail Adams 2d's own efforts, both as secretary and as decoder of Thomas Jefferson's official letters. They were also anxious for Col. Smith, who unaccountably spent nearly four months on the Continent, thereby extending young Abigail's clerical duties.50 Finally, there was the constant irritation of journalists who delighted in attacking John Adams in the London press.
Yet the summer and fall of 1785 were deeply enjoyable to mother and daughter, who partook fully of London's rich cultural offerings xland gathered around them a circle of friends. For Abigail Adams there was another pleasure, a new correspondent with whom she could discuss anything without restraint, especially politics, and for whom she felt the deepest admiration and friendship: Thomas Jefferson.
Abigail wrote her first letter to Jefferson on 6 June 1785. During the next seven months they would exchange seventeen letters, and by the time she departed from England, in 1788, they had written over twenty more.51 From the beginning of their acquaintance Abigail's feelings for Jefferson were exceptionally strong; as she prepared to depart from Auteuil for England, she told her sister: “I shall realy regreet to leave Mr. Jefferson, he is one of the choice ones of the Earth.”52 Jefferson reciprocated completely, and in September 1785, he paid both Abigail Adams and her daughter one of his more clever tributes. Commenting upon the figurines of ancient deities that he was sending Abigail at her request, he wrote:
I could only find three of those you named. . . Minerva, Diana, and Apollo. I was obliged to add a fourth, unguided by your choice. They offered me a fine Venus; but I thought it out of taste to have two at table at the same time.
In Venus' place, Jefferson chose Mars. The groupe then was closed, and your party formed. Envy and malice will never be quiet. I hear it already whispered to you that in admitting Minerva to your table I have departed from the principle which made me reject Venus: in plain English that I have paid a just respect to the daughter but failed to the mother. No Madam, my respect to both is sincere. Wisdom, I know, is social. She seeks her fellows. But Beauty is jealous, and illy bears the presence of a rival.53
As 1785 came to a close, Abigail Adams looked with satisfaction upon her comfortable, well-run home, the respect John Adams enjoyed among other diplomats, her good friends in London, and her two eldest children, who were now promising young adults. By October, John Quincy Adams was settled with his uncle, the Reverend John Shaw, in his final preparation for college. In December, Col. Smith returned from the Continent and began courting young Abigail in earnest.54 As John Quincy Adams and Abigail Adams 2d approached adulthood, they began to find their own voices in the typically Adams way, as correspondents.
The Adams children were introduced to good letter-writing at an early age, as first John and then Abigail wrote frequently to each absent child. John was so devoted a paternal correspondent that he first wrote from Congress to Abigail 2d when she was nine, to John Quincy when he was eight, to Charles when he was six, and to Thomas Boylston when he was only three! Neither Charles nor Thomas Boylston appear to have responded with any regularity to either parent, or to their brother John Quincy or any other correspondent, before entering college. Abigail 2d did write several letters to her father when he was in Congress, and during his service in France and the Netherlands, and she corresponded frequently with her favorite cousin, who lived right in Braintree. John Quincy Adams became an eager correspondent in his earliest years. Beginning when he was only six or seven, he had written over sixty extant family letters, and received another forty, before his fifteenth birthday. Two exchanges involving the young Adamses became extensive before the opening of the present volumes: that between John and John Quincy Adams, and between Abigail Adams 2d and Elizabeth Cranch.55 The years 1783 to 1785 would see a rapid expansion in the family correspondence of both John Quincy and Abigail 2d, culminating in the letters they wrote to each other in the latter year.
John Quincy Adams began addressing letters to close relatives almost as soon as he could write. What appears to be his first extant letter, probably dating from his seventh year, is to his ten-year-old cousin Elizabeth Cranch.56 But his letters to cousins Elizabeth, William, and Lucy Cranch, and to Abigail 2d, Charles, and Thomas Boylston Adams, were not numerous; some have been lost, and few replies have been found. This leaves three real exchanges in John Quincy's early years, with his cousin John Thaxter and with his father and his mother. Thaxter had taught John Quincy Adams in the mid-1770s, and in the years of their correspondence, 1780–1782, John Quincy was still a student, but also, from mid-1781, an unofficial member of America's diplomatic corps, assisting Francis Dana in St. Petersburg as John Thaxter was aiding John Adams at The Hague and in Paris. This experience shaped John Quincy's brief correspondence xliiwith his cousin, which was remarkably formal and serious for a youth in his early teens.
John Quincy Adams' early correspondence with his parents is a study in contrasts. He first wrote his father, then in Congress, in 1774, when he was seven; he received his first extant reply in early 1776; and the two exchanged several letters in 1777. From 1778 to mid-1780 father and son were nearly always together, and they exchanged just a few letters, concerning John Quincy's and his brother Charles' studies in Paris, in March 1780. After they moved to Holland in August 1780, thirteen-year-old John Quincy, studying at Leyden with Charles, conducted his first extensive correspondence with his father, who was in Amsterdam. Again the subject was John Quincy's and Charles' course of study.
Once John Quincy Adams agreed to his father's request that he accompany Francis Dana to St. Petersburg to assist in seeking some form of recognition or support for America from the court of Catherine II, his correspondence took on a new tone. In a half-dozen letters written to his father from Russia, John Quincy moved beyond reports of his studies to recount his travels and describe the new country in which he lived. John Adams gradually responded by addressing him more as an adult, although he still included regular paternal exhortations to hard work and moral behavior. By 1782, the exchange between father and son was approaching its mature state, a communication of steadily increasing frequency and complexity between two men with similar attitudes and interests, about those matters that most concerned them: ancient and modern learning, current geography and culture, economic conditions and politics.
John Quincy Adams' early correspondence with his mother was less impressive or satisfying for either writer. John Quincy began writing to Abigail in 1778, his first year abroad; his initial letters were short but frequent, and one was in French.57 Abigail replied infrequently, but at much greater length. During his second journey to Europe, in 1779–1780, John Quincy wrote Abigail a few letters, but when he reached Paris he virtually ceased writing, perhaps because he now felt at home in France, or because he had the company of his brother Charles and his cousin John Thaxter. Abigail at first wrote to John Quincy fairly regularly, but not often, and later less often. John Quincy wrote less, the longer and farther he was away, sending Abigail only one letter during his ten months in Holland, and one xliiimore near the beginning of his fourteen-month stay in Russia. Then he was silent for nearly twenty-one months, until well after his return to Holland in April 1783.
When John Quincy Adams did write to his mother in the years 1781–1783, it was clearly out of a sense of obligation. His April 1781 letter from Holland began with the disclaimer: “I have been wanting to write to you this sometime but there has been nothing worth writing, and even now I know not what to write.”58 The text that followed was at first personal, but soon moved to an extended summary of a guidebook description of Leyden. His next letter, written from Russia in October 1781, opened with an excuse for not writing in the summer, summarized his long journey from Holland in just a few lines, and then quoted at length Voltaire's description of St. Petersburg.59 Upon his return to Holland in April 1783, after a journey during which he had written his father three interesting letters from Sweden, Denmark, and Germany,60 John Quincy wrote nothing to his mother until the day after John Adams' arrival at The Hague from Paris—the first meeting of father and son in over two years.
If John Adams encouraged his son to write to Abigail, as seems likely, the letter of 23 July 1783 is one of young John Quincy Adams' better efforts: a personal account of his journey from Russia to Holland, with only brief passages that might have been derived from published sources. His next letter to Abigail is briefer, consisting entirely of a response to her most recent letter to him—perhaps brought from Paris to The Hague by John Adams—in which she asked whether “the cold Nothen Regions
John Quincy Adams wrote only two more letters to his mother before their reunion in the next year. The first was a brief report of the diplomatic news of early September, with a mention that John Thaxter and Francis Dana were returning to America. His second xlivSeptember letter was explicitly obligatory, an essay written “as you have ordered me” (in Abigail's letter of 13 November 1782), containing his observations on Russia. Here John Quincy reverted to his earlier practice, constructing his text largely from published materials.62
In reply to her son's July letters, Abigail Adams began by expressing her happiness in hearing from him, then devoted the rest of her letter to a didactic essay on the necessity of guarding his moral character.63 Her last letters to John Quincy before her departure for England were friendlier and more relaxed, but when mother and son were reunited in July 1784, they had to rediscover each other after a separation of six almost unbroken years, a separation that neither had effectively bridged by correspondence.
The success of their nine-month reunion in Europe is apparent in their correspondence after John Quincy Adams departed for America in May 1785. In the half-dozen letters that Abigail wrote John Quincy from London between June and October, she ceased treating her son as a child in need of moral instruction and addressed him as an adult, confident that he would lead a moral and productive life, fulfilling her highest expectations. And John Quincy, although he wrote less often than Abigail, replied with warm personal letters in October and December, full of that mix of public events and family news that Abigail so prized.64 What had begun as a most unsatisfactory exchange of letters between an anxious mother and an adolescent son seeking independence became, in 1785, a deeply satisfying correspondence between close and equal family members.
With his father, to whom he had never hesitated to write, John Quincy Adams established an extensive correspondence immediately upon his return to Holland; between April and July 1783 they exchanged fourteen letters. Most were brief, and John Quincy's course of study was again the dominant subject, but the younger Adams' letters have a consistently confident, independent tone, and John Adams, while offering advice in every letter, assumed that his son would think for himself. From July 1783 to May 1784, the two were always together, but when John Quincy went to London, hoping to receive his mother and sister, he exchanged thirteen letters with his father in just five weeks.
xlvSoon after his arrival in London, John Quincy Adams confessed discouragement in attaining one of his major objectives: securing admission to the gallery of the House of Commons. John Adams replied that “a young Gentleman of 17, must not talk of low Spirits for Small disappointments. He must reconcile his Mind to them. He will meet with many.”65 Before John had even penned this wise counsel, however, John Quincy had been admitted to the gallery. He then wrote three letters that show a thoroughly mature youth taking delight in hearing some of the most brilliant orators and statesmen of his day: Edmund Burke, Lord North, Charles James Fox, and—most impressive of all to young Adams—William Pitt the younger. In each letter he succinctly evaluated the strengths and weaknesses of each speaker, as his father had recommended, and he closed one account with the assertion that if his opinion was in error, “my judgment is in fault, for I have followed in this matter the Ideas of no one.”66 From this time forth, John Quincy Adams expressed his opinions confidently, both within and outside the family circle.
Abigail Adams 2d developed more slowly as a letter-writer, and in the years before she went to Europe, too few of her exchanges with family members have survived to allow a full picture of her personality. She had almost no correspondence with her mother, from whom she was seldom separated for more than a week during occasional visits to relatives and friends in neighboring towns or in Boston. She wrote her father fairly often, both when he served in Congress and in his early years in Europe. But only his replies to her before 1783 have survived. Starting in 1781, Abigail 2d wrote a few letters to her brother John Quincy and to her cousin John Thaxter. Her first efforts were stiff and reserved, and her letters to her brother have the preachy tone of several of her mother's early letters to him, but in 1783 she wrote all three men warmer, more personal and lively letters within one month.67 Her only important early correspondent was her first cousin Elizabeth Cranch, two years her senior, who lived less than a mile away. Nearly forty of young Abigail's letters to Elizabeth survive, most written when one or the other cousin was visiting friends a few miles from Braintree, but occasionally when both were in town. Several more of Abigail 2d's letters to Elizabeth have evidently been lost, and not one of Elizabeth's replies has been found.68
xlviThe character that emerges from Abigail Adams 2d's early letters to her father and brother is rather shy and unsure of her intellectual abilities. When writing to her cousin Elizabeth, she showed more confidence, and a total lack of interest in most intellectual matters and public affairs. In every letter, young Abigail was most interested in the personal lives of all her relatives and friends. Yet even with Elizabeth Cranch, she was discreet about her own life to the point of secretiveness. Fond of teasing her cousin about possible beaus, Abigail wrote nothing about her own affairs of the heart. Some twenty letters written to Elizabeth during the nearly three years of Abigail's relationship with Royall Tyler contain not even the most oblique reference to him.
Abigail 2d was more open with Elizabeth about other feelings, at times even confessional. At the very time when Tyler was ardently pursuing her, seventeen-year-old Abigail recommended to Elizabeth cool discretion over the dangerous “romantick sentiments of Love.” She declared herself: “the same cold indifferent Girl she ever was, she knows not the person on earth that she could talk or write <about> so romantickly upon. . . . I have sometimes been at a loss to know whether I have a heart or not, but at last have made this conclusion, that in the days of my very youth I was deprived of it.”69
For the next twenty months Abigail Adams 2d's correspondence with Elizabeth Cranch shows little development, yet it is of considerable historical interest. In letters written from 1782 through early 1784, especially those penned in Boston and Cambridge, she is the only chronicler of the social circle in which the Adams family moved in Massachusetts.70 Her entire body of letters to Elizabeth Cranch from 1779 through 1784 offers something quite rare, a view of late-eighteenth-century American life through the eyes of a teenager.
Upon her departure for Europe, young Abigail's letters soon acquired a new style. While continuing to respond more deeply to close friends than to books and ideas or to public issues and public figures, she began to resemble her mother as a correspondent in two respects. xlviiShe started to describe both the physical scenes and the social world around her, and she began to portray the men whom she met with the same care that she had given, and continued to give, to the women she knew. Abigail Adams 2d developed these talents in several long letters to Elizabeth, Lucy, and Mary Cranch, and to Mercy Warren.71 Yet for solid information, these letters add only modestly to her mother's longer and finer letters to the same persons.
After the family returned to London in 1785, Abigail Adams 2d took on a new role. Between July and December 1785, she wrote six long journal-letters to John Quincy Adams, detailing almost every aspect of life in the British metropolis. John Quincy wrote eleven somewhat shorter letters, also in journal style, to Abigail 2d, beginning on the road to the French packet, continuing at sea, from New York City, and on the road in Connecticut, and concluding from the homes of relatives in Braintree, Boston, and Haverhill. So extensive does this correspondence become that in its sheer bulk and unique factual information it even overshadows Abigail Adams' correspondence with her sister Mary Cranch and with Thomas Jefferson.
This remarkable exchange grew out of a pact between sister and brother, “never to let a day pass without adding something to the Letter which we were to be continually writing.”72 After nine months of daily conversations and family entertainments at home, and several outings spent together around Paris or at the theater, often without their parents, Abigail Adams 2d and John Quincy Adams parted with great reluctance. Their letters were an attempt to convey something of every day that they were apart, and for several months they succeeded remarkably well. Between July and December 1785, Abigail Adams 2d recorded events or thoughts that occurred on at least 57 out of 184 days. John Quincy Adams wrote near the outset of this exchange that the weeks of his ocean crossing should be deducted from his obligation because there was so little to write about at sea;73 yet in the first several months of their separation he wrote even more regularly than his sister. From his departure from Auteuil on 12 May until the end of October, he wrote on 107 out of 173 days. He then suspended his correspondence for several months, saying that arduous preparation for college would make letter-writing nearly impossi-xlviiible. He promised to resume writing once he had been admitted to Harvard in March.74
John Quincy Adams' side of the exchange is the more polished in every respect; his text is clearly organized, consistently grammatical, and in a fine hand. His letters often go beyond corroborating his full Diary for these months, providing further information about his return voyage to America, reunion with his brothers and other relatives, and activities with his friends in Haverhill. But Abigail Adams 2d's letters to John Quincy, most surviving only in rough drafts that are grammatically uneven, rambling and disorganized, and full of irregular spelling, are at least as valuable to any study of the Adams family. With the apparent loss of her own diary for this period,75 and the lack of many long letters from her mother to Massachusetts friends, young Abigail is often the sole source for what the Adamses were thinking and doing in London in the summer and fall of 1785. The loss of her first four letters to John Quincy, which evidently narrated the Adams' last days in Auteuil, their journey to England, and their first weeks in London, form one of the three largest identifiable gaps in the epistolary record of the family in the early 1780s.76
In her more casual way, Abigail Adams 2d recorded the Adams' first months in London nearly as thoroughly as her mother had done for earlier episodes in the family's history. She devoted considerable space to politics and diplomacy, especially the news from France conveyed by Thomas Jefferson and the American ministers' plans to negotiate with the Barbary States. She often preserved her mother's, and occasionally her father's, reactions to individuals and the social scene as well as her own. Only her letters give a detailed view of what the Adamses thought of the theater and the spectacles of London and of their many new acquaintances.
Young Abigail liked much of what she saw, and many of those whom she met, but her life in London, perhaps even more than her time in France, strongly reinforced her American patriotism. She longed for her brother and her friends in Braintree, and she was distressed by the contempt which several Londoners showed for her country. When a visitor to Grosvenor Square asserted that young xlixAbigail must surely prefer England to America, she replied: “Indeed Miss . . . I do not.” Her guest persisted: “You must think this the finest Country, the Cultivation is greater and every thing superior.” Abigail responded: “That may be, but I have friends and Connections in America that will ever make it dear to me. Tis not merely the place which I regard, tis what friends and acquaintancees I find.”77
Abigail Adams 2d, like her parents and her brother, found foreign lands fascinating; she wrote to John Quincy that she would like to travel with him and a small party of friends quite “round the World.” Yet at heart she was, like her mother and father, a proud, skeptical New Englander. Travel satisfied one's curiosity and offered real wisdom, but it did not supply values. The most exotic voyages, she assured her brother, would not harm those “possessed of proper Principles, . . . but make them Wiser and better and happier.” Moreover, she remarked playfully, it made an American more respectable at home,
. . . for the People of our Country have a Wonderfull liking to those who can say, “I have been in St. Paul's Church. I have seen the Lions, Tigers, &c. in the Tower. I have seen the King, and what is more have had the extreme honour of being saluted by him. What the King? Yes by George the Third King of Great Britain France and Ireland, defender of the Faith &c. And I have seen the Dancing Dogs, Singing Duck, and little Hare which beats the Drum, . . . but not yet the Learned Pig.”78
By 1785 the two elder Adams children had matured as correspondents and were fully engaged in bonding the affections of their scattered family closer together, as its members moved through new physical separations. Adams family letters of the 1770s had linked writers and generations in Braintree, Philadelphia, and Paris. Those of the 1780s connected correspondents in several eastern Massachusetts towns with others in Paris, The Hague, St. Petersburg, and London. Those of the 1790s would tie the family homestead in Braintree (Quincy after 1792) with New York, Philadelphia, The Hague, London, and Berlin. The first decade of the nineteenth century would find Adamses writing from a new city, Washington, and again from St. Petersburg.
So large and long a correspondence, carried on by several men and women of different temperaments and experiences, cannot be reduced lto one principal theme, or even to a few. Yet one aspect of so many of the letters in the present volumes, and of many others from the preceding years, is striking: the tension between the Adams' cultural attitudes and beliefs, born of their New England upbringing, and the increasingly cosmopolitan reality of their existence, from their first arrival in Europe in the late 1770s.
Each of Abigail and John Adams' remarkable family, men and women alike, aspired to that celebrated vision of expanding knowledge and experience, of education and travel, which John Adams had expressed in the spring of 1780 in Paris: “I must study Politicks and War that my sons may have liberty to study Mathematicks and Philosophy, . . . Geography, natural History, Naval Architecture, navigation, Commerce and Agriculture, in order to give their Children a right to study Painting, Poetry, Musick, Architecture, Statuary, Tapestry and Porcelaine.”79
Yet every Adams, even the cosmopolitan John Quincy, believed that the Yankee world they had left behind was morally superior to the grand metropolitan centers of western Europe. Abigail was sure that none of the grand ladies at the Court of St. James's were more elegant than her daughter or herself.80 Abigail 2d loved travel and enjoyed the theater in Paris and London, yet could not forget that much of London's celebrity consisted of stifling Court etiquette, lions in the Tower, and an indiscriminate feast of high and low culture. John Quincy Adams, returning to Massachusetts after seven years in Europe, saw his countrymen aping the pompous class consciousness of the Old World. At once astonished and amused by local pronouncements on the social unsuitability of plausible suitors, he wrote to his mother: “we have our ladder from the mud, to the skies, as well as all the European Nations.”81
This tension between a deep attachment to the social and cultural world of eastern Massachusetts, a steady devotion to the larger American nation, and a thirst to acquire the high culture of all nations and of all ages would become a marked characteristic of the Adamses through four generations. Nowhere in their writings is this clearer than in their family correspondence, where each family member expressed so much of his or her sense of public duties and aspirations, and of private desires and misgivings, in the same concise documents. This remarkable fusion of expression of the public and liprivate worlds has been a large part of the attraction of the Adams family correspondence for American readers in the century and a half since the first publication of a sizable sample of these letters.
In 1963, in the Introduction to Volume 1 of the Adams Family Correspondence, the editors traced prior publications of the family letters, from 1840 to 1947, to which the reader is referred.82 Several letters in the present volumes, however, first appeared in two works that were not included in that summary. Sixteen are included in volumes 8 and 9 of The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, published in 1953 and 1954. Another twenty-three appear in The Book of Abigail and John (1975), a highly selective, unannotated edition of letters prepared for a popular market by the editors of the Adams Papers.83
In all, some 117 of the 416 letters included in the present volumes have been previously published, either whole or, in over three dozen cases, abridged.84 Charles Francis Adams' edition of the Letters of Mrs. Adams, The Wife of John Adams (Boston, 1840), was the first substantial publication of Adams letters. For the period covered here, Adams published 27 letters in 1840, added just one to the 1841 edition, but 8 more to his 1848 edition, and published another 11 in Letters of John Adams, Addressed to His Wife (1841).85 Early in the same decade, Caroline Smith de Windt published 12 letters from this period, mostly by her mother, Abigail Adams 2d, in the Journal and Correspondence of Miss Adams, Daughter of John Adams, in two volumes (1841, 1842); in 1849 she brought out a third volume that contained 11 more letters, written by John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams 2d in 1785.86 No further significant publication of Adams family letters for these years appeared until Worthington C. Ford brought out the first volume of The Writings of John Quincy Adams in 1913, which included another 5 liiletters, 2 of which were abridged.87 This was the last important appearance of Adams family correspondence for this period before the 1950s.
Until the appearance of the first volumes of Adams Family Correspondence in 1963, Charles Francis Adams' editions of his grandparents' letters effectively defined the family of Abigail and John Adams in the public mind.88 In the context of nineteenth-century editing, this was most fortunate. Young Adams was a dedicated editor with an exceptionally high regard for the integrity of original texts. He gave his readers a fuller view of his ancestors than they could obtain of any other early American family; and he published his forbears' observations at sufficient length to show them as mortals with human flaws, and with certain opinions, especially regarding various nationalities and religions, that could have offended some readers.89 Moreover, Charles Francis Adams' careful arranging and preservation of all the Adams papers, and his editing of over twenty-five volumes of the writings of Abigail, John, and John Quincy Adams between 1840 and 1877, forged the link between his family's engagement with America and the ongoing presentation of that relationship, down to the present day.
Because of their frequent abridgment and certain small but important editorial alterations, however, the letters printed in C. F. Adams' editions afford a somewhat incomplete view of the social and cultural world of Abigail Adams and her family. The first editors of the Adams Family Correspondence highlighted several distinctive features of Charles Francis' texts, which require only a brief summary. The Adamses in these letters appear to have had few concerns about money, to have been largely immune to disease and the fear of illness, and to have enjoyed no passionate conjugal emotions. They thought and spoke in a refined, grammatically perfect tone, they seldom expressed strong anger against individuals, and they seemed remote from the daily concerns of the largely rural, agricultural world of Braintree, in which they passed so much of their lives.90
The full texts of the letters in the Adams Family Correspondence present different Adamses. The entire family shows a more practical, more passionate, and more anxious cast of mind, and each of its members is intimately engaged in the daily concerns of the several social environments, from the most rural and obscure to the most cosmopolitan, in which they lived. Abigail Adams, in particular, appears in a different light, willing if not eager to discuss farm management, the local economy, town gossip, disease, pregnancy, and stillbirth. Among the characteristic features of the nineteenth-century editions are small editorial alterations in Abigail's daily speech that obscure where she lived in cultural time and social space. Two examples demonstrate this. In C. F. Adams' texts, Abigail Adams writes “Ay” to indicate assent or agreement; in her manuscripts she wrote the Yankee “aya.” Abigail Adams 2d, who always appears as “Abby” in C. F. Adams' editions, is usually called “Nabby” by both her parents in the original texts (and never called “Abby”).91
The first editors of the Adams Family Correspondence prized Abigail Adams' colloquialisms, her “phonetic spelling and informal grammar,” for preserving “many local pronunciations and constructions that were the very essence of 18th-century Yankee speech.” Charles Francis Adams critically altered this speech when, “like virtually all 19thcentury editors,
This transformation began when John Adams entered college in 1751 at age sixteen; it occurred at a younger age and more completely in John Quincy Adams, who left Massachusetts for France with his father at age ten. It happened later, and worked a less thorough change, in the lives of both Abigail Adams and her daughter. The Nabby Adams of the early 1780s was still a country girl, and the Adams family of the 1840s had culturally left the country, even though they continued to spend each summer in Quincy. For them Abby, not Nabby, was the proper diminutive for a nineteenth-century Abigail of social standing.93
Charles Francis Adams, again like nearly all nineteenth-century editors, also shaped the image of his principal subject by deleting portions of her letters. With rare exceptions, he felt too deep a respect for his grandmother to substitute his own words for hers.94 His cuts in Abigail Adams' texts, however, were substantial: of the twenty-seven letters, running from late 1782 through 1785, that appear in his first edition of her letters (1840), he abridged twenty to some degree. His deletions ranged from one line to over one hundred; from 1 percent to nearly 70 percent of the text. Most letters lost between 10 and 40 percent of their length. Of the eleven items for this period that appear in his 1841 edition of his grandfather's letters, however, he abridged only one, cutting out one-eighth of its text.95
Yet C. F. Adams was not eager to abridge any text, and in his 1841 edition of Abigail's letters he restored passages that he had removed from five letters in his first edition. In his 1848 edition, he added eight more letters, cutting just four lines from one, suppressing a name in another, and leaving the rest unaltered.96 He does not appear to have shortened any letter, no matter how long, simply in the interest of brevity; he had a reason for removing each passage.
lvThe first editors of the Adams Family Correspondence noted that Charles Francis Adams' abridgments of Abigail Adams' letters of the 1770s involved passages on business and farm management, illness and pregnancy, or indelicate language and the critical assessments of certain individuals.97 As the character and location of the family's activities changed with the coming of peace, C. F. Adams' deletions show a somewhat different pattern. In the 1780s Abigail was less concerned about farm management or illness, and evidently not at all about pregnancy. When she did write about her conduct of business, Charles Francis usually printed it. Two routine subjects were shortened. Statements about the difficulty of correspondence and the frustrating delays of transatlantic communication were cut out. Second, and somewhat more puzzling, Charles Francis removed several passages in which Abigail was arranging for either Mary Cranch or Elizabeth Shaw to watch over or do something for her sons in Braintree or Haverhill, or at Harvard College.98 These passages, and others concerning Braintree or Vermont land transactions,99 are longer and more numerous than the instances in which Charles Francis occasionally edited out his grandmother's descriptions of what she regarded as the uncouth customs or the moral decay of French society.100
Charles Francis Adams was most sensitive to any subject that might adversely affect his family's reputation. Here he cut extensively and thoroughly, from his first edition of Abigail's letters through the Familiar Letters of 1876. On one occasion Abigail was mildly critical of the Adams' close friend James Warren; in another letter she briefly discussed Benjamin Franklin's hostility toward John Adams. C. F. Adams removed both passages.101 By far the largest deletions, however, involved Royall Tyler's courtship of Abigail Adams 2d. In C. F. Adams' editions, this interesting chapter in the family's history is simply omitted.
In 1785, when Abigail Adams 2d decided to dismiss Royal Tyler, lviAbigail asked her relatives to act as if the family had never known him.102 Charles Francis Adams honored this request as faithfully as any of Abigail's contemporaries. He may have decided not to print certain letters at all because they dealt too directly with Tyler.103 In the letters that he did print, he made both the smallest alterations—once changing “Mr. Tyler” to “Mr. T.”—and the largest deletions to insure that no hint of Tyler remained in his printed texts.104 His single abridgment of a John Adams letter also involved Tyler.105 Finally, perhaps because he wished to support Abigail's argument that her daughter dismissed Tyler only for his failings and not because of any competing romantic interest, he removed a substantial passage in which Abigail praised Col. William Stephens Smith, who would soon court and marry Abigail Adams 2d.106
The cumulative impact of Charles Francis Adams' emendations and deletions, particularly in the 1780s, has been to make Abigail Adams' letters less those of a mother, center of her family in its emotional and its economic dimensions, than of an acute observer of her surroundings in Massachusetts, France, and England who happened also to be a mother. The letters in his editions present a rather isolated nuclear family, removed from its country speech and customs, and distanced from its close relatives in Braintree, Haverhill, and Boston. From these texts, the image of Abigail and John's family as a people apart, cosmopolitan and self-consciously public wherever they were living, became fixed in the public mind of over a century.
The first prominent generation of the Adams family, however, was neither predominantly cosmopolitan in its experience nor exclusively public in its concerns. The nuclear Adams family was part of an extensive, tightly connected upper-middle-class family group with lviideep roots in several eastern Massachusetts towns, most of which were still largely rural and agricultural. European sophistication did not come naturally to this eighteenth-century family, not even to its most cosmopolitan member, John Quincy Adams. A large measure of the importance of the correspondence in the present volumes, above all the letters written by Abigail Adams, is its capacity to place the Adams family at one and the same time in the provincial world of eastern Massachusetts and the cosmopolitan world of western Europe.
The Adams family's second nineteenth-century editor, Caroline Amelia Smith de Windt, in bringing out three volumes of the correspondence of her mother, Abigail Adams 2d, published fewer letters, twenty-three dating from late 1782 through 1785, than did her first cousin Charles Francis Adams. At first glance this might appear fortunate, for she partook deeply of the early nineteenth-century's cavalier attitude toward historical texts that C. F. Adams worked so hard to overcome. In the ten letters from this period written by John Quincy Adams that she printed, which survive in recipient's copies, her texts show frequent misreadings and alterations of words, misreadings and suppressions of proper names, the dropping of internal datelines, the occasional moving of text from one part of a letter to another, and extensive cuts, large and small, for every reason—including the slightest references to Royall Tyler—and for no apparent reason.107
Yet Caroline Smith de Windt is an important Adams editor for one simple reason: her editions preserve other texts, presumably also defective, whose manuscript sources have been lost. For the period covered in the present volumes, she provides texts of twelve letters that lack manuscript sources, and of one more that appears superior to a surviving draft. Fortunately, given Caroline de Windt's zeal for abridgment, most of these letters were written to Abigail Adams 2d by John Adams or Charles Storer who were both relatively concise correspondents, and it is likely that most of their original text reached print. Imperfect as this source is, one must regret that Caroline Smith de Windt did not publish more letters, both to and by her mother, and more of her mother's journal, since the originals—recipients' copies, and drafts, and the manuscript diary—were probably destroyed lviiiby the fire that consumed the home of Mrs. de Windt's family a decade after her death.
For a century after 1849 a mere handful of additional Adams family letters from the 1780s appeared in print, with little important change in editorial method. But between 1952 and 1956, the publication of the first volumes of The Papers of Thomas Jefferson and the launching of editorial projects devoted to the Adamses, Benjamin Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, and James Madison radically transformed historical documentary editing in the United States. The last three decades have seen the publication by the Adams Papers project of more than five thousand letters by and to various Adamses, as well as fifteen volumes of Adams diaries and three volumes of legal documents. Some fifteen hundred of these letters appear in the six volumes of Adams Family Correspondence.
The editors of volumes 3 and 4 of this series observed that it had been “a long interval since the first two volumes of Adams Family Correspondence issued from the press” (3:xl), and this is again true. It may be useful after such a hiatus to review the editorial method employed here. The editors will also refer the reader to particular sections of the editorial statements in earlier volumes for further information.
The Adams Family Correspondence is designed to publish letters exchanged by Abigail and John Adams, and those exchanged by their descendants through the next three generations through 1889, which the editors consider important in exploring the thought, revealing the character, and narrating the action of the Adamses in their domestic life. To these are added two other types of letters: those exchanged with close relatives who were part of the Adams' larger family circle, and significant letters exchanged by the women of the Adams family with persons to whom they were not related.
Not included in this series are letters written by Adams men to non-relatives, and other letters, written by them to cousins, brothers-in-law, or other relations, which deal primarily with non-family matters.108 lixIncluded in the present volumes, for example, are seventeen letters exchanged between John Adams and his brother-in-law Richard Cranch, and eight letters exchanged with Abigail's uncle Cotton Tufts, because they deal largely with family issues. Another three letters that he exchanged with Cranch, and eight more with Tufts, have not been included because they focus on more public matters.
These principles of selection have guided the editors of all six volumes of Adams Family Correspondence, but in practice, selection in the present volumes differs slightly from selection in the two that preceded them, just as the selection of letters in those volumes differed from the selection in volumes 1 and 2 (see 3:xxxviii). As in the previous volumes, most of the letters exchanged between the women of the Adams family and their correspondents, both within and outside the family, have been included.109 A much larger portion of the letters exchanged between John Adams and his male relatives and in-laws has been excluded, based on the non-family content of these letters. This extends beyond Adams' correspondence with Richard Cranch and Cotton Tufts to include all the letters that he exchanged with Isaac Smith Sr., John Thaxter, and other Boylston, Cranch, and Smith relations. Letters by and to these correspondents were often included in earlier Adams Family Correspondence volumes solely on the grounds that they were John Adams' relatives. The present editors have decided, however, that their correspondence with John Adams, and occasionally with John Quincy Adams, is so heavily devoted to public issues that it should be considered for inclusion in Series III, General Correspondence and Other Papers of the Adams Statesmen.
The result of these policies is the inclusion of 416 letters and two legal documents, the omission of 43 letters or brief notes written by or to women of the Adams family, and the exclusion of 46 letters exchanged between either John or John Quincy Adams and their male relatives. The ones by or to Adams women have been omitted for their lack of important content; it is not anticipated that they will be published in any Adams Papers edition. Those involving John and lxJohn Quincy's male relations are candidates for inclusion in the ongoing Papers of John Adams or in the projected Papers of John Quincy Adams and will either be printed, or listed as omitted documents, in the relevant volumes of those editions.
A summary census of the 415 single-author letters in these volumes may aid the reader in understanding the general character of this correspondence.110 The four principal family members wrote 284 of these letters—68 percent of the total—as follows: Abigail Adams, 125; John Adams, 77; John Quincy Adams, 46; Abigail Adams 2d, 36. For each correspondent, the following number of their letters, and its proportion of all their letters included here, now appear in print for the first time: Abigail Adams, 68 (54 percent); John Adams, 50 (65 percent); John Quincy Adams, 29 (63 percent), and Abigail Adams 2d, 32 (89 percent). Seven other correspondents—Mary Cranch, Richard Cranch, Thomas Jefferson, Elizabeth Shaw, Charles Storer, John Thaxter, and Cotton Tufts—each wrote 8 or more letters, for a total of 90, of which 12, all by Jefferson or Storer, have been previously printed. The remaining 41 letters, all appearing in print for the first time, were penned by twenty-one different correspondents. Women wrote 210 of the 415 letters, they received 244, and 117 letters were written by one woman to another.
In these volumes, as in the earlier volumes in this series, the Adams Papers editors have benefitted from a high proportion of ideal manuscript sources for the texts of these 415 letters. The great majority, 371 (89 percent), are based primarily upon recipient's copies. Other primary manuscript sources include 16 drafts, 6 letterbook copies, 5 contemporary copies, and just one later transcript. Sixteen other letters (4 percent of the total) are based solely or primarily on printed sources.
The location of these manuscripts has also been most favorable to the editors' work. The largest share of the 399 letters based on manuscript sources is in the Adams Papers collection at the Massachusetts Historical Society (299 letters, 75 percent of the total). Another 28 manuscripts are in other collections at the Society. Other archives hold 62 documents, including 22 at the Library of Congress and 19 at the American Antiquarian Society. Only 10 are privately owned.
lxiThe treatment of texts in the Adams Family Correspondence has been set forth in volumes 1 (p. xliii–xlv) and 3 (p.xxxix), expanding upon the project's first statement concerning texts, in the first volume of the Diary and Autobiography of John Adams (p. lv–lix). Because so much time has passed since the publication of volumes 3 and 4, we will restate the relevant textual policy for the convenience of our readers:
Punctuation follows that in the manuscript with the following guidelines for intelligibility.
Every sentence begins with a capital and ends with a period. Dashes obviously intended to be terminal marks are converted to periods, and superfluous dashes are removed. Dashes evidently intended to indicate breaks or shifts in thought or used as semi-paragraphing devices are of course retained. Minimum punctuation for intelligibility is supplied in dialogue and quoted matter. If quotation marks appear only at one end or the other of a passage of direct discourse, the matching pair is supplied when its location is clearly determinable, but quotation marks are not systematically inserted according to modern usage. The editors have refrained from altering, suppressing, or supplying punctuation in passages that are truly ambiguous.
Abbreviations and contractions are preserved as found in names of persons and places; in the datelines, salutations, and complimentary closes of letters; endorsements and docketings; in units of money and measurement; and in accounts and other tabular documents. They are also retained elsewhere if they are still in use or are readily recognizable. But in all cases where they are retained, the superscript letters once so commonly used to indicate contractions are brought down to the line. The ampersand (&) is retained in the form &c. (for etc.) and in the names of firms; elsewhere it is rendered as and.
Missing and illegible matter is indicated by square brackets ([ ]) enclosing the editors' conjectural readings (with a question mark appended if the reading is doubtful), or by suspension points (. . .) if no reading can be given. If only a portion of a word is missing, it may be silently supplied when there is no doubt about the reading. When the missing or illegible matter amounts to more than one or two words, a footnote estimating its amount is subjoined.
Canceled matter in the manuscripts (scored-out or erased passages) is included when it is of stylistic, psychological, or historical interest. In our text such passages are italicized and enclosed in angle lxiibrackets (< >). If a revised equivalent of a canceled passage remains in the text, the canceled matter always precedes it.
Variant readings (variations in text between two or more versions of the same letter or document) are indicated when they are significant enough to warrant recording, and then always in footnotes keyed to the basic text that is printed in full.
Editorial insertions are italicized and enclosed in square brackets.
The formal parts of letters are handled as follows:
The place-and-date-line is printed as literally as possible (that is, without expanding contractions &c.), except that superscript letters are brought down to the normal type line and terminal punctuation is omitted. The place-and-dateline is always printed at the head of the letter, even if in the manuscript it appears elsewhere (commonly at the foot of the text). Undated and misdated letters have their dates editorially supplied or corrected inside square brackets.
The salutation is given as literally as possible, but superscripts are lowered to the line and terminal punctuation is omitted.
The complimentary close is also printed literally, but to save space it is set in run-on style. Contractions are retained, but superscripts are brought down to the line.
The signature is printed literally except for superscripts, which are aligned, and without closing punctuation. If a letter was unsigned (which commonly happened during wartime and even at other times between intimate correspondents), it is so printed without comment, unless for some special reason an explanation is required.
The recipient's name at foot of text (sometimes called a “subscription”) is normally omitted. In letterbook copies this may be the sole or principal means of identifying the recipient, but, if so, it is reflected in the editorially supplied caption.
The annotation in these volumes closely follows the principles set forth in the Diary and Autobiography of John Adams (1:lx–lxii), and in earlier volumes in this series (1:xlv–xlvii; 3:xxxix–xl), but we note here a few changes and clarifications in our procedure.
(1) We now include the full manuscript address (or notation of direction), the postal markings, and the endorsements in the descriptive note to every letter (see 1:xlvi).
(2) We follow the earlier practice of omitting the year of a letter in all cross-references where the letter referred to was written in the same year as the letter being annotated. When, however, we refer to lxiiia letter in a previous Adams Family Correspondence volume, we now include the page numbers in that volume (see 3:xl).
As in all previous volumes, we routinely leave the full names of better-known persons, of most places, and of the titles of well-known works of scholarship, literature, or art to which the text makes only a passing reference, to the index.
8 October 1782, below; repeating her offer of 3 and 5 September 1782 (vol. 4:372, 376). See the Descriptive List of Illustrations, no. 3, above.
John Adams to Abigail Adams, 12 October (quotation), and 16 October, and John Thaxter to Abigail Adams, 9 October 1782, all below.
John Adams to Abigail Adams, 8 November, Charles Storer to Abigail Adams, 8 November, and John Thaxter to Abigail Adams, 10 November 1782, all below (and see John Adams to Abigail Adams 2d, 16 October 1782, below).
4 December 1782, below.
28 December 1782, below.
John Quincy Adams to John Adams, 1 and 20 February, and 12 March, and John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 18 February 1783, all below.
23 December 1782, below.
22 January 1783, below.
Abigail Adams to John Adams, 7 April 1783, below.
Details of Abigail Adams' activities as a farm manager and as an investor are widely scattered through her correspondence with John Adams, below. Abigail's most important letters to Thaxter and Storer are at 26 October 1782, 29 April, 1 and 21 July, and 20 October 1783(to Thaxter); and 28 April 1783 (to Storer), all below; see also their many letters to her, below. The correspondence between Abigail Adams and James Lovell, extending from August 1777 to April 1782, appears in vols. 2–4.
See John Adams to Abigail Adams, 8 November 1782, 29 January, 4 and 26 February, 28 March, and 4 and 7 September 1783, all below; and the Descriptive List of Illustrations, no. 4, above.
John Adams to Abigail Adams, 7, and 10 September 1783, all below.
14 October, 8 November (two letters), and 18 November 1783, and 25 January 1784, all below.
Below.
19 October 1783, below.
20 November 1783, below.
John Adams to Abigail Adams, 14 October, 8 November (2 letters) 1783; Abigail Adams to John Adams, 3 January 1784, all below.
To John Adams, 15 January, 15 March, and 25 May 1784, all below.
18 May 1784, below.
14 October 1783, below (and see vol. 4:224–225, for Adams' illness in Amsterdam).
John Adams to Abigail Adams, 8 November (2d letter of that day), and 18 November 1783; and John Quincy Adams to Elizabeth Cranch, 18 April 1784, all below.
John Adams to Richard Cranch, 3 April; John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 28 May, and
Abigail Adams to John Adams, 15 March, 12 April, and 25 May; Abigail Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 19 March; andElbridge Gerry to Abigail Adams, 16 April and 18 May 1784, all below.
25 May 1784, below; and see Abigail Adams to Mary Cranch, 6 July 1784, second paragraph, below, for John Adams' remark.
See Abigail Adams to Mercy Warren, 5 September, to Elizabeth Cranch, 3 December, to Mary Cranch, 9 December, and to Elizabeth Shaw, 14 December 1784; and to Cotton Tufts, 8 March, and to John Thaxter, 20 March 1785, all below.
To Mary Cranch, 6 July 1784, below; the letter was finished on 30 July.
Abigail Adams to John Adams, 23 July, John Adams to Abigail Adams, 26 July, John Quincy Adams to John Adams, 30 July, and 6 August 1784, all below.
To Lucy Cranch, 5 September 1784, below; and see the Descriptive List of Illustrations, no. 12, above.
Abigail Adams 2d to Lucy Cranch, 4 September 1784, below.
Abigail Adams to Mary Cranch, 9 December 1784, and 15 April 1785 (quotation), both below; and Abigail Adams 2d's Journal entries in AA2, Jour. and Corr.
, 1:49, 59, 67, 69. And see the Descriptive List of Illustrations, vol. 6, nos. 3 and 4.
Abigail Adams to Mary Cranch, 9 December 1784, and to Cotton Tufts,
Jour. and Corr.
, 1:74.
John Adams to Abigail Adams,
Abigail Adams to Elizabeth Shaw, 11 January 1785, below; and see Abigail Adams to John Shaw, 18 January 1785, below.
Abigail Adams to Elizabeth Cranch, and to Mary Cranch, both 5 September, to Elizabeth Cranch, 3 December, and to Mary Cranch, 9 December, 1784, to Royall Tyler,
Abigail Adams to Cotton Tufts, 8 March 1785, below.
John Adams to Cotton Tufts, 5 September, Abigail Adams to Cotton Tufts, 8 September 1784 (quotation); Abigail Adams to Cotton Tufts, 3 January, John Adams to Cotton Tufts, 5 March 1785, all below. See also Abigail Adams to Cotton Tufts, 18 June 1784, below, which sets out Tufts' initial agenda for managing the Adamses' affairs in Massachusetts.
John Adams to Richard Cranch, 27 April 1785, below.
Abigail Adams to Mary Cranch
Abigail Adams to Elizabeth Cranch, and to Elizabeth Shaw, both 8 May 1785, both below.
Abigail Adams to Mary Cranch, 9 December, and to Elizabeth Shaw, 14 December 1784, and to John Thaxter, 20 March, to Mary Cranch, 15 April, and to Cotton Tufts,
Diary of John Quincy Adams, 1:256.
See particularly Abigail Adams to Cotton Tufts, 16 September, and Thomas Jefferson to Abigail Adams, 27 December, responding to Abigail Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 20 December 1785, all below.
Abigail Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 6 June, and to Mary Cranch, 24 June 1785, both below. John Adams recorded his remarks to George III, and the King's reply, in a memorandum dated 1 June 1785 (Adams Papers), and in a letter to John Jay, 2 June 1785 (
Dipl. Corr., 1783–1789
, 2:367–371).
Abigail Adams to Mary Cranch, 24 June 1785, below.
Abigail Adams 2d to John Quincy Adams, 4 July, Abigail Adams to Mary Cranch?,
See Abigail Adams 2d to Elizabeth Cranch, 13 February 1779, vol. 3:169; and to Abigail Adams, 6 January 1784, below.
Abigail Adams to Mary Cranch, 15 August 1785, below.
Same; and see Abigail Adams 2d to Royall Tyler,
Abigail Adams to William Stephens Smith, 13 August, Smith to Adams, 5 September, Adams to Smith, 18 September, and Smith to Adams, 6 December 1785, and Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams, 11 August 1785, all below.
Abigail Adams 2d to John Quincy Adams, 26 August, Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams, 11 August, 6 September, and 5 October, and Abigail Adams to William Stephens Smith, 18 September 1785, all below.
The entire correspondence between Abigail Adams and Thomas Jefferson in 1785 appears below. The correspondence for 1785–1788 appears in Jefferson, Papers
, vols. 8–12; the correspondence for 1785–1817 appears in Lester J. Cappon, ed., The Adams-Jefferson Letters, Chapel Hill, 1959, 2 vols.
Abigail Adams to Mary Cranch, 8 May 1785, below.
Thomas Jefferson to Abigail Adams, 25 September 1785, below.
William Stephens Smith to Abigail Adams, 29 December 1785, below.
Nearly all of these letters appear in vol. 1–4; see the indexes in vols. 2 and 4. Letters in these volumes will not be particularly cited in this section unless they are quoted, or discussed in detail.
Vol. 1:91.
Vol. 3:29.
Vol. 4:100.
Vol. 4:233–234
Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams, 13 November 1782, and John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams, 23 and 30 July 1783, all below.
John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams, 4 and 10 September 1783, both below.
20 November 1783, below.
See especially Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams, 26 June and 6 September, and John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams, 6 October and 28 December 1785, all below.
John Adams to John Quincy Adams,
John Quincy Adams to John Adams, 6 (quotation), 15, and 18 June 1784, all below.
To John Thaxter, 27 April, to John Adams, 10 May, and to John Quincy Adams,
See Abigail Adams 2d's letters to Elizabeth Cranch of October through December 1782, January, July, and August 1783, and January 1784, all below. Most of these letters passed between adjacent or nearly adjacent Massachusetts towns: Braintree, Weymouth, Hingham, Milton, and Boston. Elizabeth Cranch's replies were probably consumed by the fire that destroyed the home of the family of Caroline Smith de Windt, Abigail Adams 2d's daughter, at Fishkill, N.Y., in 1862.
Letters of
See particularly Abigail Adams 2d to Elizabeth Cranch, 9 July, 4 September, and 10 December 1784, to Mercy Warren, 5 September 1784, and to Lucy Cranch, 6 May and 23 June 1785, all below.
John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams 2d, 25 May 1785, below.
Same.
To Abigail Adams 2d, 1 October 1785, below.
See Abigail Adams 2d to John Quincy Adams, 26 August 1785, note 2, below; and AA2, Jour. and Corr.
, 1:7–96, especially p. 78–84.
The other two major losses are Elizabeth Cranch's letters to Abigail Adams 2d, and Abigail Adams 2d's correspondence with Royall Tyler.
To John Quincy Adams, 26 August 1785, below.
Letter of 4 July 1785, below.
To Abigail Adams,
To Mary Cranch, 24 June 1785, below.
6 October 1785, below.
Vol. 1:xxxii–xli.
L. H. Butterfield, Marc Friedlaender, and Mary-Jo Kline, eds.; published by Harvard University Press. This work included nearly two hundred of the approximately one thousand letters previously published in volumes 1 through 4 of Adams Family Correspondence (Cambridge, 1963; 1973).
This census does not include brief extracts from seven letters from this period that Worthington C. Ford included in his annotation to other 1783–1785 letters in the first volume of The Writings of John Quincy Adams (described below).
All these editions were published in Boston.
These editions were published in New York; volume [3], published in 1849, actually appeared as volume 2, with a date of 1842. See “Short Titles of Works Frequently Cited,” under AA2, Jour. and Corr.
, below.
This edition, running to seven volumes and containing letters written from 1779 to 1823, was published in New York, 1913–1917.
Building on his editions of the 1840s, Charles Francis Adams also published Familiar Letters of John Adams and His Wife Abigail Adams, During the Revolution in 1876 (New York). This volume, soon better known than any of its predecessors, concluded with a letter written by John to Abigail on 18 February 1783, and includes just six letters that appear in the present Volume 5. All six first appeared in the editions of the 1840s.
See, for example, Abigail Adams to John Shaw, 18 January, and to Elizabeth Shaw,
Adams Family Correspondence, 1:xxxiv–xxxviii.
Abigail used “aya” in writing to Mercy Warren, 5 September, and to Elizabeth Shaw, 14 December, 1784, both below (see AA, Letters, ed. CFA, 1848, p. 201; AA, Letters, ed. CFA, 1840, p. 267). In the letter to Mercy Warren, however, John Quincy Adams corrected the “Aya” in Abigail's draft to “Ay” when he prepared the recipient's copy for his mother.
For John Adams' use of “Nabby,” see his letters of 7 and 10 September and 11 November 1783, all below. Abigail Adams uses “Nabby” in her letters to John Adams, 15 December 1783 and 15 March 1784, to Mary Cranch, 6 July, 5 September, and 9 December 1784, to Elizabeth Cranch, 5 September 1784 and 8 March 1785, all below.
Vol. 1:xxxvii.
“Abby,” perhaps not coincidentally, was also C. F. Adams' familiar name for his own wife, Abigail Brooks Adams (see Diary of Charles Francis Adams, vols. 2–8).
The only case of C. F. Adams' deliberate rephrasing noticed by the editors in the letters of this period occurs in Abigail Adams to Elizabeth Cranch, 2 September 1785, below, where, probably to correct her grammar, he altered Abigail's “no one can be sufficiently thankfull for the Blessings Letters, ed. CFA, 1848, p. 265). The first editors of the Adams Family Correspondence also noticed just one deliberate alteration in Abigail's letters of the 1770s; see vol. 1:xxxvii–xxxviii.
To Abigail Adams, 26 July 1784, below. All of the letters discussed here appear below, and each of C. F. Adams' deletions is marked in the annotation.
In his 1841 edition C. F. Adams restored deletions in Abigail Adams to John Adams, 13 November and 23 December 1782, and 20 June and 15 December 1783, and in Abigail Adams to Lucy Cranch, 5 September 1784. In his 1848 edition he deleted lines from Abigail Adams to Mercy Warren, 5 September 1784, and suppressed a name in Abigail Adams to Elizabeth Cranch, of the same date. All these letters appear below.
Vol. 1:xxxvi.
To Mary Cranch,
Abigail Adams to John Adams, 25 October 1782, 15 March 1784, both below.
To Mary Cranch, 5 September 1784, and 20 February 1785; to Lucy Cranch, 5 September 1784; to Mercy Warren, 5 September 1784; and to John Shaw, 18 January 1785, all below.
To John Adams, 13 November 1782, and 15 December 1783, both below. C. F. Adams also deleted a passage that alluded to some unnamed person, with whom Abigail was unhappy, in her letter to Mary Cranch of 9 December 1784, below.
To Mary Cranch, 15 August 1785, below.
Likely examples are several of John Adams' letters to Abigail written in 1783 (C. F. Adams did print eight of thirty-two), and Abigail Adams to Mary Cranch, 15 August 1785; all these letters are below.
The largest deletion was in Abigail Adams to John Adams, 23 December 1782, below. C. F. Adams' alteration of “Mr. Tyler” to “Mr. T.” in Abigail Adams to Elizabeth Cranch, 5 September 1784, below, probably misled many readers, since it was reasonable to assume that by “Mr. T.”, Abigail intended her cousin John Thaxter.
To Abigail Adams, 26 July 1784, below.
The passage characterizing Col. Smith is in Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams, 6 September 1785, below. Abigail explained that her daughter had no other romantic interest, at the time she dismissed Royall Tyler, first rather obliquely in her letter to Mary Cranch of 26 January 1786 (MWA: Abigail Adams Corr.), and then more explicitly in her letter to John Quincy Adams of 16 February@ 1786 (Adams Papers). C. F. Adams may also have removed Abigail's praise of Smith because the Adamses later experienced bitter disappointment with Smith, whom they saw by 1800 as a hopelessly improvident husband for their daughter.
These ten letters were written to Abigail Adams 2d, from May to October 1785; all are below. Of the twelve letters by John Quincy to Abigail 2d for 1785, below, that of [26] October survives only in Caroline de Windt's edition, and she did not print the letter of 8 September.
See vol. 1:xli–xliii, for the first and fullest statement of these principles.
The editors of volumes 1 and 2 omitted 36 such letters; the editors of volumes 3 and 4 omitted 49. Of the 128 letters by or to Adams women omitted from the six volumes of Adams Family Correspondence, only 8 were written within the nuclear Adams family; all were by John to Abigail. In addition, the editors have found two more letters for the period of vols. 1–2, and another two for the period of vols. 3–4, since those volumes were published. See the List of Omitted Documents, 1761–1785, at the end of Volume 6.
These volumes include, in addition to the 415 single-author letters counted in this section, just three other documents: one note of invitation from Abigail and John Adams to Benjamin Franklin, one power of attorney from John Adams to Cotton Tufts, and the Rev. William Smith's will.
First among the many people to whom we owe a debt of gratitude for contributing to these volumes is the project's former editor in chief Robert J. Taylor. In 1982–1983, his last year at the Adams Papers, he made the preliminary selection and annotation of the great majority of the letters that appear in Volume 5. His initial research and his mastery of Massachusetts history in the 1780s have provided a firm foundation for the work that we have done to bring this volume to completion.
The two institutions that brought the Adams Papers into being continue to offer the most valuable support to the current editors. The Massachusetts Historical Society, under the direction of Louis Leonard Tucker, has provided this enterprise with a home, cared for the bulk of its documentary materials, and made available its valuable research services. Of particular help in the preparation of these volumes have been the Society's librarian, Peter Drummey, his colleagues Aimée Bligh and Mary E. Cogswell, Edward W. Hanson and Helen R. Kessler of the Society's publications staff, and the Society's curator of photographs, Chris Steele. The Society's director emeritus, Stephen T. Riley, has performed a decade of dedicated service as a trustee of the Founding Fathers Papers, Inc., the major fund-raising body for this and several other projects. Harvard University Press continues to produce our volumes with care and dedication. We would like to thank production manager John Walsh for his continued efforts in maintaining the high printing standards of our volumes and for his assistance in working with our typesetter, Kevin Krugh of Technologies 'N Typography, who skillfully generated the volumes on computer. We also appreciate the work of Bruce Lehnert of Linotype-Hell, who created special fonts for the Adams Papers. We owe particular thanks to our editor at the Press, Ann Louise Coffin McLaughlin, who, in over thirty years of the most vigilant labor, has guided all thirty-four Adams Papers volumes into print.
The financial support of the National Historical Publications and Records Commission since 1975 is formally acknowledged on the lxvicopyright page of this volume, but we wish to thank the Commission staff, whose members continue to perform many important services for us, and for several dozen other projects as well, all with remarkable economy and skill.
We have received vital aid in locating or verifying manuscripts and archival information from the staffs of several institutions. The Adams National Historic Site in Quincy and its superintendent, Marianne Peak, have been consistently supportive, carrying on the fine work of one of the Adams Papers' oldest friends, the late superintendent Wilhelmina S. Harris, who died in May 1991 at age ninety-five, as the editing of these volumes was nearing completion. At Harvard University's Houghton Library, Hugh Amory and his staff, particularly Jennie Rathbun, have been most helpful. At Harvard's Fogg Art Museum, Louise Todd Ambler, curator of the University's Portrait Collection, has given us valuable assistance. The staff at the American Antiquarian Society, especially Sidney Berger (now Head, Special Collections, University of California, Riverside) has been most helpful, as have the staffs at the Boston Athenaeum, the Rare Book Room of the Boston Public Library, the Frick Art Reference Library, and the National Portrait Gallery.
Several individuals have helped us with particular research problems: John Catanzariti, editor of the Papers of Thomas Jefferson; Wendell D. Garrett, expert at the American Decorative Arts and Furniture Department, Sotheby's, and editor at large for The Magazine Antiques; Mary-Jo Kline, New York City, former associate editor for the Adams Papers; Claude A. Lopez, consulting editor of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin; A. Bruce MacLeish of the New York State Historical Association; Bernard Nurse, Librarian of the Society of Antiquaries of London; and Jules D. Prown, Paul Mellon Professor of the History of Art at Yale University.
We would like to thank three persons who helped us secure and present our illustrations: Martha A. Greig, chair of the historical activities committee of the National Society of Colonial Dames of America in Rhode Island; Linda J. Pike, formerly a member of the editorial staff of the Lafayette Papers, now managing editor of the Administrative Science Quarterly at Cornell University; and David Bolles, photographer of those items drawn from the Adams Papers and from other Massachusetts Historical Society collections that are reproduced in these volumes.
Finally, we gratefully acknowledge the contribution of two members lxviiof the Adams Papers staff who do not appear on the title page. Sarah Hage, editorial assistant at the Adams Papers from 1986 to 1988, began the verification of the annotation, and entered much of the text onto our computer. Adjunct Editor Marc Friedlaender, who was co-editor of volumes 3 and 4 of the Adams Family Correspondence, read the entire manuscript and gave us the benefit of his vast knowledge of the Adams family.
In the first three sections (1–3) of the six sections of this Guide are listed, respectively, the arbitrary devices used for clarifying the text, the code names for designating prominent members of the Adams family, and the symbols describing the various kinds of MS originals used or referred to, that are employed throughout The Adams Papers in all its series and parts. In the final three sections (4–6) are listed, respectively, only those symbols designating institutions holding original materials, the various abbreviations and conventional terms, and the short titles of books and other works, that occur in volumes 5 and 6 of the Adams Family Correspondence. The editors propose to maintain this pattern for the Guide to Editorial Apparatus in each of the smaller units, published at intervals, of all the series and parts of the edition that are so extensive as to continue through many volumes. On the other hand, in short and specialized series and/or parts of the edition, the Guide to Editorial Apparatus will be given more summary form tailored to its immediate purpose.
The following devices will be used throughout The Adams Papers to clarify the presentation of the text.
| [...], [....] | One or two words missing and not conjecturable. |
[...]1, [....]1
|
More than two words missing and not conjecturable; subjoined footnote estimates amount of missing matter. |
| [ ] | Number or part of a number missing or illegible. Amount of blank space inside brackets approximates the number of missing or illegible digits. |
| [roman] | Conjectural reading for missing or illegible matter. A question mark is inserted before the closing bracket if the conjectural reading is seriously doubtful. |
<italic> |
Matter canceled in the manuscript but restored in our text. |
[italic] |
Editorial insertion in the text. |
First Generation
|
|
|---|---|
| JA | John Adams (1735–1826) |
| AA | Abigail Smith (1744–1818), m.
JA 1764 |
| lxix | |
Second Generation
|
|
| JQA | John Quincy Adams (1767–1848), son of JA and AA |
| LCA | Louisa Catherine Johnson (1775–1852), m.
JQA 1797 |
| CA | Charles Adams (1770–1800), son of JA and AA |
| Mrs. CA | Sarah Smith (1769–1828), sister of WSS, m.
CA 1795 |
| TBA | Thomas Boylston Adams (1772–1832), son of JA and AA |
| Mrs. TBA | Ann Harrod (1774–1846), m.
TBA 1805 |
| AA2 | Abigail Adams (1765–1813), daughter of JA and AA, m.
WSS 1786 |
| WSS | William Stephens Smith (1755–1816), brother of Mrs. CA |
Third Generation
|
|
| GWA | George Washington Adams (1801–1829), son of JQA and LCA |
| JA2 | John Adams (1803–1834), son of JQA and LCA |
| Mrs. JA2 | Mary Catherine Hellen (1807–1870), m.
JA2 1828 |
| CFA | Charles Francis Adams (1807–1886), son of JQA and LCA |
| ABA | Abigail Brown Brooks (1808–1889), m.
CFA 1829 |
| ECA | Elizabeth Coombs Adams (1808–1903), daughter of TBA and Mrs. TBA |
Fourth Generation
|
|
| JQA2 | John Quincy Adams (1833–1894), son of CFA and ABA |
| CFA2 | Charles Francis Adams (1835–1915), son of CFA and ABA |
| HA | Henry Adams (1838–1918), son of CFA and ABA |
| MHA | Marian Hooper (1842–1885), m.
HA 1872 |
| BA | Brooks Adams (1848–1927), son of CFA and ABA |
| LCA2 | Louisa Catherine Adams (1831–1870), daughter of CFA and ABA, m. Charles Kuhn 1854 |
| MA | Mary Adams (1845–1928), daughter of CFA and ABA, m. Henry Parker Quincy 1877 |
Fifth Generation
|
|
| CFA3 | Charles Francis Adams (1866–1954), son of JQA2 |
| HA2 | Henry Adams (1875–1951), son of CFA2 |
| JA3 | John Adams (1875–1964), son of CFA2 |
The following symbols will be employed throughout The Adams Papers to describe or identify in brief form the various kinds of manuscript originals.
| D | Diary (Used only to designate a diary written by a member of the Adams family and always in combination with the short form of the writer's name and a serial number, as follows: D/JA/23, i.e. the twenty-third fascicle or volume of John Adams' manuscript Diary.) |
| Dft | draft |
| Dupl | duplicate |
| FC | file copy (Ordinarily a copy of a letter retained by a correspondent other than an Adams, for example Jefferson's press copies and polygraph copies, since all three of the Adams statesmen systematically entered copies of their outgoing letters in letter-books.) |
| lxx | |
| Lb | Letterbook (Used only to designate Adams letterbooks and always in combination with the short form of the writer's name and a serial number, as follows: Lb/JQA/29, i.e. the twenty-ninth volume of John Quincy Adams' Letterbooks.) |
| LbC | letterbook copy (Letterbook copies are normally unsigned, but any such copy is assumed to be in the hand of the person responsible for the text unless it is otherwise described.) |
| M | Miscellany (Used only to designate materials in the section of the Adams Papers known as the “Miscellany” and always in combination with the short form of the writer's name and a serial number, as follows: M/CFA/32, i.e. the thirty-second volume of the Charles Francis Adams Miscellany—a ledger volume mainly containing transcripts made by CFA in 1833 of selections from the family papers.) |
| MS, MSS | manuscript, manuscripts |
| RC | recipient's copy (A recipient's copy is assumed to be in the hand of the signer unless it is otherwise described.) |
| Tr | transcript (A copy, handwritten or typewritten, made substantially later than the original or than other copies-such as duplicates, file copies, letterbook copies-that were made contemporaneously.) |
| Tripl | triplicate |
| CtY | Yale University |
| DLC | Library of Congress |
| DNA | The National Archives |
| DNDAR | Daughters of the American Revolution, Washington, D.C. |
| DSI | Smithsonian Institution |
| M-Ar | Massachusetts Archives |
| MB | Boston Public Library |
| MBAt | Boston Athenaeum |
| MBCo | Countway Library of Medicine, Boston |
| MBNEH | New England Historic Genealogical Society |
| MBU | Boston University |
| MBilHi | Billerica Historical Society, Billerica, Mass. |
| MH | Harvard University |
| MH-Ar | Harvard University Archives |
| MH-H | Houghton Library, Harvard University |
| MHi | Massachusetts Historical Society |
| MQA | Adams National Historic Site, Quincy, Mass. |
| MSaE | Essex Institute, Salem, Mass. |
| MWA | American Antiquarian Society |
| MeHi | Maine Historical Society |
| MiU-C | William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan |
| NAlI | Albany Institute of Art |
| NHi | New-York Historical Society |
| NN | New York Public Library |
| lxxi | |
| NNPM | Pierpont Morgan Library |
| NNS | New York Society Library |
| NPV | Vassar College |
| NhHi | New Hampshire Historical Society |
| NjP | Princeton University |
| PHC | Haverford College |
| PPAmP | American Philosophical Society |
| PU | University of Pennsylvania |
| VtHi | Vermont Historical Society |
| WyU | University of Wyoming |
- Manuscripts and other materials, 1639–1889, in the Adams Manuscript Trust collection given to the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1956 and enlarged by a few additions of family papers since then. Citations in the present edition are simply by date of the original document if the original is in the main chronological series of the Papers and therefore readily found in the microfilm edition of the Adams Papers (see below). The location of materials in the Letterbooks and in the volumes of Miscellany is given more fully and, if the original would be hard to locate, by the microfilm reel number.
- Other materials in the Adams Papers editorial office, Massachusetts Historical Society. These include photoduplicated documents (normally cited by the location of the originals), photographs, correspondence, and bibliographical and other aids compiled and accumulated by the editorial staff.
- The portion of the Adams manuscripts given to the Massachusetts Historical Society by Thomas Boylston Adams in 1973 and retained in the editorial office of the Adams Papers.
- The corpus of the Adams Papers, 1639–1889, as published on microfilm by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1954–1959, in 608 reels. Cited in the present work, when necessary, by reel number. Available in research libraries throughout the United States and in a few libraries in Canada, Europe, and New Zealand.
- The present edition, published by The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. References to earlier volumes of any given unit take this form: vol. 2:146. Since there will be no overall volume numbering for the edition, references from one series, or unit of a series, to another will be by title, volume, and page; for example, JA,
Diary and Autobiography, 4:205. - Papers of the Continental Congress. Originals in the National Archives: lxxiiRecord Group 360. Microfilm edition in 204 reels. Usually cited in the present work from the microfilms, but according to the original series and volume numbering devised in the State Department in the early 19th century; for example, PCC, No. 93, III, i.e. the third volume of series 93.
- Annie Haven Thwing, comp., Inhabitants and Estates of the Town of Boston, 1630–1800; typed card catalogue, with supplementary bound typescripts, in the Massachusetts Historical Society.
-
Letters of Mrs. Adams, the Wife of John Adams. With an Introductory Memoir by Her Grandson, Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1840. -
Letters of Mrs. Adams, the Wife of John Adams. With an Introductory Memoir by Her Grandson, Charles Francis Adams, 3d edn., Boston, 1841; 2 vols. -
Letters of Mrs. Adams, the Wife of John Adams. With an Introductory Memoir by Her Grandson, Charles Francis Adams, 4th edn., rev. and enl., Boston, 1848. -
Journal and Correspondence of Miss Adams, Daughter of John Adams, . . . edited by Her Daughter[Caroline Amelia (Smith) de Windt], New York and London, 1841–[1849]; 3 vols.
Note:Vol. [1], unnumbered, has title and date:Journal and Correspondence of Miss Adams, 1841; vol. 2 has title, volume number, and date:Correspondence of Miss Adams . . . Vol. II, 1842; vol. [3] has title, volume number, and date:Correspondence of Miss Adams . . ., Vol. II, 1842[!], i.e. same as vol. 2, but preface is signed “April 3d, 1849”[!], and the volume contains as “Part II” a complete reprinting from same type, and with same pagination, of vol. 2 (i.e. “Vol. II”), above, originally issued in 1842. - Andrew N. Adams,
A Genealogical History of Henry Adams, of Braintree, Mass., and His Descendants, Rutland, Vt., 1898; 2 vols. -
Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 1774–1949, Washington, 1950. - Samuel A. Bates, ed.,
Records of the Town of Braintree, 1640 to 1793, Randolph, Mass., 1886. - Edmund C. Burnett, ed.,
Letters of Members of the Continental Congress, Washington, 1921–1936; 8 vols. -
The Cambridge Modern History, Cambridge, Eng., 1902–1911; repr. 1969, [New York]; 12 vols. -
Catalogue of the John Adams Library in the Public Library of the City of Boston, Boston, 1917.
lxxiii
- Worthington C. Ford, ed.,
A Catalogue of the Books of John Quincy Adams Deposited in the Boston Athenaeum. With Notes on Books, Adams Seals and Book–Plates, by Henry Adams, Boston, 1938. - Colonial Society of Massachusetts,
Publications. - Allen Johnson and Dumas Malone, eds.,
Dictionary of American Biography, New York, 1928–1936; 20 vols. plus index and supplements. - Mitford M. Mathews, ed.,
A Dictionary of Americanisms on Historical Principles, Chicago, 1951. - [William A. Weaver, ed.,]
The Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States of America, from . . . 1783, to . . . 1789, Washington, 1837 [actually 1855]; 3 vols. - Leslie Stephen and Sidney Lee, eds.,
The Dictionary of National Biography, New York and London, 1885–1900; 63 vols. plus supplements. - Charles Evans and others, comps.,
American Bibliography: A Chronological Dictionary of All Books, Pamphlets and Periodical Publications Printed in the United States of America[1639–1800], Chicago and Worcester, 1903–1959; 14 vols. - William M. Fowler Jr.,
The Baron of Beacon Hill: A Biography of John Hancock, Boston, 1980. -
The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, ed. Leonard W. Labaree, William B. Willcox (from vol. 15), Claude A. Lopez (vol. 27), Barbara B. Oberg (from vol. 28), and others, New Haven, 1959-. - Frederick Tupper and Helen Tyler Brown, eds.,
Grandmother Tyler's Book: The Recollections of Mary Palmer Tyler (Mrs. Royall Tyler), 1775–1866, New York and London, 1925. - Harvard University,
Quinquennial Catalogue of the Officers and Graduates, 1636–1930, Cambridge, 1930. -
History of the Town of Hingham, Massachusetts, Hingham, 1893; 3 vols. in 4. - J. C. F. Hoefer, ed.,
Nouvelle biographie générale depuis les temps les plus reculés jusqu'à nos jours, Paris, 1852–1866; 46 vols. -
Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols. -
The Earliest Diary of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1966.
lxxiv
-
Legal Papers of John Adams, ed. L. Kinvin Wroth and Hiller B. Zobel, Cambridge, 1965; 3 vols. -
Letters of John Adams, Addressed to His Wife, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1841; 2 vols. -
Papers of John Adams, ed. Robert J. Taylor, Gregg L. Lint (from vol. 6), and others, Cambridge, 1977-. -
The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1850–1856; 10 vols. -
Familiar Letters of John Adams and His Wife Abigail Adams, during the Revolution. With a Memoir of Mrs. Adams, ed. Charles Francis Adams, New York, 1876. - Worthington C. Ford and others, eds.,
Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols. -
The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd, Charles T. Cullen (from vol. 21), John Catanzariti (from vol. 24), and others, Princeton, 1950-. - Merrill Jensen,
The New Nation: A History of the United States During the Confederation, 1781–1789, New York, 1950. -
Diary of John Quincy Adams, ed. David Grayson Allen, Robert J. Taylor, and others, Cambridge, 1981-. -
Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution: Selected Letters and Papers, 1776–1790, ed. Stanley J. Idzerda and others, Ithaca, 1977-. - Pierre Larousse,
Grand dictionnaire universel du XIX, Paris [1865]; 15 vols. and supplements.esiècle -
Acts and Laws of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts[1780–1805], Boston, 1890–1898; 13 vols. - Massachusetts Historical Society,
Collections and Proceedings. - Hunter Miller, ed.,
Treaties and Other International Acts of the United States of America, Washington, 1931–1948; 8 vols. -
The Papers of Robert Morris 1781–1784, ed. E. James Ferguson, John Catanzariti, and others, Pittsburgh, 1971-.
lxxv
- Richard B. Morris,
The Peacemakers: The Great Powers and American Independence, New York, 1965. -
The House of Commons, 1754–1790, ed. Sir Lewis Namier and John Brooke, London, 1964; 3 vols. -
New England Historical and Genealogical Register. - Edward T. James and Janet Wilson James, eds.,
Notable American Women, 1607–1950, Cambridge, 1971; 3 vols. -
The Oxford Classical Dictionary, ed. N. G. L. Hammond and H. H. Scullard, 2d edn., Oxford, 1970. -
The Oxford English Dictionary, Oxford, 1888–1972; 12 vols. and supplements. - Andrew Oliver,
Portraits of John and Abigail Adams, Cambridge, 1967. -
The Parliamentary History of England, from the Earliest Period to the Year 1803, London, 1806–1820; 36 vols. - William S. Pattee,
A History of Old Braintree and Quincy, with a Sketch of Randolph and Holbrook, Quincy, 1878. -
Repertorium der diplomatischen Vertreter aller Länder seit dem Westfälischen Frieden (1648), ed. Ludwig Bittner and others, Oldenburg, &c., 1936–1965; 3 vols. -
The Adams Family in Auteuil, 1784–1785, As Told in the Letters of Abigail Adams, ed. Howard C. Rice Jr., Massachusetts Historical Society, Picturebook, Boston, 1956. - Howard C. Rice Jr.,
Thomas Jefferson's Paris, Princeton, 1976. - Joseph Sabin and others, comps.,
A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, from Its Discovery to the Present Time, New York, 1868–1936; 29 vols. - John Langdon Sibley and Clifford K. Shipton,
Biographical Sketches of Graduates of Harvard University, in Cambridge, Massachusetts, Cambridge and Boston, 1873-. - Paul H. Smith and others, eds.,
Letters of Delegates to Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1976-. -
Warren-Adams Letters: Being Chiefiy a Correspondence among John Adams, Samuel Adams, and James Warren, (Massachusetts Historical Society,Collections, vols. 72–73), Boston, 1917–1925; 2 vols. - Francis Wharton, ed.,
The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols.
lxxvi
- Henry B. Wheatley,
London Past and Present, Its History, Associations, and Traditions. Based Upon the Handbook of London by the Late Peter Cunningham, London, 1891; 3 vols. - Justin Winsor, ed.,
The Memorial History of Boston, Including Suffolk County, 1630–1880, Boston, 1880–1881; 4 vols. -
William and Mary Quarterly.
Adams Family Correspondence
1782-10-02
Je Suis au désespoire d'avoir oublié de vous remettre Le mémoire1 que vous avez eu La Complaisance de me preter L'avant derniere fois que j'ai eu L'honneur de vous voir. Je vous en demande mille pardons.
Ce mémoire fait honneur à Mr Adams d'autant plus qu'outre qu'il est très bien écrit il a pour base des Sistêmes fondés Sur Sa L'âme politique.
Je prie Mademoiselle Adams d'agréer L'assurance de mon respect.3
1782-10-02
I am sorry that I forgot to return to you the memoir1 which you had the kindness to lend me when I had the honor of seeing you the time before last. Please forgive me.
This memoir greatly honors Mr. Adams not only because it is very well written but even more so because it is based on systems founded on his political conscience.
Please ask Miss Adams to accept the assurance of my respect.3
Probably JA's A Memorial to Their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries, 19 April 1781. See vol. 4:109–110, note 3, and 122, note 4.
The Chevalier de Ronnay, an officer in the Armagnac regiment. On this same day Ronnay was forced to decline AA's invitation to dine at Braintree because 600 troops with Adm. Vaudreuil's fleet at Boston, including 300 of the Armagnac regiment, were assigned to help fortify Portsmouth, N.H., where three of the fleet's ships were being repaired. Vau-2dreuil's entire force left New England for Puerto Cabello on the northern coast of South America in December. (Ronnay to AA, 2 Oct. [2d letter], Adams Papers, not printed; Howard C. Rice Jr. and Anne S. K. Brown, eds., The American Campaigns of Rochambeau's Army 1780, 1781, 1782, 1783, Princeton and Providence, 1972, 2:194–195, 197–198; Cotton Tufts to JA, 10 Oct., and AA to JA, 23 Dec. 1782, and Ronnay to AA, 26 April 1783, all below.)
See Ronnay to AA, 26 April 1783, below.
1782-10-02
No Eliza2 I do not believe your real affection has decreased for Amelia,3 but a consiousness of my even doing wrong sometimes leads me to feel neglected, when, perhaps, I am not. But do not say that you love me better every time you converse with me. I must believe you sincere and this belief will lead me for the first time to dought your judgement. I do not say this to be contradicted. It is my belief, I feel it to my hourly mortification.
I have no news to relate to Eliza, only Mosieur Ronnay with his regiment is ordered to Portsmouth—to defend it from the invasions of the british fleet, that are feared. He called to take leave of us yesterday. He laments leaveing Braintree much—and wishes he had, had, the pleasure of seeing Miss Betsy Cranch.
The Ladies that I told you I expected a Wedensday were engaged. I shall expect them tomorow, and hope for the pleasure of Elizas presence. Mr. Robbins was excessively tired the other eve. He could get no further than hear.
This letter has been dated from the Chevalier de Ronnay's two letters of 2 Oct. to AA (both Adams Papers; the first above). The closing reference to Chandler Robbins Jr. also suggests an early October date (see AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch, Sept., vol. 4:389).
Betsy (or Eliza) Cranch, AA2's first cousin, was probably visiting Dr. Cotton Tufts and Lucy Quincy Tufts, her great-uncle and aunt, in Weymouth (vol. 4:389).
AA2 regularly adopted this name when corresponding with relatives and close friends, and AA, in her correspondence, often referred to her daughter as Amelia. AA, JA, the Cranches, and some of their friends had adopted similar names in the early 1760s. See vol. 1:passim; vol. 3:144–145, and note 5; and vol. 4:390.
1782-10-06
Your obligeing favour of Sepbr 10th1 was put into my hands the day before I set out upon a journey2 which detained me a fortnight 3abroad, and prevented my Reply to your kind inquiries after my absent Friends.
I did as you supposed receive Letters by Capt. Grinnel one of which was dated in july;3 but I have the mortification to assure you sir that our common Friend did not then entertain any hopes of a speedy peace general peace and a seperate peace he assures me will not be made even by Holland; the Independancy of America has at last triumphd in Holland. You sir will allow me a little vanity and exultation upon this occasion, because you are particularly knowing to the zeal the ardour and the indefatigable Labours of our Friend upon this occasion and will consider them in a light which the envy of some and the malice of others are little disposed to view them in. To express myself in the Language of one to whom you are no stranger, “this Cause has been carried, without Money without Friends, in opposition to mean Intrigues, by the still small voice of Reason and perswasion tryumphant against the uninterrupted opposition of Family connections, court influence and aristocratical despotism.”4 To what ever motives may be asscribed the littel notice taken of an event of so much importance to our country I will not pretend to determine. Posterity No doubt my connextion leads me to a more attentive observance of every an event which I cannot but consider as reflecting high honour upon the integrity and abilities of a Gentleman of whom from your personal knowledge of him you may well suppose I entertain the highest warmest regard and affection. It is no small satisfaction to me that my Country will reap the Benifit of my personal sacrifices, tho they little feel how great they are.
You sir who appear to possess the tender social feelings, and to enter into domestick attachments, can better judge than the most of the cruel strugle of my Heart and my affections in being repeatedly torn from the object of my early Love affections; and reconciling my self to a 3 Years an already 3 years seperation. Heaven only knows how much longer it is to continue, but were I assured that my Friend would be continued abroad for half that space of time longer—in spight of the Enemy and the uncertain Element, dissagreable as a voyage in Idea appears to me, especially deprived of my companion and protector, I would hazard all in compliance with your advise5 which I assure you has had great weight with me. I wait only for the return of Mr. Thaxter and a more explicit request from Mr. Adams to deter put my present intention in execution.
Have you I hope you have not formed such Local attachment at 4Newport as to give up the Idea of a settlement in this vicinity. I cannot account for the Friendly attachment I find within my Heart to a Gentleman who was so much of a stranger to me whom I have only once had the pleasure of seeing; but in attributing it to what I really think the
And the Poet tells us that there is a Natural instinct in kindred souls, which lead them to a Friendly union with each other.
I have the pleasure to answer your kind inquiries after the Health of my Friend and Brother Cranch by acquainting you of his recovery to a much better state of Health than I ever his Friends ever expected. He requets you to accept his thanks for your remembrance of him and his regards to you. Dr. Tufts also desires to be rememberd to you and wishes for a further acquaintance with you.6
Miss Adams empowers me to say that Dr. Waterhouse stands high in her esteem and she reflects with much pleasure upon the hours she spent in his company and relies upon his promise of bringing her acquainted with his amiable sister7 whom she is prepaird to Love and admire from the Worthy Sample she has already seen of the family. Master Charles presents his affectionate Regards to Dr. Waterhouse whom he both Loves and Reverences. And his Mamma concludes with assurances of the Friendship and Esteem of his Humble servant
Vol. 4:380.
To Haverhill, where AA's sister Elizabeth Shaw lived (AA to JA, 8 Oct., below).
See JA to AA, 1 July, vol. 4:337–339. Grinnel was captain of the brig Sukey (Ingraham & Bromfield to AA, 1 July, vol. 4:339).
The passage, with some rearrangement, comes virtually verbatim from JA to AA, 14 May, vol. 4:323.
See AA's account of Waterhouse's visit to Braintree, during which he not only deeply moved her by his account of his visits with JA, JQA, and CA in Europe, but also “wished
Waterhouse's extensive medical studies abroad would naturally have been of interest to Dr. Tufts. For an extended sketch of Waterhouse, see vol. 4:32–34.
Rebecca Waterhouse (1757–1822), Dr. Waterhouse's only living sibling (George Herbert Waterhouse, “Descendants of Richard Waterhouse of Portsmouth, N.H.,” typescript, on deposit at MBNEH, p. 136–137).
1782-10-08
Your favour of August 17th2 is just put into my hands with word that Capt. Grinnel is to sail tomorrow, all of a sudden without having been to see me, or warning me of his going. I made a little excursion to Haverhill with our daughter and son Charles which prevented my 5getting my Letters ready. However I am determined not to close my eyes to Night untill I have written to you, and will send Charles of tomorrow morning by sun rise. Mr. Guile3 is come safe and sends me word he will see me tomorrow or next day. I shall be impatient untill he comes. I want to know all about my dear Friend—O! that I could add Companion. Permit me my Dearest Friend to renew that Companionship. My Heart sighs for it. I cannot O! I cannot be reconcild to living as I have done for 3 years past. I am searious. I could be importunate with you. May I? Will you let me try to soften, if I cannot wholy releave you, from your Burden of Cares and perplexities? Shall others for their pleasure hazard, what I cannot have courage to incounter from an affection pure as ever burned in a vestal Heart—Warm and permanant as that which glows in your own dear Bosom. I Hardly think of Enemies of terrors and storms. But I resolve with myself, to do as you wish. If I can add to your Happiness, is it not my duty? If I can soften your Cares, is it not my duty? If I can by a tender attention and assiduity prolong your most valuable Life, is it not my duty? And shall I from Female apprehensions of storms of winds, forego all these Calls? Sacrifice them to my personal ease? Alass I have not even that, for wakeing or sleeping I am ever with you. Yet if you do not consent so much is my Heart intent upon it, that your refusal must be couched in very soft terms, and must pledge yourself to return speedily to me.
Yet my dear sir when I can conquer the too soft sensibility of my Heart; I feel loth you should quit your station untill an Honorable peace is Established, and you have added that to your other Labours. Tis no small satisfaction to me that my country is like to profit so largely by my sacrifices.
I doubt not of your Numerous avocations.4 Yet when you can get time to write to your Friends here, it is of vast service to you. It sets tongues and pens at work. It informs the people of your attention to their Interests, and our negotiations are extolled and our Services are held up to view. I am unfortunate in not having in my possession a News paper to inclose, in which some person, has done justice to your patience, to your perseverance, and held up as far as was prudent the difficulties you have had to encounter.5
I hope you are releaved by my last Letters in some measure from your anxiety about our dear Friend and Brother Cranch. He is recoverd far beyond our expectations; he is for the first time this week attending Court. I am of opinion that his Lungs are affected, and am in terrors for him least he should have a relapse. He owes his Life 6the doctors say under providence, to the incessant, unwearied, indefatigable watchfull care of his wife; who has almost sacrificed her own, to save his Life.—O! my dear Friend, how often is my Heart torn with the Idea, that I have it not in my power, let sickness or misfortune assail you thus to watch round your Bed and soften your repose.
To the Care of a gracious providence I commit you.
Your good Mother went from here this afternoon, and desires her kind Regards to you. Uncle QHonour to be known to many of them—concequently am forgotten or unnoticed by them in all their publick entertainments. Our Allies however recollect that the only Gentleman who is employed abroad in publick Service from this state May probably have a Lady and a daughter, and it may be proper to notice them out of Regard to the Gentlemans publick Character; and accordingly Send out their invitations which I decline and send the daughter. This has been repeatedly the case. I care not a stiver8 as it respects my own country. Mrs. D
What would You have thought 15 years ago, for young practicioners at the Bar to be setting up their Chariots, to be purchaseing—not paying for—their country seats. P. M——n, B——n H——n,9 riding in their Chariots who were clerks in offices when we removed from Town. Hogarth may exhibit his world topsa turva.10 I am sure I have seen it realized.
Your daughter has been writing to you. Indeed my dear sir you would be proud of her. Not Mamma. She has a Stat
Indeed she is not like her Mamma. Had not her Mamma at her age too much sensibility, to be very prudent. It however won a Heart of as much sensibility—but how my pen runs. I never can write you a short Letter. My Charles and Tommy, are fine Boys. My absent one is not forgotten. How does he, I do not hear from him.
Adieu my dear Friend. How much happier should I be to fold you to my Bosom, than to bid you this Languid adieu, with a whole ocean between us. Yet whilst I recall to your mind tender scenes of happier days, I would add a supplication that the day May not be far distant, that shall again renew them to your Ever Ever affectionate
1 peice of white blond Lace
This is written in so much haste that I cannot revise. I took Miss N
This date is probably in error; see note 3.
JA wrote two letters on 17 Aug. (vol. 4:364–366). AA seems to be answering the second of the two; note the second and third paragraphs.
Benjamin Guild arrived from Amsterdam 8on the Apollo on 9 Oct., and forwarded a packet to AA on that day (Boston Evening Post, 12 Oct.; Richard Cranch to JA, 10 Oct., below).
This word is written over another, illegible word.
See JA to Richard Cranch, 2 July (vol. 4:339–341) and descriptive note there.
A Massachusetts privateer that had carried letters directly to Holland earlier in the year (vol. 4:305, 327, 329, 354, 362, 377).
On the America, see JA, Papers
, 6:157.
A small coin used in the Netherlands, worth about as much as an English penny.
Probably Perez Morton and Benjamin Hichborn; see JA, Papers
, vols. 3–4;
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 17:36–44, 555–561.
AA's reference may be to William Hogarth's work generally rather than to any specific engraving. The social disorder depicted in several of his most celebrated plates, such as “The Election” series (1755–1758), gives some idea of his biting satire. She could, however, have in mind Hogarth's “The Times, Plate 1” (Sept. 1762), which may be the engraving that James Warren connected with the satirist Charles Churchill in terms very similar to AA's remark here. Writing to JA on 13 June 1779 (JA, Papers
, 8:93), Warren described Massachusetts' new social order, AA's topic in this passage, as “A World turned Topsy Turvy, beyond the description of Hogarth's humourous pencile of Churchill's Satyr.” “The Times, Plate 1,” however, was not based on a satire by Churchill, and may even have criticized Churchill and his friend, John Wilkes, while praising the Earl of Bute, and attacking William Pitt the Elder for keeping the war with France going in Europe. It did show an England in disorder, in which nearly all social and political leaders were working for the nation's ruin. See
DNB
(Churchill); Ronald Paulson, Hogarth: His Life, Art, and Times, 2 vols., New Haven, 1971, esp. vol. 2, chap. 27.
Not found.
1782-10-09
In receiving the Communication, that the yesterday signed,1 You will at the same Time accept my sincere Congratulations upon this Event. It has been a long, tedious and troublesome Negotiation, and fortunately for our Country in very good Hands. Every Negotiation here takes up so much Time, even upon Matters of no great Pith or Moment. How much then was necessary to the Accomplishment of the great Object in view? The Nature of the Business, almost answers the Question. The dispute between Britain and America was to be laid open, the Progress of it stated, the Resources and Ability of America to defend and secure her Independence against the Force of her Enemies were to be clearly proved, and the Advantages of a friendly Connection between the two Countries were to be shewn in an indisputable manner. These were important Truths, and great Care, prudence and Delicacy were required in unfolding them to the public Eye. Unforeseen Events, that influence and impress the public Mind, were oftentimes occurring, and operated new difficulties to the progress of the Mission, produced Suspicions, or Fears and gave new Life and a 9fresh Recruit of Spirits to busy Anglomany,2 ever employed in strengthening its Party, and in Endeavours to obscure the Light of Truth. Add to all this, the falsehoods and Impositions that circulated from the British Magazine all over Europe. The English spared no Pains and hesitated at no Absurdities nor Impostures however gross and palpable, to work upon the Passions, mislead the Judgments, and pervert any good Dispositions that were manifesting themselves in this Country. There was an Advantage in having the first Intelligence of any Event in America, to avail oneself of the first Impressions. In this the English were successful and any trifling Advantage in no wise affecting the general Issue of the War, was trumpd up by them into a decisive Victory, and a Court Gazette could magnify the contemptible littleness of a Gnat to the Magnitude of a Mountain, till an American Account could furnish a true Medium to view the Affair. These are some of the difficulties, tho' but a few of the whole Number, which have embarrassed and perplexed this Negotiation. However the Dye was cast, and the lucky Number turn'd. Thank God for all things, and especially for that Degree of Faith Patience and Perseverance with which he inspired him, who had the Conduct of this Business. There is no negotiating here without these Virtues. Your dearest Friend has gained himself great Honor, and both his Ability and Firmness have been highly complimented and applauded. Give me Credit, Madam, for writing three sides soberly—more than I expected when I sat down to write. Now I would be saucy if I dare, and make You gay for a few Moments. I could launch into a little domestic History, and tell You the manner in which We live describe Characters &ca. but I must not. If the Letter should be taken the deuce would be played with me. So I must be silent. I shall not return this Season as I expected. I shall make a short Trip to another Country first. You will know the Reason why from your dearest Friend.
Gibralter is not yet taken nor will be I believe this Season. What Expence to no Purpose?
What would I give to embrace all the dear Girls? That is if they should be willing. I long to peep in upon them, and participate in the pleasures of their sweet Society.
I hope Master Charles will write to me. Does he want to come Promise of appointing me his Secretary. My Love to him, Miss N
This treaty culminated more than two years of diplomatic labors by JA. The climactic event was the Netherlands' decision, on 19 April, to recognize JA as the representative of an independent sovereign nation, an act that JA himself called “a signal Tryumph” for the United States (to AA, 1 July, vol. 4:338). Copies of the treaty, in English and Dutch, are in the Adams Papers, dated 8 October. See Thaxter to JA, 20 April (vol. 4:311–313); JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:3–5, note 1, 8–9, note 1, 16–17, note 2; and Celeste Walker, John Adams & a “signal Tryumph”: The Beginning of 200 Years of American-Dutch Friendship, Massachusetts Historical Society, Picturebook, Boston, 1982.
Here, apparently, meaning the effort by English or Dutchmen to advance England's interest in the Netherlands. Thaxter had already used the word “Anglomanes,” in Aug. 1781, to describe Dutchmen sympathetic to England (vol. 4:205). JA quoted a similar use of “Anglomanes” by the Spanish minister to the Netherlands in his 28 April letter to Edmund Jenings (Adams Papers), and again in his 1 July letter to AA (vol. 4:339), and he used “Anglomanie” in his Diary on 5 Oct. 1782 to describe pro-British sentiment in Sweden (
Diary and Autobiography
, 3:14). For later uses of this word and its variants by Thomas Jefferson and others, see
OED
.
A worn fold in the text has made a sentence of six or seven words illegible. Thaxter was shortly to accompany JA to Paris (JA to AA, 12 Oct., below).
1782-10-10
I have just been inform'd by Uncle Smith that a Vessel will sail for Holland this Day; and as I wish to let you hear from your dearest Connections here by every oportunity, I hope you will excuse this Domestick Epistle. I left your Lady and Children all well this Week, your Mother and Brother and all our other Friends are as well as usual. I have had the happiness of receiving your esteemed Favours of June 17th. and July 2d,1 and heartily congratulate you on the most important Success of your Negotiation. You ask me how the news of our new Alliance is receiv'd? I answer that we had scarce heard any thing about it but meer uncertain Rumours untill I received your Letters of the above dates. It now begins to be generally known, and all that I have heard speak of it, express the highest sense of its importance, and of your indefatigable Labours and Exertions in bringing it about. I hope your Health will be restor'd, and that you will be return'd to your native Country, there to enjoy the Fruits of your most uncommon publick Virtue. I have been exceeding ill since I wrote you last, but am now, thro' the good
The Ship Apollo arriv'd here yesterday from Amsterdam, in which Mr. Guild came Passenger, who brought a Pacquet for your Wife which was sent up to Braintree last Evening. I have not yet seen Mr. Guild. The Publick has met with a great loss in the Death of Mr. Treasurer Gardner:2 He died last Tuesday Morning. Judge Sullivan has resign'd his office as one of the Justices of the supreme Judicial Court, and is return'd to the Barr. The Honorable Increase Sumner Esqr.3 is appointed in his room and has accepted. This appointment made a vacancy in the Senate which was fill'd up by our Friend the Honorable Cotton Tufts Esqr. (who faild of his Election in May by means of Court Influence as we think.) but he has resign'd, and now the Honorable Gen. Warren and, Caleb Davis Esqr.4 are the Candidates next in course; I think it probable that your Friend Gen. Warren will have the Choice; He now lives at Milton, having purchas'd the Estate that was Gov. Hutchinson's.
We have been visited with as severe a Drougth this Summer as ever was known, by which our Indian Corn has suffer'd much, and our after-feed has been entirely cut off in most places. The former part of the Summer was exceeding favourable for Grass, so that we have a great plenty of Hay. We have had a plenty of Rain for about a Week past, but it comes too late for the Grass. I hope you will excuse this hasty Letter, and believe me to be with the highest Esteem your ever affectionate Brother.
Henry Gardner, first treasurer and receiver general under the Massachusetts Constitution (
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 12:558–560).
Increase Sumner was later governor of Massachusetts, 1797–1799 (same, 16:531–538).
Caleb Davis, first elected a representative from Boston in 1776, had corresponded with JA in 1777 (Mass., House Jour., 52:3; JA, Papers
, 5:286).
1782-10-10
I this day received your Favour of the 17th. Augst. Ultimo.1 I find that your mind is much distressed with the Accounts you have received of the almost despaired State of our worthy Friend Mr. Cranch. I have given you his Case in a Letter of the 26th. Sept. last,2 which will remove your Anxiety—that Letter you will probably receive with this as I am in hopes of getting it to Town before Grinnell sails. 12I feel the utmost Pleasure when I tell you that he is so far reinstated in his Health as to attend this Week the Inferior3 and General Court both of which are now sitting. I shall as much as possible influence him to keep from public Business untill he has acquired a due Firmness.
I thank you for your Communications. The Speculation contained in the Courier du Bas Rhin exhibits a Plan which if adopted must I think bring Matters to an Issue. I am much pleased with it, shall translate and insert it in one of the Papers,4 observing the Caution you gave me.
You ask me what are the Sentiments of People with respect to another Matter. I can assure you that the most judicious ascribe great Merit to the Minister. The 19th. of April5 has been considered in most of the Papers as a remarkable Era and as it may be a Satisfaction to find that his Labours are not unnoticed I have enclosed a Transcript from Willis Paper of Sept. 19th.6
My Countrymen have been strangely deluded with hopes of a speedy Peace. I have the pleasure to find my Sentiments have pretty nearly corresponded with the Accounts You have from Time to Time given upon this Subject. By expressing my Sentiments I have frequently subjected myself to Ridicule. But Time has convinced many. And it were to have been wished that the delusive Idea had never have influencd our public Bodies. This has prevented those stable Measures that would have ensured us Success and it has had no small Influence on our Finances. But such is the State of the greater part of Mankind that they must suffer, must feel the Scourge before they can see their Interest and pursue it.
We are now I trust emerging from our Stupidity and are adopting (in this Commonwealth) Measures for restoring the public Credit7 and (though at a late Day) if carried into Execution will open to us a brighter Scene. By Excises and sumptuary Laws a Revenue nearly sufficient for our Purpose may be raised. The General Court are now upon this Plan and I hear that they are almost unanimous in it.
This present Year I have not the honor to be of that Body. The Maneuvres of——8 (whose Profusion I never admired and in the List of whose Flatterers I never was enrolled) fortunately for me, succeeded at the last Election and gave me a Respite from public Business. I however was last Week called by the Joint Ballot of both Houses of Assembly to the Senate. The Unanimity of the Choice would have had the greatest Influence in determining me to accept, 13had my Family Circumstances favoured it. Sickness in my Family for some Months past and several of them being still in an infirm State induced me to decline accepting the Trust.
In my last I mentiond a Controversy as subsisting between J. T. and J. S.9 It is still carried on with great Acrimony—and will be attended with some disagreable Consequences to particular Persons. How far it will affect the public, Time must determine, from some Anecdotes I have met with I have a more favourable Opinion of the Motives that induced J. S. to take up the Cudgel. I have in my last and in this given You a hint of these Matters, suspecting, that Evidences of the meritorious Services of J. T. to America will be hunted up in Europe. In this Controversy many Characters may first or last be brought into View and among others, there has already been a Thrust at the American Philosophers. Had J. T. remained in Great Britain it might have saved much Trouble, but since he is here it may perhaps be best to canvass the Matter fully.
The Length of my Letters I fear will be disagreable and too much break in upon your important Moments. If so, tell me my Friend and I will amend.
Revd. Mr. Smith enjoys a fine State of Health for advanced Life. Mr. Norton Quincy also and other Connections are well. Your Brother Shaw and Sister with their little Son are here on a Visit. They with my Second Self begs to be remembered to you.
Having failed of a Conveyance by Grinnell am in hopes of forwading this by the Firebrand; on her Arrival here she was seized as having on Board English Goods. On some Terms or other the Vessell is released but a Number of Goods said to be brought from England and put on board of her after she left the Texel are libelled and will probably be condemned. There is a Spirit prevailing to suppress this Trade.10 A great Number of Seizures of English Goods have been made within several Months past.
The French Fleet are still here, but will shortly remove,11 notwithstanding their Vigilance, we have within six Weeks past suffered greater Losses in the American Seas, than perhaps in any Period.
Our Friend Gen. Warren is elected a Member of Congress.12 I hope that he will accept—but have not as yet heard of his Determination.
14Mr. Gerry who is also elected13 I hear will shortly set out for Philadelphia.
Not found. Tufts was not acknowledging JA's undated letter to him that has been assigned to Aug. 1782 in vol. 4:369–370, for Tufts' docketing shows that he received that letter in March 1783.
Vol. 4:385–388.
That is, the Inferior Court of Common Pleas.
JA's “speculation” suggested that if the League of Armed Neutrality admitted the United States upon the application of the American minister, this would be an important step toward general peace, for it would amount to European recognition of American independence and thus put pressure upon Great Britain to accept it. This acceptance, in turn, would avert probable civil war in Britain itself. The translated piece appeared in the Boston Evening Post for 2 November. See also vol. 4:367, and note 2, written before this item was located.
The date, in 1782, of Dutch recognition of American independence; see John Thaxter to AA, 9 Oct., note 1, above.
The Independent Chronicle for this date carried a piece labeled “Extract of a letter from an American gentleman in Holland, dated July 2,” which said in part: “America may felicitate herself in the success of her Minister in Holland, whose unwearied exertions to bring about this important event have answered the wishes of her best friends, and whose wisdom, patience and perseverance have baffled the strongest opposition of her enemies.” The letter went on to enumerate the difficulties that had to be overcome in achieving Dutch recognition, stressing that it was not enough to appeal just to the Dutch government, but that a direct appeal had to be made to the people. “Mr. Adams was admirably well adapted to answer these purposes.”
From Jan. 1781 to March 1782 the state passed a number of measures designed to reduce the amount of circulating paper and to provide for payments in hard currency. See vol. 4:66; Mass., Acts and Laws
, 1780–1781, p. 6–11, 488–490, 533–535, 893–894.
Probably John Hancock (see Richard Cranch to JA, 10 Oct., above). Weymouth instead elected Nathaniel Bailey, who had not served the previous year (Independent Chronicle, 6 June).
The newspapers of the day saw numerous communications defending and attacking John Temple and James Sullivan, and Sullivan brought charges of Toryism against Temple before the General Court. For more details and the larger political implications of the quarrel, see vol. 4:386–387 and accompanying note and references.
In June and July Congress recommended that the states take action against illicit trade in British goods and provided for condemnation of ships and cargoes to the benefit of the state in which the capture occurred (
JCC
, 22:341, 392–393). In November, Massachusetts altered two of its laws of the preceding year, particularly to award half the proceeds of condemnation to the state (Mass., Acts and Laws
, 1782–1783, p. 84–91).
See Ronnay to AA, 2 Oct., note 2, above.
Increase Sumner's refusal to serve in Congress in addition to his other duties, and resignations from that body by Jonathan Jackson and John Lowell, caused the General Court on 24 Oct. to elect as replacements Nathaniel Gorham, Samuel Holten, James Warren, and Stephen Higginson. Warren was chosen by the smallest vote; he never attended and resigned on 4 June 1783 (Records of the States, Microfilm, Mass. A.1b, Reel No. 10, Unit 3, p. 210, 252, 302–303; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 7:lxix). In a letter to JA of 1 Nov., Warren, referring to himself, wrote: “I believe the last must stay at Home. And Cultivate his Farm” (
Warren-Adams Letters
, 2:183). See AA to JA, 13 Nov. and note 3, below.
After serving in Congress from 1776 to 1781, Gerry was elected once again in June 1782 (
Biog. Dir. Cong.
, p. 39, 1204; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 7:lxviii).
1782-10-12
Saturday
I believe I shall set off for Paris next Fryday. Mr. Thaxter and Mr. Storer1 will go with me.
The Treaty of Commerce and the Convention respecting recaptures were Signed on the 8 of this Month, and they go by this and Several other Opportunities.2 I hope they will give Satisfaction.
Mr. Jay writes me that on the 28 of Septr. that the Day before Mr. Oswald received a Commission to treat with the United States of America3—and writes pressingly for me to come, but I have not been able to dispatch the Treaty and the Loan before. I know not what to Say about Peace. It will be a troublesome Business.
Dr. Franklin has been a long time much indisposed as I lately learn with the Gout and Strangury.4
Mr. Dana is well and so is our son, who may perhaps return to me this Fall.
Charles minds his Book I hope. I wish John was with him, and his Father too.
I dont know whether in future Job should be reckoned “The patient Man.” It Seems to me, that I have had rather more Tryals that
I have Sent you an whole Piece of most excellent and beautiful Scarlet Cloth—it is very Saucy. 9 florins almost a Guinea a Dutch ell, much less than an English Yard. I have sent some blue too very good. Give your Boys a suit of Cloths if you will or keep enough for it some years hence and yourself and Daughter a Ridinghood in honour of the Manufactures of Haerlem. The Scarlet is “croisée” as they call it. You never saw such a Cloth. I send also a Suit of Curtains for Miss Nabby. As to her request it will be long Ad referendum.5 There is also a Remnant of Silk, Green. Make the best of all—but dont meddle any more with Vermont.6
If We make Peace, you will see me next summer. But I have very little faith as yet. I am most inclind to think there will be another Campaign.
16I am exceedingly honoured of late by the French and Spanish Ambassadors.7
I never know how to close, because I can never express the Tenderness I feel.
On Charles Storer see Storer to AA, 17 Oct., note 8, below.
The treaty and the convention negotiated with the Netherlands were read in Congress on 22 Jan. 1783 and ratified two days later (John Thaxter to AA, 9 Oct., note 1, above;
JCC
, 24:50, 66–82).
John Jay's letter of 28 Sept. is in the Adams Papers. Jay sent Benjamin Vaughan secretly to see the British prime minister, Lord Shelburne, to persuade him to alter the commission of peace negotiator Richard Oswald. The point at issue was that the United States wanted its independence recognized by Britain before treaty negotiations began. The King and his ministers thought that recognition should be the first article in the treaty itself, and that granting recognition prior to negotiating peace terms was to give away the game. Jay drew up compromise wording specifying that Oswald's commission would empower him to treat with those representing “the Thirteen United States of America,” rather than with “the plenipotentiaries of the United States.” The compromise was made without Franklin's prior knowledge and before JA arrived in Paris from the Netherlands (see JA to AA, 8 Nov. and note 1, below; Morris, Peacemakers
, p. 333–339).
A disease of the urinary organs, causing slow and painful urination (
OED
).
This is probably a second response by JA to AA2's proposal, of ca. 17 July, that she come to Europe to care for her father; JA had advised against this on 26 Sept. (see vol. 4:344, 347, and note 10, 383).
For AA's purchase of land in Vermont see vol. 4:index, under “Vermont.” On 17 June, in a letter to James Warren, JA had given one reason for disliking this purchase: “God Willing, I will not go to Vermont. I must be within the scent of the sea” (RC [MB]; LbC [Adams Papers], printed in JA, Works
, 9:513).
Because the Dutch had recognized American independence, JA had been put on an equal footing with other diplomats at the Hague. See also JA to AA, 1 July (vol. 4:337– 339, and notes 5 and 6).
1782-10-16
Yesterday arrived your kind Letters of the 3 and 5 of september.1 I am preparing to sett off tomorrow Morning for Paris, so that I am unable to write you more than a Line.
Your Proposal of coming to me would make me the happiest of Men, if it were probable that I should live here where I am well settled. But, if the Negotiations for Peace should take a serious Turn, I shall be obliged to live in furnished Lodgings at Paris, or to travel 600 or 800 miles farther to Vienna. These Journeys would be infinitly disagreable to you and your Daughter—and for you to live at the Hague while I am running about Europe, would be more disagreable than in America.
If Peace should be made this Winter I intend to go home in the Spring.
17I shall however be able to form a better Judgment at Paris from whence I will write more fully.
Dont conclude from my Journey to Paris that Peace will be made. The Dutch Ministers at Paris have written that Mr. Fitzherbert2 has received Instructions to treat with the Ministers of the United states of America. Mr. Jay has written me, that Mr. Oswald has received a Commission to treat with the United states of America. But he enjoins me secrecy about it so that you must keep it to yourself. He will write it to Congress from Paris, I suppose. I shall write fully from thence as soon as I know the Truth, but I dare not write half Intelligence, about such delicate Points.
Thanks to Uncle Smith for his Letter3 which I would answer if I had time. Rejoice with Brother Cranch and family.
My dear Daughters enterprising Duty and Affection most tenderly moves me, but she little thinks of the Dangers and Difficulties she wishes to encounter.4
I have not received the Letter containing your Proposal5 so I cannot give you my Opinion of it fully.
Alleyne Fitzherbert, British minister plenipotentiary to negotiate a peace with France, Spain, and the United Provinces (
DNB
).
Isaac Smith Sr.'s letter of 7 Sept. (vol. 4:378–379).
See JA to AA, 12 Oct., note 5, above.
In the letters of 3 and 5 Sept., AA mentioned again that she wanted to join JA and referred to her “proposal” made in an earlier letter. This letter may be missing; if it is that of 5 Aug. (vol. 4:356), it is known only in draft, and JA may never have received it. See vol. 4:372 and note 5, and 4:376 and note 1.
1782-10-16
Your obliging letter of 3d September,1 I have received, and read with all the tenderness of a father deprived of the dearest, and almost the only enjoyment of his life, his family.
I never receive a packet from your mamma without a fit of melancholy that I cannot get over for many days.
Mine has been a hard lot in life, so hard that nothing would have rendered it supportable, especially for the last eight years, but the uninterrupted series of good fortune which has attended my feeble exertions for the public. If I have been unfortunate and unhappy in private life, I thank God I have been uniformly happy and successful as a public man.
18 image 19This happiness may not always last, and I am now very little solicitous whether it does or not. The great cause of our country is established and out of danger, both in America and Europe, and therefore it is not matter, in my judgment, how soon I return to my family.
Jour. and Corr.
, 2:21.)
Not found; see JA to AA, 12 Oct., note 5, above.
1782-10-17
I write you, Madam, agreable to the request of Mr. Adams, having put up for you the sundry articles you gave orders for in a late letter.1
You will receive by Captain Coffin, a Trunk containing an Invoice of things from Mr. Willink2 for you, which I assisted him in purchasing yesterday. Wish they may be agreable to you. Besides these articles there are some others, viz,
1. ps: Scarlet Broad Cloth
a remnant of blue ditto
Ditto. . . . . . . green Damask
Suit of Curtains unmade—with fringes. Tassells &c.3
An Umbrello for John Thaxter Esqr.
Ditto. . . . . . . for my Sister
a small bundle for my Brother.4
These last articles Mr. Adams gave me leave to enclose in the Trunk, and let me request you to forward them to my Papa,5 when convenient.
I have mentioned, in the first paragraph, that it is at Mr. Adams' request that I write you by this opportunity. Indeed Madam it has been my inclination so to do, this some time, and in some measure my duty, thus to pay you my respects, having become a member of the family.
You know it was my wish to have come abroad with Mr. Adams; but Circumstances were then against me. The Case is now altered. My friend6 will return home in the Spring, and I expect to tarry in the family, to assist so far as my abilities will permit.
Mr. Adams and my friend Thaxter have just arrived in this City. We are on a journey, and as you are well versed in these matters, I need not add on the subject.7
20Mr. Thaxter tells me you have some idea of making us a visit sometime or other. The news has given me pleasure, not only on my own Account, but as I think it will be vastly more agreable to Mr. Adams. It does not lay with me to urge, as I can be but an improper judge of the many Circumstances attending such a step. I can only say, I should be happy to welcome your arrival in Europe.
I am very happy to hear of Mr. Cranch's recovery, as by the last accounts I was fearfull for him. Please to tender my congratulations to the family, and Respects to him.
Tossed about and bandied in this new world, amidst an endless maze of novelty and curiosity, I find still my greatest pleasure is in reflection on those near Connections and friends I have left behind me. To hear of their welfare and happiness gives me a satisfaction,
Shall I beg the favor of you to present my RespeSpectacles of Curiosity and Entertainment that Europe affords.
Probably that of 17 July, vol. 4:343–347; AA's letter of 5 Sept. (vol. 4:376–377) had also arrived by this date (JA to AA, 16 Oct., above).
A duplicate enclosed with Wilhem and Jan Willink to JA, 14 Nov., is with that letter in the Adams Papers; another duplicate, enclosed with Ingraham & Bromfield to AA, 8 Nov. (Adams Papers), has not been found. Wilhem and Jan Willink were Amsterdam bankers who participated in raising the loan for the United States secured by JA on 11 June 1782 (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:9, note 1, 202, note 1, 212, note 2).
JA describes nearly all of these fabrics in his letter to AA of 12 Oct., above.
In these two lines Storer probably refers to Mary, age twenty-three, two years his senior, and George, age eighteen, the closest siblings to him in age (
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 12:213–214).
John Thaxter Jr.
See JA to AA, 12 Oct., above.
Charles Storer was a distant relation of AA's and friend of the Adams' circle in Massachusetts. He sailed for Göteborg in the summer of 1781 and soon after joined JA and John Thaxter in the Netherlands. There he studied French and, as this letter indicates, assisted Thaxter as JA's private secretary (vol. 4:124, note 1, 198, 364). This is the first extant letter in Storer's extensive correspondence with various members of the Adams family.
1782-10-17
I am thus far advanced on my Journey,1 and shall continue it from hence tomorrow. I found Mr. Storer writing to You2 as I came in, and he has consented to inclosing a few lines in his.
Your letter of 5th. Septr. to Mr. A. has duly come to hand. You express a strong desire to make a Voyage to your dearest Friend. I am not surprized at that, and think your Patience and Sacrifices are perfect Models, and worthy Imitation, but there are bounds to Virtues of this kind, which cannot well be passed over. For his sake and yours, I wish the Distance was less extensive, and the broad Atlantic contracted in its limits. However, Madam, if an Assurance of my utmost Attention to the Health of your Friend, can afford You any Consolation, or remove any Apprehensions You may entertain on that Account, You will do me the Justice to believe, that I shall not be backward. I flatter myself that I have not been culpable in this Respect, nor shall I, while I remain with him. Mr. Storer's Character is so well known to You, that it is needless to add, that he will join me in every thing that can promote Mr. A's. Happiness.
I am very happy to hear of Mr. Cranch's Recovery, it must have relieved his family from a prodigious weight of Anxiety. You will be kind eno' to let my Father's family know that I am well. I have enjoyed a better Health this day than for four or five Months past, and flatter myself that I am perfectly recovered from a vilanous Fever that has hung about me during that whole time. Remember me to all friends. God bless them and the dear Girls.
From The Hague to Paris; see JA to AA, 12 Oct., above.
1782-10-25
The family are all retired to rest, the Busy scenes of the day are over, a day which I wished to have devoted in a particular manner to my dearest Friend, but company falling in prevented nor could I claim a moment untill this silent watch of the Night.
Look—(is there a dearer Name than Friend; think of it for me;) 22Look to the date of this Letter—and tell me, what are the thoughts which arise in your mind? Do you not recollect that Eighteen years have run their anual Circuit, since we pledged our mutual Faith to each other, and the Hymeneal torch was Lighted at the Alter of Love. Yet, yet it Burns with unabating fervour, old ocean has not Quenched it, nor old Time smootherd it, in the Bosom of Portia. It cheers her in the Lonely Hour, it comforts her even in the gloom which sometimes possessess her mind.
It is my Friend from the Remembrance of the joys I have lost that the arrow of affliction is pointed. I recollect the untitled Man to whom I gave my Heart, and in the agony of recollection when time and distance present themseyears I cannot recall? How dearly have I paid for a titled Husband; should I wish you less wise, that I might enjoy more happiness? I cannot find that in my Heart. Yet providence has wisely placed the real Blessings of Life within the reach of moderate abilities, and he who is wiser than his Neighbour sees so much more to pitty and Lament, that I doubt whether the balance of happiness is in his Scale.
I feel a disposition to Quarrel with a race of Beings who have cut me of, in the midst of my days from the only Society I delighted in. Yet No Man liveth for himself,1 says an authority I will not dispute. Let me draw satisfaction from this Source and instead of murmuring and repineing at my Lot consider it in a more pleasing view. Let me suppose that the same Gracious Being who first smiled upon our union and Blessed us in each other, endowed him my Friend with powers and talents for the Benifit of Mankind and gave him a willing mind, to improve them for the service of his Country.
You have obtaind honour and Reputation at Home and abroad. O may not an inglorious Peace wither the Laurels you have won.
I wrote you per Capt. Grinnel.2 The Fire Brand is in great haste to return, and I fear will not give me time to say half I wish. I want you to say many more things to me than you do, but you write so wise so like a minister of state. I know your Embarassments. Thus again I pay for titles. Life takes its complexion from inferiour things; it is little attentions and assiduities that sweeten the Bitter draught and smooth the Rugged Road.
I have repeatedly expresst my desire to make a part of your Family. “But will you come and see me”3 cannot be taken in that serious 23Light I should chuse to consider an invitation from those I Love. I do not doubt but that you would be glad to see me; but I know you are apprehensive of dangers and fatigues. I know your Situation may be unsetled—and it may be more permanant than I wish it. Only think how the word 3 and 4 and 5 years absence sounds!! It sinks into my Heart with a Weight I cannot express. Do you look like the Minature you sent? I cannot think so. But you have a better likeness I am told.4 Is that designd for me? Gracious Heaven restore to me the original and I care not who has the shadow.
We are hoping for the fall of Gibralter, because we imagine that will facilitate a peace—and who is not weary of the war? The appointment of Dr. F. to the Sweedish Court is considerd as a curious step, especially at his own Instance.5 Tis probable others will write you more particularly (the French Fleet still remain with us, and the British cruizers insult them, more American vessels have been captured since they have lain here than for a year before).6 The Generall Green is taken and carried into Halifax, by which I suppose I have lost some Small Bundles or packages. Beals told me that you gave him 7 small packages which he deliverd Capt. Bacon for me.7 The prisoners have all arrived except Savil who is yet in France. I mentiond to you before; that some of them had been with me, and offerd to repay the money with which you supplied them.8 I could only tell them that I had never received a line from you concerning the Matter, that I chose first to hear from you: I would not receive a farthing unless I had your express direction and your Hand writing to prove that what you had done was from your private purse—which I was confident was the case; or you would have been as ready to have relieved others if you had any publick fund for that purpose as those which belonged to this Town. I found a story prevailing that what you had done, was at the publick expence; this took its rise either from Ignorance or ingratitude—but it fully determined me to receive your direction. The persons who have been with me are the two Clarks, the two Bealses and Jobe Feild. I have a cousin9 in England for whom his good Mother is greatly distresst, she wishes me to write to you concerning him, if you should find by way of C. Snothing is British every thing is unBritish. I believe I will inclose a small invoice of proper articles.10
See Romans 14:7.
AA to JA, 8 Oct., above.
Quoting JA to AA, 1 April, vol. 4:303.
On 24 July 1780, AA had requested a miniature (vol. 3:382), which is apparently the one to which AA refers here, but neither this likeness nor the “better” one has been found. The only surviving portraits of JA made in this period are the two engravings done from life by Reinier Vinkeles in 1782. See Oliver, Portaits of JA and AA
, p. 14–18, 209–210.
On 25 June, Benjamin Franklin informed Congress that the Swedish ambassador to France had asked him whether his powers would permit him to negotiate a treaty with Sweden. Remembering the broad powers originally granted to himself and the other commissioners, Franklin asserted that he could act; but to Congress he suggested that he be specifically empowered for that purpose and given instructions. He also reported that the Swedish king was an admirer of his and would take particular pleasure in treating with him (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 5:512). On 28 Sept. Congress agreed upon the text of a treaty to be offered to Sweden, commissioned Franklin to conclude it, and issued him his instructions (
JCC
, 23:610–624).
JA eventually learned the contents of Franklin's letter of 25 June, and in response to an enquiry from William Lee, he wrote that he believed that Franklin knew that Francis Dana had a commission to treat with neutral powers that superseded the powers originally granted to the three commissioners to France; therefore he should have told the Swedish ambassador that only Dana had the power to negotiate with Sweden. JA went on to say: “But the feelings, if not the rights of every American Minister in Europe have been wantonly sacrificed to Dr. F.'s vanity” (JA to William Lee, 15 March 1783, LbC, Adams Papers). Dana, however, had his doubts about the extent of his own powers to deal with neutral nations (to JA, 16 March 1783, same).
Closing parenthesis supplied.
Bacon commanded the brig General Greene, which had suffered severe storm damage on its passage from Amsterdam to Philadelphia; it was heading for Boston for repairs when it encountered British warships (Independent Ledger, 14 Oct.).
See vol. 4:257, and note 3, 372; and JA to AA, 16 April 1783 (1st letter), below.
Isaac Smith Jr.; see AA's 1777 letter to him (vol. 2:362–364). CFA omitted the text from this sentence to the end of the paragraph in AA, Letters, 1840, and in JA-AA, Familiar Letters
.
If AA did enclose an invoice, it has not been found.
1782-10-26
No, the Fire Brand shall not sail again without a Letter to my Friend. Why what a Hurry. I meant to have written him a long Letter—but here before a Body could think twice she is loaded and ready to sail. I could not write by Capt. Grinnel for reasons which I gave you.1 This vessel will sail before I can advertize your Friends. I have the pleasure however to assure you that they were well last week; when your Mamma and sister Celia made me a visit. They took from hence a stiff dutch figure. Why if that is your present likeness
25 26I do not wonder you wish to come to America to be New formed. There are some Traits tis true but is it the fashion to have such prominent cheek Bones? I felt affronted with any who supposed a likeness, tho all agreed that it was an ugly one.2 You cannot conceive how it struck the Fair American.3 She protests against going to Holland. No Flatterers there she thinks. She is certain they know nothing of the graces, or they could not so have deformed the countanance of the Handsome Charles.4 The features of both the portraitures are hard and cours. Tell him his Friends do not like it—and do him an other message if you please. If you return, and he succeeds You, I expect him to supply your place in every respect—one of which is to become my correspondent. I meant to have written him a few lines by way of requests, but fear I shall not have time.
His good Pappa obliged me by reading some of his Letters. I like his Manner of Letter writing, he pleases me exactly—he writes to the Moment—and has the happy art of giving even trivial matters an agreable air and dress, he is Sentimental without a too formal gravity, and his observations upon Men and Manners do honour to his judgment. If I had no other test of his worth, the affectionate regard he expresses for his Sister would prove his merrit.
Do you not want to give a look at our Fire side. I will tell you how it is occupied—rather different from what it commonly is, for there is a Card table before it, and A Mr. Robbins5 (the present preceptor of my Sons) is holding a hand at whist with Miss A. Miss Betsy Otis, the daughter of Mr. Allen Otis6 and Master Billy Cranch are partners—a sweet delicate Lovely Lilly and rose Beauty is this amiable Girl.
What do you think of my crosing the Atlantick? I have serious thoughts of it. If my best Friend asks it, I certainly shall but I rather wish for peace that he may return to me. I love the peacefull Rural Retirement and the pleasures of domestick Life. You know sir that ever since you made a part of our Family I have lived in one continued sacrifice of private happiness. I have felt anxious some times least the long seperation should Estrange the affections of my Children from their parent, and this was a powerfull inducement with me; for my two sons to accompany their Father. Charles was a carefull observer of his Fathers sentiments many of which he has treasurd up. He is calld here the Man in minature. His manners are pleasing and agreable. My Elder son I very seldom hear from, he is with a Gentleman of whom I have a high opinion. I hope he will be attentive to his precepts and instructions. You know his disposition, he is not 27so manageable as either of the others. Great activity and vivacity run away with him. Yet properly guided they promise great things. But our highest expectations are sometimes cut of, and that in a mortifying manner.
Mr. Laurence, poor old Gentleman his Grey hairs will come with sorrow to the Grave. Will he support the loss of his son with the fortitude of Cato when Marcius fell coverd with wounds in defence of his Country? Thus fell the Brave Col. Laurence, Lamented by all who knew him.7 Freedom mourns over his urn, and Honour decks the sod which covers his ashes with unfadeing Laurels.
I think there is nothing New in the political world. Our Eyes seem to be turned towards Europe as the Theater of great actions. We are tierd of the war, and wish for an honorable peace. Taxation is exceeding heavy, and those who will pay them may, but those who will not—are not always made to do it. Tis said by Pope that that goverment which is best administerd, is best.8 I mean not to discuss this point, but this we feel, that a good goverment ill administerd is injurious to every member of the community. I have been informd that some counties have paid no tax for two years.
This I know I have been obliged to pay every thing I could get. I cannot see how the Merchants who have met with exceeding heavy losses this year by Captures and the Farmer whose produce has been cut of in a most uncommon manner, Can answer the publick demands. But enough of this, you would hear it from all Quarters if you was here.
Present my Regards to your Friend: and Master Charles'es to Madam Chabinal9 and Daughters whom he often speaks of with great affection. Miss A. desires you would write to her. She thinks you a Letter in her debt. Be assurd you are at all times affecti
AA is probably referring to her admission, in her letter to JA of 8 Oct., above, sent by Capt. Grinnell, of writing in haste. Her remark, above, about not letting the Fire Brand sail “again” without a letter to Thaxter may refer to her letter of 17 June to Thaxter by that vessel (vol. 4:329–331).
This portrait of Thaxter was probably done earlier in the year (see Descriptive List of Illustrations, above). For AA's criticism of an earlier miniature of Thaxter, see vol. 4:348–349.
AA had teased Thaxter since Dec. 1780 about this unidentified, and perhaps imaginary girl, to whom she fancied he was particularly attracted. AA at one point thought that her name was Eliza, and that she did not live in Braintree, but Thaxter denied being especially interested in any Eliza (vol. 4:28, 123 and note 2). AA's present reference would fit her own daughter, but other references make AA2 an unlikely choice. Thaxter, in replying 28to this letter on 30 Jan. 1783, below, professed to be thoroughly mystified about the “Fair American's” identity. In letters written in 1781, however, he expressed no doubt or concern about this (vol. 4:97, 140, 187). Thaxter would marry Elizabeth Duncan of Haverhill in 1787, but the editors have found no evidence that he knew her before going to Europe in 1779 (see JQA, Diary
, vols. 1 and 2).
This likeness of Charles Storer, to which Thaxter refers in his 30 Jan. 1783 letter to AA, below, has not been positively identified. It might be the painting that appears after p. 232 of MHS, Procs.
, 55 (1921–1922), and is described on p. 233, but that miniature could be later (1789?), and the likeness appears to be of a man older than twenty-one (see Descriptive List of Illustrations, above).
Chandler Robbins Jr.; see vol. 4:390, note 1.
Samuel Allyne Otis, younger brother of James Otis Jr., and of Mercy Otis Warren.
Henry Laurens' son John was killed in a late, minor battle of the War for Independence in South Carolina on 27 August. AA's allusion is probably to Joseph Addison's play Cato (1713), in which Marcus, one of the sons of Cato the Younger, dies while resisting his father's traitorous ally, Syphax. In act IV, scene iv of Addison's play, Cato views his son Marcus's body, and says:
Young Marcus's death before that of his father is a post-classical invention. Marcus Porcius Cato the Younger, the Stoic defender of the Roman republic who committed suicide at Utica in Africa in 46 b.c., rather than submit to the dictator Julius Caesar, did have two sons, but neither is recorded as dying before his father. Cato's eldest son, Marcus, did die heroically four years later at Philippi, while resisting the forces of Caesar's successor, Mark Antony. By the mid-eighteenth century, however, the dominant image of Cato in the English-speaking world was no longer based on the more authoritative accounts of Plutarch and other classical authors, but on Addison's celebrated play, which occupied a central place in the thinking of both English Whigs and American patriots. Plutarch, Cato the Younger; Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution, Cambridge, 1967, p. 43–44.
Essay on Man, epistle 3, lines 303–304: “For forms of government let fools contest;/Whate'er is best administer'd is best.”
On Madame Chabanel, see vol.4:148, note 1, and JQA, Diary
, 1:76–89 passim.
1782-11-08
The King of Great Britain, by a Commission under the great Seal of his Kingdom, has constituted Richard Oswald Esqr. his Commissioner to treat with the Ministers Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, and has given him full Powers which have been mutually exchanged. Thus G.B. has Shifted Suddenly about, and from persecuting Us with unrelenting Bowells, has unconditionally and unequivocally acknowledged Us a Sovereign State and independant Nation. It is surprizing that she should be the third Power to make this Acknowledgment. She has been negotiated into it, for Jay and I peremptorily refused to Speak or hear, before We were put upon an equal Foot. Franklin as usual would have taken the Advice of the 29C
As to your coming to Europe with Miss Nabby, I know not what to say. I am obliged to differ in Opinion so often from Dr. Franklin and the C. de Vergennes, in Points that essentially affect the Honour Dignity and most prescious Interests of my Country, and these Personages are so little disposed to bear Contradiction, and Congress have gone so near enjoining upon me passive Obedience to them,2 that I do not expect to hold any Place in Europe longer than next Spring. Mr. Jay is in the Same Predicament, and So will every honest Man be, that Congress can Send.3
Write however to Mr. Jackson in Congress4 and desire him candidly to tell you, whether he thinks Congress will continue me in Europe, upon Terms which I can Submitt to with honour, another Year. If he tells you as a Freind that I must Stay another Year, come to me, in the Spring with your Daughter. Leave the Boys in good Hands and a good school. A Trip to Europe, for one Year may do no harm to you or your Daughter. The Artifices of the Devil will be used to get me out of the Commission for Peace. If they succeed I abandon Europe for ever, for the Blue Hills without one Instants Loss of Time or even waiting for Leave to return. For whoever is Horse Jockeyed,5 I will not be.—Congress means well, but is egregiously imposed upon and deceived.
Mrs. Jay and Mrs. Izard will be excellent Companions for you and the Miss Izards for Miss Nabby.6
Washington, which was destined for Philadelphia (note in Thaxter's hand at end of the LbC; Thaxter to AA, 10 Nov., below). The Dupl is contained in a second letter dated 8 Nov. from Storer to AA. Storer prefaces it by explaining that he made the Dupl without instructions from JA, and that to make delivery more certain, he was sending it by another conveyance. He describes the attending circumstances: “Mr. A. has just now laid a letter upon my table—'Here, Messieurs, says he, have you a mind to see love and business united? Read that then.' An agreable assemblage truly, Sir—and indeed Madam so it was—at least as it affected me.”
JA overstates his own role in bringing the British to make this concession. Although Jay offered Oswald compromise language before JA arrived from Holland, and without first consulting Franklin, he did later discuss the new language with Franklin, whose fear was that the American negotiators, by proceeding without the knowledge of France, were violating their instructions. Franklin felt that insistence upon a change in the wording of Oswald's commission (that implicitly, if not in legal form, would recognize American in-30dependence) was not significant enough to delay peace. Jay's success, however, removed Franklin's doubts (see JA to AA, 12 Oct., note 3; JA to AA, 16 Oct., both above).
By altering his 1779 instructions as sole negotiator for peace. See vol. 4:163–164, note 4.
This sentence appears to have been inserted after the text of the letter was complete.
Jonathan Jackson, a Newburyport merchant, served in Congress from July to October, and then resigned his seat (
JCC
, 22:371; 23:669 [Jackson's last recorded vote]; Cotton Tufts to JA, 10 Oct., note 12, above; vol. 4:376– 377).
That is, cheated or dealt with fraudulently (
OED
, under “Jockey”).
From its appearance, this sentence appears to have been added as an afterthought. When Ralph Izard, formerly commissioner to Tuscany, was recalled and returned to the United States in 1780, his wife, Alice De Lancey, and at least two of their daughters stayed on in France until 1783. The daughters were Margaret, age fourteen in 1782, Charlotte, age twelve, and Elizabeth and Anne, ages five and three. (
DAB
; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:46; South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, 2:216–217 [July 1901].)
1782-11-08
I have taken the liberty to enclose a line to my Papa, under cover of yours; knowing it will go more expeditiously as well as safely—to your Excellency—than by itself, and presuming upon your goodness to excuse it. Let me request you to forward it to Boston as soon as may be convenient, and to accept my thanks therefor.
Permit me to congratulate you on the Event, of which Mr. A. has given you an account within. 'Tis an epocha, most favorable to our Cause, not only in America, but in Europe—and tho' Peace should not be the immediate Consequence, yet, the Circumstance abundantly gives us rank and sovreignty in the eyes of every Power on this side the water.
Mr. A. has advised your coming to Europe, upon certain Conditions—but, as he has given no directions where to apply on your arrival for advice and assistance, give me leave to mention his friends in the different ports, who will serve you with pleasure.2 At L'Orient, Mr. Barcley, our Consul, and Messrs. Cummings & Nesbit; At Nantes, Mr. Jona. Williams; at Bourdeaux, Mr. Bondfield, and Mr. Cabarrus—and at Bilboa, Gardoqui & Sons. At Amsterdam, you will have no difficulty, as you will bring an abundance of letters.3
The text of this letter, up to note 2, below, does not appear in the Dupl. Other material which does appear in the Dupl is quoted, in part, in note 2.
Storer's letter to AA, on the last page of the Dupl, and there dated 10 Nov., reads up to this point:
“'Sir, said I to Mr. A. today, will it not be necessary for Mrs. A. to have some direction where to apply for assistance when she arrives in Europe?' He looked at me near half a minute. 'No, not at all, says he. You don't know Mr. S. how great a personage you are connected with. As soon as it is known, in any part of Europe, that the Lady of son Excellence Mr. A. is arrived, there will be half the Town bowing and scraping, and begging the honor of serving her.' 'That may all be, Sir, but it would be as well if Mrs. A. has some proper person, to whom she might announce her arrival—would it not?' No—not at all necessary. “However, Madam, as to mention some persons, who will with pleasure serve you, can do no harm, you will excuse me if I take the Charge upon myself. The address of the Gentlemen is as follows, viz.”
In the Dupl the last sentence of this paragraph reads: “Should you arrive at Amsterdam, you will be, in a manner, at home, as we are in the Neighborhood—and to that place, you will doubtless have an abundance of letters.”
1782-11-09
A constant succession of company, is all I have to offer in vindication of my appearant inattention, to my Eliza. Not a moment have I been able to devote, to writing since your absense till these few days past. I have sometime lamented, but solely upon self interested motives, that it has not been in my power to write you. My fancy paints your situation, as agreed. Mrs. Warren, as ever, instructive improveing and agreeable. She has most certainly gained that point, that whatever she does or says, is universally pleasing. I think I never saw the great, the amiable, and the agreeable so happyly blended as in her character. A gentleman once said he had heard instruction given, he had felt reproof, but he had ever received them in a disadvantageous light, till he saw Mrs. W. She possessed the happy tallent of conveying instruction under the pleasing mask of sentiment. Every sentance conveyed a reproof, without seeming pointed. When he beheld Mrs. Warren, he saw virtue in its most amiable light. With her endearing partner you are pleased. Mr. W. is sociable and agreeable, Harry2 sprightly, and I need not say engageing. He has done all in his power to render you happy, and has I dare say gained his intended purpose. When my imagination has placed you thus, I felt conscious that it is not in my power to add in aney degree to the happiness of my friend. Perhaps I might have wrote a sheet, but it would have shewed you my ill forebodings. I could have repeated to 32you, what you have known, that your friend is not happy, but it might have damped the joy of a moment, and was better omited. If we do not receive pleasure from reflection, from what cause shall it arise. Only to enjoy the present moment, scarce deserves the name of pleasure. My reflections of this eve, have not given me one ideal pleasure. I have recalled, this evening three years past. My pappa was with us, we were then looking forward to a painfull moment that should seperate us, for a time, we knew not how long. I am now looking forward, with wishes, delusive hopes, and fond expectations that this night twelvemonths hence, the painfull ideas of seperation may not inhabit my mind. But alas Eliza I cannot say what may be. Your friend may now enjoy the happiest moments that are desinged her. Time can only determine, and confirm a painfull thought that will sometimes intrude, and wound my peace of mind. Can I banish it—no—shall I cherish it—every sentiment and affection forbids it. You may perhaps condemn me for calling your attention from some more important pursuit, to a perusal of my gloomy ideas. It is not I think quite like you. But I will quit the subject of self, and ask your opinion of Julia, De Reubigre. What think you of the unfortinate Girl. She claimed your compassion, I think I know. I do not like Montoubon, he appears to feel a superiority of situation as a man, that does not render him pleasing. I loved him for a moment—at one time.3
I took my pen a saturday eve and scribled so far and have not had opportunity since to continue. I wish I could have found time since your absence to have wrote, a journal. It would have diverted at least, if not have pleased. The disappointments of your friend have not been few, her pleasures many, rather a varied scene. I do not recollect to have been out but once since I saw you. We have had much company. Madam Paine has past too or three days with us. Mr. Tyler quite an her attentive squire.4 Their behavour would divert you. Tell me Eliza has your time been so fully employed that not one moment could have been given to your friend. I will wish you a good night. If the wether should be fine tomorow, possibly mamma, will pass the day at M
Millton”; endorsed: “Nov 1782 AA” and “83 Jan AA.”
Since the first part of the letter was written on a Saturday evening shortly before the third anniversary of JA's departure for Europe on 13 Nov. 1779, as AA2 explains below, a likely date would be 9 November.
Henry Warren, fourth son of James and Mercy Otis Warren.
Henry MacKenzie wrote Julia de Roubigné, an epistolary novel, in 1777 (
DNB
) .
Probably Eunice Paine, unmarried but old enough (two years older than JA) to be called “madam” (see vol. 1:30, and note 1), and Royall Tyler. Tyler would soon figure prominently in AA's letters, and in AA2's life (AA to JA, 23 Dec., note 4, below).
In a brief undated letter written to Elizabeth Cranch from Hingham, probably in 1782 (MHi: C. P. Cranch Papers), AA2 concluded with an even firmer command: “Do not let aney body see this but burn it as soon as read.”
1782-11-10
We arrived here the 26th. last Month after a tedious Journey in a crazy Carriage, with the additional Circumstances and Douceurs of constant Rains and bad Roads. Nothing however certain something in the Portrait that is more easily concieved than described. There is a Je ne scais quoi in some features that Language cannot reach in Expression. I saw this in the Archbishop's Portrait. By way of digression, Madam, tis this same Je ne scais quoi, that determines the Partiality of a young Lover for his Mistress, and old Lovers too. This is my Idea of the Matter. The Observation is just as far as it respects me—for it has started my Phlegm into clear sheer Love two, three or four Times. In the same Cathedral, we saw a Representation of the Passion of our Saviour by Clock Work. At every Hour one may see this curious operation. The whole Representation is conducted by wooden Images fastened by Wires, and so connected with the Clock of the Church that as soon as the Chime begins, this Machine is set in Motion, and finishes with 34the Hour. It is a pretty Ornament in the Church, and an Amusement for the Eye. But it means something more than to gratify the external Senses. A Mind uninformed and superstitious is affected and impressed by it, and believes that there is something sacred in this Wood and Wire. At Notre Dame de Halle3 in the Emperor's Dominions, we saw our Saviour in Petticoats, the Virgin Mary in a handsome Chintz— in other Places in Rags and tattered Garments, in Agonies &ca &c. There is a vast deal of Imagination and Contrivance in some of these Representations, and for what Purposes, it is unnecessary to mention to You, Madam, whose Penetration will readily discover their Ends and point out their Uses.
Your dearest Friend has at length wrote for You to come over with Miss Nabby, upon certain Conditions mentioned in his Letter, which is dated the 7th. or 8th of this Month. The Letter will go by the Way of Philadelphia, and a Copy, which Mr. Storer has made of it, will go by another Conveyance: so that I hope one or the other will come safely to hand. I am rejoiced on his as well as your Account, and could have wished the same Letter had been written two Years ago. You have a Right to come after such repeated and long Seperations, or to insist upon his returning. A Spring Passage is not dangerous—there is little to fear at any time with a good Ship. Having made the Voyage once, I cannot but wish myself back to have the honor of conducting You across the Rivulet—for I am good Sailor, if not a civil one. However, whenever You embark God grant You a short and an agreable Passage. 'Tis most probable, I shall return in the Spring to my own Country, unless there shall be a great deal of Business on hand, but I hope to have the pleasure of welcoming You and Daughter on this side the Atlantic, before my Departure. I begin to think 'tis time to go home, and try to do something to enable me to keep Batchelor's Hall. As to a Partner, that's out of the Question. I have philosophized myself out of that Notion—the Destinies are against me, and I am resolved to set down in Life a single Man. I am very happy that Mr. Storer happened to be
As to News, there is very little. How the Peace Negotiation goes on, You will learn from another Quarter. You are sensible, Madam, that my Situation imposes silence. Gibralter has been relieved,4 as many expected.
A Trip to Paris after two Years Residence in Holland has not a bad 35Effect upon the Constitution. It don't answer to live under Water too long. I always consider myself at Sea there. If that Country was overflown, I would not undertake to count the Noah's or Arks—so much I know, that I would not trust to such a kind of Salvation if I could help it. Remember respectfully and affectionately as due, particularly to your Family.
JA describes the troubles with the carriage in his Diary, and recounts the entire journey from Amsterdam to Paris, including his impressions of each town that Thaxter mentions below (
Diary and Autobiography
, 3:29–37). The arduous journey of Thaxter and the Adamses through Spain, Dec. 1779–Jan. 1780, is given vivid treatment in same, 2:403– 433, 4:193–238; JQA, Diary
, 1:11–31; and JA, Papers
, 8:292–305, 309–313.
Both JA (Diary and Autobiography
, 3:34) and JQA (Diary, 1:178) record their visits to the tomb of Cambrai's celebrated archbishop, and JQA also mentions Fenelon's Les aventures de Télémaque (1699).
Ten miles southwest of Brussels, in the Austrian Netherlands.
In October, Adm. Richard Howe eluded the French and Spanish fleets and managed to bring enough supplies to Gibraltar to ensure its defense, to the great disappointment of the Spanish, for whom reconquest was an important war aim (Morris, Peacemakers
, p. 342).
1782-11-13
I have lived to see the close of the third year of our seperation. This is a Melancholy Anniversary to me; and many tender Scenes arise in my Mind upon the recollecttion. I feel unable to sustain even the Idea, that it will be half that period e'er we meet again.
Life is too short to have the dearest of its enjoyments curtaild. The Social feelings grow Callous by disuse and lose that pliancy of affection which Sweetens the cup of Life as we drink it. The Rational pleasures of Friendship and Society, and the still more refined sensations to which delicate minds only are susceptable like the tender Blosom when the rude Nothern Blasts assail them shrink within collect themselves together, deprived of the all chearing and Beamy influence of the Sun. The Blosom falls, and the fruit withers and decays—but here the similitude fails—for tho lost for the present—the Season returns; the Tree vegetates anew; and the Blossom again puts forth.
But alass with me; those days which are past, are gone forever: and time is hastning on that period, when I must fall, to rise no more; untill Mortality shall put on immortality, and we shall meet again, 36pure and unimbodied Spirits. Could we live to the age of the Antediluvians we might better support this seperation, but when three score Years and ten circumscribe the Life of Man, how painfull is the Idea, that of that short space only a few years of social happiness are our allotted portion.
Perhaps I make you unhappy. No you will enter with a soothing tenderness into my feelings; I see in your Eyes the Emotions of your Heart, and hear the sigh that is wafted across the Atlantick to the Bosom of Portia. But the philosopher and the statesman stiffels these Emotions, and regains a firmness which arrests my pen from my Hand.
I last evening received a line from Boston,1 to hasten my Letter down or I should again lose an opportunity of conveyance. I was most unfortunate by the Fire Brands sailing and leaving all my Letters behind. A storm prevented my sending the day appointed, and she saild by sun rise the Next morning. Tho my Letters were in town by nine o clock they missd. I know if she arrives how dissapointed you will feel. I received from France per the Al
No give me the Man I love.
You are neither of an age or temper to be allured with the Splendour of a Court—or the Smiles of princessess. I never sufferd an uneasy sensation on that account. I know I have a Right to your whole Heart, because my own never knew an other Lord—and such is my confidence in you that if you was not withheld by the strongest of all obligations those of a moral Nature, your Honour would not suffer you to abuse my confidence.
But whither am I rambling?
We have not any thing in the political way worth noticeing. The Fleet of our Allies still remains with us.
Our Friend Generall W—n is chosen Member of C—s. I should be loth he should for the 3d time refuse as it leaves impression upon the minds of our good Citizens no ways to his advantage. But this 37good Man is some how or other embitterd. His Lady opposes if not by words, by that which has as strong an influence.3
Who is there left that will sacrifice as others have done? Portia I think stands alone, alone alass! in more senses than one. This vessel will convey to you the packets designd for the Fire Brand. I hope unimportant as they are, they will not be lost.
Shall I close here without a word of my voyage? I believe it is best to wait a reply before I say any thing further. Our Friends desire me to remember them to you. Your daughter your Image your Superscription desires to be affectionately rememberd to you. O! how many of the sweet domestick joys do you lose by this Seperation from your Family. I have the satisfaction of seeing my children thus far in life behaveing with credit and honour. God grant the pleasing prospect may never meet with an alloy and return to me the dear partner of my early years Rewarded for his past sacrifices by the consciousness of having been extensively usefull, not having lived to himself alone, and may the approveing voice of his Country crown his later days in peacefull retirement in the affectionate Bosom of
This letter or note has not been identified; either Isaac Smith Sr., Richard Cranch, or Cotton Tufts is its most likely author. CFA omitted the text, from this sentence to “how dissapointed you will feel,” from AA, Letters, 1840, but not from subsequent editions.
See Cotton Tufts to JA, 10 Oct., note 12, above. James Warren had rejected or resigned from one public responsibility after another—paymaster general of the Continental Army and justice of the superior court in Massachusetts, both in 1776, major general of the state militia in 1777, member of Congress in 1779, lieutenant governor in 1780, and member of the Continental Navy Board in May 1782. One reason for Warren's increasing alienation from public service, beginning in the late 1770s, was his growing hostility to John Hancock, the dominant figure in Massachusetts politics. But Warren's distaste for holding office seems to have had its origins in a complex personality that is still not well understood. See vol. 3:208; vol. 4:16, 20; JA, Papers
, 4:14, 408; 5:269–272; 6:188–189; 7:111–114, 141–142, 144; 8:93;
DAB
;
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 11:590–600.
CFA omitted this paragraph from AA, Letters, 1840, and from JA-AA, Familiar Letters
.
1782-11-13
How is it my dear son? You who used to be so punctual in your returns to your Friends that I your affectionate Mother have received but one Letter from You since you left Amsterdam.1
Has the cold Nothern Regions frozen up that Quick and Lively immagination which used to give pleasure to your Friends? Has it 38chilled your affections, or obliterated the Remembrance of her who gave you Birth?
To what Cause shall I attribute your Silence? The further you are removed from me, and the more difficult it is to hear from you; the greater my anxiety. It is too, too, hard, to be totally deprived of the company and Society of your Father, as I have been for three years past and to be forgotton by my Son.2
Neither Time or distance have in the Least diminished that Maternal Regard, and affection which I bear you. You are ever upon my heart and Mind, both of which take no Small interest in your advancement in Life. Consider my dear Son; what your Situation is. Your Fathers Station abroad, holds you up to view, in a different Light from that of a Common Traveller. And his virtues will render your faults; should you be guilty of any, more conspicuous. But should you as I would fondly hope Religiously adhere to the precepts you have received from him, and to the advise and instruction of your Friend and patron, then shall I see you become a usefull Member of Society, a Friend to your Country and a Guardian of her Laws and Liberties—for such is the example you have before you.
This day 3 years ago, you quitted your Native Land. You have been a great traveller for your years, and must have made many observations Worthy a place in your memory.
The Empire where you now reside, must afford ample Scope for a Genious to descant upon. But you are confined to your studies you will tell me, and have little opportunity for observation. But you cannot reside amongst a people, without learning Something of their Laws customs and Manners. Nor can you if you are capable of the Reflection which I think you are, omit compareing them with those of your own Country, and others which you have travelled through. It will be of advantage to you to compare the Monarchical goverments with the Republican to reflect upon the advantages, and disadvantages arising from each, and to commit your thoughts to writing, to watch with attention the judgment and opinions of Learned Men whom you may hear conversing upon Subjects of this Nature. Attend to the Historians you read, and carefully observe the Springs and causes that have produced the rise and fall of Empires. And give me your own reflections in your own Language. I do not expect the Elegance of a Voltair3 nor the Eloquence and precisian of a Robinson,4 yet they will have a preferable value to me, because they will shew me what you have gained by attention and observation. Mr. Dana will I doubt not; be ever ready to assist you with his advice and 39counsel. Endeavour by an obligeing Respectfull attentive Behaviour to secure his Friendship, he will not advise you but for your good, he will not chide you, but for your amendment. Attend to him as your guardian, patron, and Friend.
Your sister desires to be rememberd to you. She has written to you twice since your residence in Petersburgh5 but has not received a line from you. Your Brothers live at home under the tuition of a Mr. Robins. They make good proficiancy in their studies. Tommy has written you a Letter which I shall inclose.6 Your Worthy Grandparents are still Living and desire to be rememberd to you. Your uncle Cranch has had a long and dangerous sickness, but is in a great measure recoverd.
I most sincerely wish the contending Nations at peace, for after all the great and mighty victories of conquering Nations, this war upon our own species is a savage Buisness, unworthy a Rational and immortal Being whose study ought to be the happiness and not the destruction of Mankind.
Make my most Respectfull Regards to Mr. Dana and tell him I feel myself indebted to him for his care and kindness to you. Tell him his worthy Lady was well this week, and that I expect to pass a few days with her soon. Believe me my dear Child with the tenderest wishes for your Health and happiness your ever affectionate Mother
That of 23 Oct. 1781 (vol. 4:233–234). The present letter is AA's only surviving one to JQA during the same period.
At some point after receiving this letter (in Holland, to which he returned from Russia by mid-April), JQA put a period after “past” and crossed out the rest of the sentence. See his explanation in JQA to AA, 30 July 1783, below.
Half of JQA's brief letter of 23 Oct. 1781 to AA was a description of St. Petersburg taken directly from Voltaire's Histoire de l'empire de Russie sous Pierre le grand, without any further description by JQA (see vol. 4:233–234).
In his reply to this letter, 10 Sept. 1783, below, JQA understands this to be “Robertson.” This must be the Scottish historian William Robertson, author most notably of The History of the Reign of the Emperor Charles V (1769). At some point JA acquired a London 1777 edition of Charles V, and he refers to the work in a 1779 letter to AA (
Catalogue of JA's Library
; vol. 3:178). JQA had read it in March–April 1782 in St. Petersburg, although AA presumably did not know this (Diary, 1:113, 122).
See vol. 4:126–127, 319–321. AA2 wrote the first letter in May 1781, shortly before JQA left Holland for Russia; he received it between late October and mid-December 1781 in St. Petersburg, where he transcribed it (same, p. 127). JQA received AA2's second letter, of May 1782, in September. No letters from JQA to his sister are known from the time of his embarkation on his second trip to Europe in Nov. 1779 until his return in May 1785.
Not found.
The last letters in the signature were cut out with the seal.
1782-11-14
I forwarded a Letter to You,1 Madam, yesterday by Capt. Barney, Commander of the Packet Washington, and this I expect will go by the Cicero, Capt. Hill. Have the Vessels done passing between Boston and Europe? I have received no Letters a long time from home, and I begin to grow a little impatient, especially since I have heard of my Father's Misfortune.2 I have a half Story about the Matter, but am as yet pretty much in the dark. Deshon is not arrived as yet, and I cannot concieve what has become of him. He has Letters for me, You have informed me, and I should be monstrous Glad, as the English say, to get hold of them. I enjoy a Satisfaction in recieving Letters from home, that I could not have concieved of, but under such Circumstances. It is a good Antidote to Chagrin and melancholy, that is, when there is no bad news contained in them.
The Date of my Letter puts me in Mind of a sober Moment, the Idea of it casts a Gloom upon my Spirits. 'Tis very probable, that I shall never quit America again after my Return, which may be next Spring or beginning of Summer. If I was to do it, however, I would never go thro' again the Pangs of a parting Adieu. I have had one Taste myself, and have seen too many tender ones to reconcile me to the Practice.
I had a Letter from Master John yesterday, dated 27th. Septr. last.3 He was then very well. I fancy he will come on to Holland in the Spring if not before. He expresses a desire to return home; but if he was to find his Mamma and Sister in Europe, I can easily concieve his Tune would be changed. He knows nothing of the Letter4 as yet, and will be much surprized to hear that his Pappa has wrote You concerning your coming to Europe.
He says Mr. Dcan't contradict them. They say also that Mr. Oswald has exchanged at Paris full Powers with the American Ministers. Who contradicts it? If this is the Case, it is no longer a Hostility for a Neutral Power to acknowledge our Independence, since G. Britain has set the Example. You must take Madam DCurtesey to Madam the Empress, perhaps her 41Husband will negotiate to more Advantage. But all this by the bye if You please.
We live in curious times. To look one Way and row another is common, but to look two ways at once is rather hard. It is however necessary, and one must look abroad as well as at home. There is but one Path of Policy to move in with hopes of Success, and that is an honest and an independent one. He that will not look to his own steps, and provide for his own Safety, ought not to reckon too far upon the Benevolence of his Neighbour, nor does he deserve much. He that is capable of governing himself, and does not, or will not, deserves leading Strings, or to become subject to the Anarchy of a Bedlam.
That of 10 Nov., above.
Complaining about having received no letters from his family for some time, Thaxter wrote on 12 Nov. to his father: “I hope my next Letter will bring me the very agreable News of your perfect Recovery from your fall, and the particulars of your Misfortune” (MHi: Thaxter Papers).
Vol. 4:388–389.
JA to AA, 8 Nov., above.
1782-11-19
In my melancholy, unhappy Moments, (for such I sometimes have), I recur to my old Letters for Consolation, and to none with more pleasure than the sentimental ones of Portia. Letters give Wings to the Imagination; and by their Aid I can transport myself in an instant to HEliza is, that was so ill advised as to wear my Miniature? This is a Custom, that I would condemn even in a Sister. I detest the Practice, and cannot comprehend the Reason of it. If it is considered as a Pledge of Affection, why is it hung out for the Eye of the World? If it must be worn at all, why not nearer the Heart, which a Miniature seems to indicate, is given. This is a personal matter between two, and the World have no business to be looking at such kind of Signs for proof of Affection, or rather the Parties concerned ought not to hold up to public View such Tokens, as Evidence of a mutual Passion. A young 42Lady, with a Miniature at her Breast, becomes the Object of every Gentlemen of her Acquaintance as well as of Strangers, and by such a Disposition of the Phiz2 of her Lover, She courts the Notice, and tacitly consents to the Examination of every one, who is disposed to apolSpice of one now—but I do deny roundly, that I have ever had any, where some of my Friends have suspected and said. I am sure, that Matrimony will never overtake me—nor I Matrimony. And whatever Violence my own feelings undergo, I make a point of checking every Sentiment, that would leap the bounds of Esteem and assume the Shape of Love. But do not think that Matrimony and Miniatures are equal Sharers of Contempt. I respect the former, much more, than I dislike the Custom of wearing the latter. My Ideas of the former are the same as ever, and I hope I shall ever speak with the same degree of Respect of it as I ever have done. But all this may be, and yet the very best of Reasons may be given for declining a Connection of this Sort. Such are my Ideas and my Conduct must square with them. However, enough of this. Time must discover whether my Resolution can keep its Ground before the Charms of Mind and Person of such an one or such an one.
Spent last Evening at Mrs. Jay's, in Company with Mrs. Izard and two Daughters, Mrs. Montgomery and Mrs. Price, most agreably—quite an American Society of Ladies, and one cannot but pass their Time happily in such Company. The two Miss Izards speak the french Language with perfect Ease as well as their Mamma. There is a great pleasure in conversing with them, and much french to be learnt—for that Reason I shall never be backard in visiting them as often as I can find time. The young Ladies are chatty—have had a good Education and are very polite. Their Mamma is a very worthy Lady. Mrs. Jay is a very sensible and amiable Lady, and as far as I am a Judge of these Matters, her Husband made an admirable Choice. They live perfectly happy in each other's Society—with Tempers and Dispositions in Unison, what is there wanting to complete that little portion of Bliss allowed here below. 'Tis an agreable Spectacle, calculated for the pleasing Contemplation of a mind capable of an Interest in another's Happiness—softens the Heart and harmonizes the Affections. Mrs. Montgomery is a sprightly Widow—has a fine flow of Spirits, and is sensible—and good Company. Mrs. Price is a Canadian Lady. I am rather of a Stranger to her as yet. She appears however a Lady of great Vivacity.
I find these Parties very agreable—and much like home, and wherever I find any thing like that, I am driven to it by an irresistible Impulse—for I think our Society the first in the World. I speak without Partiality and without Hipocrisy. I love to be acquainted, but not on Terms of Ceremony—distant smiles and Bows are crooked Lines and distorted features in my Ideas of an agreable Acquaintance.
The Weather still continues bad. We have had a most disagreable Spring, Summer and Autumn. If the Winter is of the same Cast, I shall be very sorry. However the best way is to take the Weather as it comes, and think no more of it.
You will suspect from the former part of my Letter, that a sober fit has seized me—but I assure You, setting aside political Matters, I have never had a finer flow of Spirits. I was gay enough last night—for the Widow and I have generally some Chat when we meet. I am not sober, but am only endeavouring to sow all my wild Oats, as the sober folks say. I heard a certain Gentleman of your Acquaintance, (your dearest friend, and You ought to know him) say, that if Madam A. and Daughter had been two of the Party last Evening, the Company 44would have appeared much more brilliant in his Eyes. I presume You are of his Opinion. For my own part, I should have been rejoiced at so respectable an Addition to the Party. I am persuaded You would have passed the Evening agreably.
I have not been to see my amiable Nun yet.3 I must go. She can give me some wholesome Advice perhaps—but I swear off being a Monk beforehand. I will go and get her Bendiction and good wishes—which will be sincere and comforting.
Duty and Respects and Love as due.
Vol. 4:348–350.
Face; colloquial abbreviation of physiognomy (
OED
).
Thaxter had become acquainted with a nun, a “Miss Maroni,” in Aug. 1780, during his earlier residence in Paris (vol. 3:398–399; 4:27, 96). She was the daughter of an Irish merchant residing in Bilbao, Spain, whom JA, and probably Thaxter, had met in Jan. 1780 (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 4:237).
1782-11-27
You will believe me, when I inform You, that I am grievously disappointed in only having to acknowledge the reciept of just two Lines and an half from You1 by Capt. Grinnell. I am sorry that the Shortness of your Notice has deprived me of so much Happiness. The Card however will keep alive my Expectations 'till the promised Letters arrive. But lest Miss Nabby should think I set no Value upon her Letters, You will please to make her my particular Regards for most unceremoniously writing a most unceremonious Letter2 to me, and tell her that I will not be offended if She is culpable in that Respect as often as She has an Inclination to be so.
I am very happy, that the Negotiations of your dearest friend have been at length noticed.3 Some former Letters of mine, when they arrive, will shew that many Difficulties arose in the progress of the Negotiation, that were perhaps unthought of in America, and that some thing beyond Patience was necessary to remove them. Patience was a Virtue of indispensible Necessity—but not the only one deserving an Eulogium. A patient and a skillful Negotiator are Characters of a very different Cast, and both Qualities were necessary in the Country, where the Scene of Action was displayed, which from its earliest History has ever been remarkable for the Troubles and Diffi-45culties with which it embarrasses every Negotiation. The complicated Frame of their Constitution and the Character of the Nation are widely variant from all other European ones. The Springs and Motives, which actuate the human Heart, or in other words, a thorough knowledge of human Nature, were very requisite. Distrusts, Fears, Jealousies and Prejudices were to be combated and removed. Open and disguised Enemies were to be managed, with all their Malice and ill Will. The Stability of our political Existence to be proved, and a Multiplicity of other disadvantages arranged in a formidable Phalanx were to be borne down, in order to procure a cordial Embrace to the two Sisters,4 and great Address, great Abilities, Faith, Patience, Firmness and Perseverance were necessary, and were employed, in attaining so important an Object. I have mentioned but a few Embarrassments—I could enumerate many, as I have been an Eye Witness to most of them. The Honor of a Commission is one thing—the Trouble of it another. Those who are fond of fishing in troubled Waters, I wish may be indulged. There is perhaps a Nutriment in Honor of this kind that is occult—some folks have not found it out. It is an unsavory Sauce in an hour of perplexity, and I should suppose not a very consoling Balm to embarrassed Negociations—at least where Vanity was not so predominant a Passion as to have extinguished all Sensibility. The Ways of Negociation are not always of pleasantness neither are all her Paths the Paths of Peace5—they are but too often rugged and thorny. I have no disposition to travel in such kind of Roads, and I am as unqualified as indisposed. My Situation has led me to be witness to many Anxieties—and I must have been callous to every feeling, that distinguishes Man from the inferior Orders of Creation, not to have felt them.——The Work is now done, and well done. The Sisters have embraced—and in time I believe they will be as fond and loving as most Connections of this sort are—perhaps more so. Time will point out the fruits of the Negotiation.
Mr. Laurens was much hurt at the Death of his Son—but bears it heroically. “The Wound is deep, says he, but I thank God I had a Son, who dared to die for his Country.”6 There is something magnanimous and noble in this Sentiment. He could not have expressed more affection to his Son and more Attachment to his Country more feelingly. God bless the old Hero.
Not found.
Not found.
Perhaps a reference to the letter in the Independent Chronicle, praising JA's negotiation of the Netherlands' recognition of American Independence. See Cotton Tufts to JA, 10 Oct., note 6, above.
That is, the United States of America and the United Provinces of the Low Countries.
Thaxter adapts Proverbs 3:17.
Thaxter quotes from Henry Laurens to JA, 12 Nov. (Adams Papers). See AA to Thaxter, 26 Oct., note 7, above.
1782-12-04
Your Proposal of coming to Europe, has long and tenderly affected me. The Dangers and Inconveniences are such and an European Life would be so disagreable to you that I have suffered a great deal of Anxiety in reflecting upon it. And upon the whole, I think it will be most for the Happiness of my Family, and most for the Honour of our Country that I should come home. I have therefore this Day written to Congress a Resignation of all my Employments, and as soon as I shall receive their Acceptance of it, I will embark for America, which will be in the Spring or beginning of Summer.1 Our Son is now on his Journey from Petersbourg through Sweeden Denmark and Germany, and if it please God he come safe, he shall come with me, and I pray We may all meet once more, you and I never to Seperate again.2
Blotting shows that the underlining in the previous sentence was done just prior to folding, probably by JA. In this sentence the letterbook copy has “in Europe” after “Employments.” The letterbook copy does not have any underlining.
JA's letter of this date to R. R. Livingston, secretary of foreign affairs, accompanied the preliminary treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United States, which had been signed on 30 November. JA resigned both his commission to borrow money in, and his letter of credence to the United Provinces and expressed the hope that Henry Laurens would be given full power to represent the United States in the Netherlands, and then declared: “I should not chuse to stay in Europe, merely for the honor of affixing my Signature to the Definitive Treaty.” In closing, he proposed that if Congress thought someone should take his place as peace negotiator, which he doubted was necessary, it pick Francis Dana (PCC, No. 84, IV, f. 301–302; Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 6:106).
On 1 April 1783, Congress briefly considered the report of a committee that recommended accepting JA's resignation, but deferred its decision, at the request of the “Eastern delegates,” “untill further advices sh[ould] be received” (
JCC
, 24:225; 25:952–953 [Madison's notes]; and see JA to AA, 13 July 1783, note 3, below). Congress never did accept JA's resignation, but instead, after long delays, appointed him in May 1784, with Franklin and Jefferson, to negotiate commercial treaties with the European powers.
JQA left St. Petersburg on 30 Oct., destined for Holland. Francis Dana informed JA of JQA's departure and his itinerary in a letter of 30 Oct. (Adams Papers), and predicted his arrival in December; but JQA did not reach The Hague until 21 April 1783, and did not meet his father there until 22 July (JQA, Diary
, 1:153, 174, 176).
The present letter is JA's first known to AA after the signing of the preliminary peace 47terms; his failure to mention this event suggests that one or more letters to her may be missing. On 15 Dec., JA reported the treaty to both Richard Cranch, below, and Isaac Smith Sr. (both in MHi: Cranch Family Papers). John Thaxter informed AA of the signing on the same day, below.
1782-12-04
Your Solicitude for your Papa is charming:2 But he is afraid to trust you to the uncertain Elements, and what is infinitely more mischievous, the follies and depravities of the old world, which is quite as bad as that before the Flood. He has therefore determined to come to you, in America, next Summer, if not next Spring. Duty and Affections where due.
An undated letterbook copy follows the letterbook copy of JA to AA, 4 Dec. (Adams Papers), and a virtually identical letter dated 4 Nov. is in PHi: Etting Papers. Both are in Storer's hand. Either the November or December date could be an inadvertence, but the placement of the letterbook copy points to 4 Dec. as the correct date. Moreover, JA's certainty in this letter that he will soon return to America agrees with his mood in his 4 Dec. letter to AA, but contrasts with his letter of 8 Nov. to AA, both above.
For AA2's proposal that she keep house for her father, and his initial reply, see vol. 4:344 and notes 5 and 10, and 4:383.
1782-12-15
Since my Arrival here 26 October, untill the 30 of November, We had a constant Scuffle Morning noon and night about Cod and Haddock on the Grand Bank Deer skins on the Ohio and Pine Trees at Penobscat, and what were worse than all the Refugees.1
The Denouement of the Plott has had in it as much of the sublime and Pathetic as any Part of the Piece. It was comical too as you shall one day know in detail.
I look back with Wonder upon the scenes; and with Gratitude. We shall be afflicted with Disputes about the Refugees, and criticks will pick holes and discover flaws and Blemishes, But We have done the best We could.
The cod and the haddock, the deer skins, and the pine trees are symbolic of the most important issues in the peace negotiations with Great Britain. JA was a staunch advocate of freedom to fish and had made inquiries better to understand the nature of the business and its requirements. He refused to yield on access to the Grand Banks and nearby waters for Americans, although he had to make some concessions on the wording of America's access to fishing along the Newfoundland coast. Another major issue was the western boundary of the United States. From the outset, John Jay had insisted upon the Mississippi River, and JA had strongly supported this position. He was outspoken, too, in pushing the northeastern boundary as far northward as possible in opposition to the British desire to retain a good part of Maine as a source of mast trees. “Refugees” referred to the problem of Britain's attempting to obtain amnesty for loyalists and restitution or indemnification for those who suffered losses of property. For an account of the negotiating positions and concessions, see Morris, Peacemakers
, ch. xi, and p. 363–364, 373–380.
JA later included images of the fish, the deer, and the pine tree in a seal designed to commemorate the victory that the Americans had won in the negotiations. Fashioned in 1783, it consisted of thirteen stars arranged to enclose the tree and the deer above a swimming fish. After JQA helped to win similar concessions at the Treaty of Ghent in 1814, JA asked him to have a new seal engraved, adding a phrase from Horace (Epistles, I, vi, 57), arranged to enclose the sea: Piscemur, venemur, ut olim; that is: “Let us fish, let us hunt, as in the past” (
Catalogue of JQA's Books
, facing p. 135 and p. 140).
1782-12-15
I intended to have wrote largely by this Opportunity, but have been confined ever since last Sunday night to my Bed and Chamber, with a most violent Cold, a kind of Punishment for Pride and Curiosity. I was last Sunday at Versailles, the day was extremely cold and foggy, much was to be seen, and but little time for the purpose. I drove about without Hat and with thin Shoes all day long, gave up dinner to 'till 6. o Clock in the Evening to gratify Curiosity. After seeing the Court and every thing else worthy Notice, I returned to dinner at the Tavern, and from thence to Paris, sick. I had taken Cold the Evening before at the Italien Comedy, by waiting a long time in a draft of Air for the Carriage, but notwithstanding I must needs go to Versailles next day and increase it. So much for Curiosity and Pride. I hope however to go abroad again in a day or two, for 8. or 9. days punishment for a slight Sin of a day is proportion enough. I never knew what a Cold or a Cough was before.
You will hear by this Opportunity, that the Preliminaries of a Peace between America and England are signed.1 This is a great Event and an important Step towards Peace. It has been announced by the King of G. Britain in his Speech to both Houses of Parliament.2 Thus the Language of “unlimited Submission, America at my Feet,” is changed into the more manly Phrases of the United States, free, sovereign and independent.
Your Counterpart (I dont say your better half) has written You several ways,3 advising You not to venture out in the Spring. He has explained the Reasons, which induced him to alter his Plan.
Duty and Respects where due. My Love to Miss N
No other letters from around this date, informing AA of this event, are extant; see JA to AA, 4 Dec., note 3, above.
On 5 Dec.; see
Parliamentary Hist.
, 23:203–210.
See JA to AA, 4 Dec., above.
1782-12-19
Yesterday, my Dear Eliza, I came here to pass a few days with our friend. I found her much indisposed.2 She is better to day, and has flattered me by saying, my company has been of service, to her. I wish I could feel conscious that this is not the result of her complasance.
You are now seated in Boston—agreeably—I hope. You aught to be happy, for to deprive your friends of so great a degree of pleasure, as your absence does, and yourself decrease in happiness—is a disagreeable consideration, to each, jointly and seperately. Dont you think so. Should the passing moment be made more agreeable, to you, we shall not repine, but submit for your sake. Betsy Palmer received your letter this morn. Unkind Girl you are, to deprive us all, the pleasure of hearing it, how mortifying.
Mr. Palmer goes to town tomorrow, and will I suppose hand you this. Accept it my Dear as a proof of the affection, and remembrance, of your friend, but not as proof of her tallent, at letter writing, as I should be loth it should be received in that light, tho it may be my vanity, that suggests to me, I can ever exceed this, poor scrale.
I have been recollecting, and do not think of aney news, to tell you. Tis determined, I suppose you know it, that Mr. Robbins, is to leave us, this week. I am sorry, are not you. The boys lament it greatly. I believe it is in that sphere he shines. Last saturday mornings production, I am not at present at liberty to send you.3 Next time you hear from me you shall have it.
Eliza4 says—“give my love to Betsy Cranch. Tell her I thank her for her letter—and by the next opportunity she may expect an answer.” 50It might be proper, perhaps, for me to answer the letter5 I last received from you. I do not feel very capable of it at present. I have read it again—but can only thank you for it. I have had two or three disputes, about you, within this week. Do tell me if I have had the wrong or the right side of the question. Some person, or persons have asserted, that they knew you had, a little attachment for the amiable youth, you write so favourably of, that, to present appearances, it is
This unsullied sheet of paper, was laid before me. Two sides I have filled, with such a parcell of nonsense as I am ashaimed of. Do my Dear if you should receive it, peruse it, and commit it to the flames, and you shall receive my sincere thanks.
Next week I believe I shall Mount of knowledge, your friend may receive some inspiration, which, you now perceive is absolutely necessary. Do keep a journal while you are absent from us, and do me the favour of a perusal of it. I admire bargains and will propose one to you. Write freely the occura
I feel so conscious that every word of this will add so much to your pleasure—that I will offer no apology, for thus intruding upon your attention. Good night my friend, sweet sleep and pleasing dreams attend you. Write me soon. Present my every sentiment that had aught to be exprest, where they are due. My Love to Nancy Quincy, and Maria Storer,8 to Betsy Otis. Much believe thine
Boston to be left at Smiths, D—r”; endorsed: “AA Dec 1782.” Also on the address sheet, but folded under when mailed, in a different ink but possibly AA2's hand: “Love”; “manna”
AA2's reference, below, to Mr. Robbins' departure “this week”; the docketing of “Dec 1782”; and AA's entrusting Robbins with a letter to JA on 10 Jan. 1783, below, all point to the last Thursday in December, the 26th. But AA2's statement, also below, that she intended to visit the Warrens at Milton “next week”; her statements, in an undated Jan. 1783 letter to Elizabeth Cranch, written on a Saturday from Milton, below, that she had been there for one week, and that Mr. Robbins “is going to sail for France next fryday”; and AA's statement in her 10 Jan. letter to JA, that AA2 was then at home, suggest a date for this letter of 19 Dec.; and for AA's letter from Milton the date of 4 Jan. 1783, where the editors have placed it.
AA2 probably refers to Mary Cranch Palmer, Richard Cranch's sister; she lived with her husband, Gen. Joseph Palmer, and two daughters, Mary and Elizabeth, in Braintree's Germantown section. AA2 describes Mrs. Palmer's ailments in her
The editors have not deciphered this reference. It could refer to some journal or occasional account that AA2 was keeping. Her first known journal covered the period Aug. 1784–Nov. 1787, and is often cited below.
Elizabeth Palmer; the editors have punctuated the quotation.
Not found. No letters from Elizabeth Cranch to AA2 are extant. Many of the letters inherited from AA2 by her daughter, Caroline Amelia Smith de Windt were probably destroyed in the fire that consumed the family home at Fishkill, N.Y. in 1862, some years after Mrs. de Windt's death. See vol. 1:xxx and note 22.
The youth who had allegedly turned Elizabeth Cranch's head has not been identified. He could have been Henry Warren, son of James and Mercy Warren, whom Betsy had recently visited in Milton, or some youth in Boston, where she was currently visiting (see AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch,
In Jan. 1781, Gen. James Warren had bought the late Gov. Thomas Hutchinson's country home on Milton (or Neponset) Hill, and the Warrens spent much time there until 1788, when they returned permanently to Plymouth.
The youngest daughter of Col. Josiah Quincy, just Elizabeth Cranch's age (vol. 2:48, note 5); and Charles Storer's sister Mary (Storer to AA, 17 Oct., note 4, above).
1782-12-22
Yesterday my Dear Eliza I returned from Gto Boston has given you spirits. I was not conscious that my letter breathed more of friendship, or of Love, than usual, the most reasonable construction I can put upon, this curious rant of yours, is, that your own feelings are so greatly influenced by this said 52soft awakening passion, that in your eyes, all your acquaintance are in the same net with yourself. O Betsy I who have thus defended you in this matter am now inclined to believe I have been deceived.3 Your usual susceptibility and softness of disposition, has led me to believe, that you only esteemed, where I now am fully convinced you love. Ah my Dear your letter convinces confesses, that a spark is struck, and against all your efforts it will kindle, and soon, too soon, for your peace of mind, it will burst forth into a flame. And then my Dear should it not be returned, O Dreadfull thought will you anticipate it.
Upon my word I think you have paid this said gentleman a most extravegant compliment, were he to hear it he might be more than obliged to you. Fortune and Beauty to have aney weight in a good mind, O Eliza this seems but an evasion, if it is meant as more, I should suppose your late excursion to, that detestable town has affected your sentiments. I would not by aney means have you give place, to those romantick sentiments of Love that you talk about, they are very daingerous I am told. I would advise you to consult, prudence, discretion, reason caution and all the discretionary powers, that ever influenced wisdom, or indifferance—ere you harbour aney other ideas than those of meere cold indifferent esteem.
You was never more extravegantly mistaken, my friend. Your Amelia is the same cold indifferent Girl she ever was, she knows not the person on earth that she could talk or write about so romantickly upon. I'll certainly become your pupill, do indeavour to diffuse into me a little of your susceptibility. I long to be in Love, it must be a strang feeling, seems to me.
I have sometimes been at a loss to know whether I have a heart or not, but at last have made this conclusion, that in the days of my very youth I was deprived of it. I believe I then used to have what are stiled the symtoms of this passion, you may remember I was remarkable for my blushing diffidence. I guess those were the days of my weakness.
I am going to pass next week at Milton, I intend to use all my art, to become your rival. You are sufficiently conscious of your superior merit, I suppose, even to think it in the power of your indifferent Cousin, to make aney impression on the heart of the agreeable H
Two sides of a large sheet of paper filled with nonsence is sufficient at one time, for sunday eve too. I will now attempt to answer your more important inquiries. Your Aunt5 has lost the sight of one eye intirely, the other is affected. I hope, and fear, for her. Your Cousin Pollys spirits are better than usual, I think she talks of makeing an excursion up in town, and after that to the City.6 Your Uncle7 health is mending I believe. When I behold this Man, who was once the enlivener of every scene, whose countenance diffused joy and happiness around him, now strugling with misfortune, it casts a veil oer every sprightly idea.
Madam Paine has returned, she was at meeting to day and is as usual.
I saw Miss Beckey at work upon a something intended for her gown, but not knowing it was the matter nearest her heart, I did not feel interested particularly in it.
I have given as good an account as is in my power of Amelias heart. Whenever I hear from it I will communicate, to you, what ever is communicable.
When I proposed your keeping a journal, I did not wish a meere account of every visit you paid or received, or of every pretty face, and beautifull silk that presented, to you, but an account of those scenes wherein you feel interested, dressed in your language and sentiment, I thought might have afforded me some pleasure. If you will not comply, you shall be exempd from seeing, the diary of a week, that is to come from the entertaining pens of Miss Quincy8 and Miss Adams, some few weeks hence, when they take, the places of your Ladyship and Nannette. What a loss will you meet with. For your own future improvement, I would advise you to comply, altho you should not succeed to our expectations, and your own wishes. I make no pretents to disinterested benevolence. It was determined here the other evening, by a wise head that Love was founded in self interest and had that powerfull motive for its foundation. This is only my sentiments, you know, in other words. Do you recollect the variation of our sentiments, the eve you passt here with Mr. Guild,9 you do I dare say. You are tired of this scrale ere this, I will wish you a good night. Write me soon, very soon, and present a profusion of regards to all my friends and believe me thine Amelia.
This date is derived from the conjectural date of AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch,
Not found.
In the left margin in AA2's hand, beginning about opposite “Your late excursion,” and running to a point opposite “I have been deceived,” appears: “silence does not give con sent.”
Henry Warren; see AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch,
Mary Cranch Palmer; see AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch,
That is, Mary (Polly) Palmer planned a trip from Germantown to Braintree, about three miles, and later to Boston.
Gen. Joseph Palmer.
Either Ann (Nancy) Quincy, whom AA2 mentions in her letter to Elizabeth Cranch of
When Benjamin Guild returned to Boston from Europe in early October, AA expected him to visit her shortly (see AA to JA, 8 Oct. and note 3, and Richard Cranch to JA, 10 Oct., both above). In 1784, Guild married Elizabeth Quincy.
1782-12-23
I have omited writing by the last opportunity to Holland; because I had but small Faith in the designs of the owners or passengers. The vessel sails from Nantucket, Dr. Winship1 is a passenger, a Mr. Gray and some others—and I had just written you so largely by a vessel bound to France, the General Galvaye,2 that I had nothing New to say. There are few occurences in this Northen climate at this Season of the year to divert or entertain you—and in the domestick way should I draw you the picture of my Heart, it would be what I hope you still would Love; tho it containd nothing New; the early possession you obtained there; and the absolute power you have ever mantaind over it; leaves not the smallest space unoccupied. I look back to the early days of our acquaintance; and Friendship, as to the days of Love and Innocence; and with an undiscribable pleasure I have seen near a score of years roll over our Heads, with an affection heightned and improved by time—nor have the dreary years of absence in the smallest degree effaced from my mind the Image of the dear untittled man to whom I gave my Heart. I cannot sometimes refrain considering the Honours with which he is invested as badges of my unhappiness. The unbounded confidence I have in your attachment to me, and the dear pledges of our affection, has soothed the solitary hour, and renderd your absence more supportable; for had I have loved you with the same affection, it must have been misiry to have doubted. Yet a cruel world too often injures my feel-55ings, by wondering how a person possesst of domestick attachments can sacrifice them by absenting himself for years.
If you had known said a person to me the other day; that Mr. A
Your daughter most sincerely regreets your absence,3 she sees me support it, yet thinks she could not imitate either parent in the disinterested motives which actuate them. She has had a strong desire to encounter the dangers of the sea to visit you. I however am not without a suspicion that she may loose her realish for a voyage by spring. The tranquility of mine and my dear sisters family is in a great measure restored to us, since the recovery of our worthy Friend and Brother. We had a most melancholy summer. The young folks of the two families together with those of Col. Qinheriting possessing a sprightly fancy a warm imagination and an agreable person, he was rather negligent in persueing his buisness in the way of his profession; and dissipated two or 3 years of his Life and too much of his fortune for to reflect upon with pleasure; all of which he now laments but cannot recall. At 23 the time when he took the resolution of comeing to B
Madam
I have made an exertion to answer your Billet. I can only say that the second impulse in my Breast is my Love and respect for you; and it is the foible of my nature to be the machine of those I Love and venerate. Do with me as seemeth good unto thee. I can safely trust my dearest fondest wishes and persuits in the hands of a Friend that can feel, that knows my situation and her designs. If reason pleads against me, you will do well to hestitate. If Friendship and reason unite I shall be happy—only say I shall be happy when I
deserve; and it shall be my every exertion to augment my merit, and this you may be assured of, whether I am blessed in my wishes or not, I will endeavour to be a character that you shall not Blush once to have entertaind an Esteem for. Yours respectfully &c.
What ought I to say? I feel too powerful a pleader within my own heart and too well recollect the Love I bore to the object of my early affections to forbid him to hope. I feel a regard for him upon an account you will smile at, I fancy I see in him Sentiments opinions and actions which endeared to me the best of Friends. Suffer me to draw you from the depths of politicks to endearing family scenes. I know you cannot fail being peculiarly interested in the present. I inclose you a little paper7 which tho trifling in itself, may serve to shew you the truth of my observations. The other day the gentleman I have been speaking of; had a difficult writ to draw. He requested the favour of looking into your Book of forms, which I readily granted; in the Evening when he returned me the key he put in to my hands a paper which I could not tell what to make of; untill he exclaimed “O! Madam Madam, I have new hopes that I shall one day become worthy your regard. What a picture have I caught of my own Heart, my resolutions, my designs! I could not refrain breaking out into a Rhapsody. I found this coppy of a Letter in a pamphlet with observations upon the study of the Law and many excellent remarks;8 you will I hope forgive the theft, when I deliver the paper to you; and you find how much benifit I shall derive from it.”
I daily see that he will win the affections of a fine Majestick Girl who has as much dignity as a princess. She is handsome, but not Beautifull. No air of levity ever accompanies either her words or 58actions. Should she be caught by a tender passion, sufficient to remove a little of her natural reserve and soften her form and manners, she will be a still more pleasing character. Her mind is daily improveing, and she gathers new taste for literature perhaps for its appearing in a more pleasing form to her. If I can procure a little ode which accompanied an ice Heart I will inclose it to you.9
It is now my dear Friend a long long time since I had a line from you. The Fate of Gibralter leads me to fear that a peace is far distant, and that I shall not see you—God only knows when; I shall say little about my former request, not that my desire is less, but before this can reach you tis probable I may receive your opinion. If in favour of my comeing to you; I shall have no occasion to urge it further, if against it, I would not embarrass you; by again requesting it. I will endeavour to set down and consider it as the portion alloted me. My dear sons are well their application and improvements go hand in hand. Our Friends all desire to be rememberd. The Fleet of our allies expect to sail daily but where destined we know not;10 a great harmony has subsisted between them and the Americans ever since their residence here. I wish to write to Mr. T
at the Hague”; in a different hand: “à Paris”; notation by Tyler: “To be sunk in Case of Capture”; postmarked: “Nantes”; endorsed: “Portia. Dec. 23. 1782.”
AA had every reason to be suspicious of Dr. Amos Windship, who had, several years earlier, improperly moved into the Adams' house in Boston and then resisted vacating it when the proper renter sought possession. See vol. 2:187–188, 3:208, note 3; and
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 17:673–679, for the knavery that marked Windship's career. CFA omitted the first part of this sentence, up to “and some others,” from AA, Letters, 1840, and from JA-AA, Familiar Letters
.
Presumably AA to JA, 13 Nov., and possibly AA to JA, 25 Oct., both above, since JA received and replied to both on the same day, 29 Jan. 1783, below. The October and November letters reached JA one week after he re-59ceived this December letter (see JA to AA, 22 Jan., below).
CFA omitted the entire text from this sentence to footnote 9—everything relating to Royall Tyler—from AA, Letters, 1840, and from JA-AA, Familiar Letters
.
This letter begins the historical record of Royall Tyler's long and ultimately futile courtship of AA2. Almost everything known about this romance appears both in long passages and oblique references scattered through the letters that are or will be published in the Adams Family Correspondence, extending from 1782 to early 1786, and concluding just beyond the boundary of the present volumes. Taken together, this evidence is extensive, but remarkably indirect. Nearly every statement of AA2's feelings toward Tyler is by AA, and most personal assessments of Tyler in this period are by either AA or Mary Cranch. Only one brief letter from AA2 to Tyler (
From this unsatisfactory evidence, a rather curious tale emerges. The Contrast (1787)—said to be the first play by an American produced on the American stage (in which certain characters drawn on the Adamses appear in a rather negative light)—and later chief justice of the supreme court of Vermont, came to Braintree about April 1782 to start his law practice. He took a room in the home of Richard and Mary Cranch. At first viewed with distrust by both AA and AA2 (vol. 4:335), Tyler began his courtship of AA2 sometime between June and December, and quickly charmed the mother, and more gradually the daughter. His suit was initially opposed by JA with as much passion as he had expressed on any occasion (JA to AA, 22 Jan. 1783, below), but eventually JA, too, came around. In early 1784, Tyler evidently reached an understanding with AA2, with the approval of her parents, that she would marry him upon the Adams' return from Europe. According to AA and Mary Cranch, however, between June 1784 and August 1785 Tyler was either too lazy or too perverse to write AA2 regularly, and too dishonest to admit his error, and in August AA2 summarily dismissed him (AA2 to Tyler,
What is most striking from this lopsided record is the active role of AA in this first courtship of her daughter, and the apparent passivity of AA2, and perhaps also, after his first outburst, of JA. Recent interpretive treatments include those of Paul C. Nagel, in Descent from Glory, N.Y., 1983, and The Adams Women: Abigail and Louisa Adams, Their Sisters and Daughters, N.Y., 1987; and Richard Alan Ryerson, “The Limits of a Vicarious Life: Abigail Adams and Her Daughter,” MHS, Procs.
, 100 (1988):1–14. See also JA, Earliest Diary
, p. 18–30.
Oakes Angier (JA, Legal Papers
, 1:xcvi).
Not found.
Not found, but see note 9.
See JA, Earliest Diary
, p. 19–20.
Not found. The ice heart appears to have been an ice carving presented to AA2 by Royall Tyler; see AA to JA, 30 Dec., at note 4, below.
See Ronnay to AA, 2 Oct., note 2, above.
Edmund Trowbridge, uncle of Francis Dana, would live until 1793. Dana was Trowbridge's heir, and Elizabeth Ellery Dana and her two young sons lived with the judge while Dana was abroad (
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 8:519). CFA omitted the text from “I wish to write to Mr. TLetters, 1840. In later editions published in 1841 and 1848, and in JA-AA, Familiar Letters
, he included the sentences: “This Letter is to go by the Iris which sails with the Fleet. I hope it will reach you in safety,” but omitted the rest of the material that he omitted in 1840.
See AA to JQA, 13 Nov., note 1, above.
1782-12-28
I dare Say there is not a Lady in America treated with a more curious dish of Politicks, than is contained in the inclosed Papers.1 You may Shew them to discrete Friends, but by no means let them go out of your hands or be copied. Preserve them in Safety against Accidents.
I am afraid We shall have another Campaign: but do not dispair however of a Peace this Winter. America has nothing to do but be temperate, patient, and faithfull to her Ally. This is as clearly her Duty as it is her Interest. She could not trust England, if her Honour was not engaged to France which it is most certainly. And when this is Said, all is Said. Whether there should be Peace or War, I shall come home in the Summer. As Soon as I shall receive from Congress their Acceptance of the Resignation of all my Employments which I have transmited, many Ways, I Shall embark.2 And you may depend upon a good domestic husband, for the remainder of my Life, if it is the Will of Heaven that I should once more meet you.
My Promises are not lightly made with any body. I have never broken one made to you, and I will not begin at this time of Life.
My Children I hope will once at length discover, that they have a Father, who is not unmindfull of their Welfare. They have had too much Reason to think themselves forgotten, although I know that an Anxiety for their happiness has corroded me, every day of my Life.
JA's so-called “Peace Journal,” made up of extracts from his Diary copied out by John Thaxter and Charles Storer. Two copies of the journal were made: one sent to Congress, read there in March 1783 (
JCC
, 25:924), and now among its Papers; the other sent to AA. Not until 1965 did the Adams editors learn that the second copy was in private hands; it is now in Independence Hall in Philadelphia. This version of the journal, at seventy-two pages, is sixteen pages longer than the copy sent to Congress because it begins with earlier extracts from the Diary, carries the entries through 21 Dec., and includes entries in between that were omitted from Congress' copy. For an account of the history of the “Peace Journal,” see JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:41–43, note 1.
See JA to AA, 4 Dec., note 1, above.
1782-12-30
Altho I wrote you a very long Letter no longer ago than this day week;1 which went under convoy of the French Fleet, I cannot omit any opportunity which presents of telling you what I know always makes you happy—that I am well that our children are so, and the rest of our Friends. Uninteresting as this is to the rest of the World; it is sweet musick to those who Love and are beloved. I know nothing which could make me happier than such an assureance from you; which I daily hope and pray for.
It is now a long time since I heard from you; the Fate of Gibralter is determined so much against my hopes that I now dispair of a speedy peace; and the Idea of seeing you is, blended with so many vissisitudes and events, with such a contingency of circumstances that I lose sight of you in the throng. I feel in a state of suspence—and am at a loss for your determination with regard to comeing to you. I am determined to be content whatever it may be, because I know it will be the result of Love; and affection. In my last I wrote you many domestick occurrences. I hope you will receive it. Some of them I feel too much Interested in, wholy to omit here. In that I mentiond to you that I was apprehensive there was a connection forming in our family, and that I felt at a loss how to conduct in it. There is setled in this Town a young Gentleman whose Father and family you knew. He was too young when you resided here to be known to you. His Name is Tyler. He studied Law with Mr. Dana upon his comeing out of colledge, but upon Mr. Danas going to congress he finished his studies with Mr. Anger. His Father died when he was a minor and left him, or there rather fell to him a handsome Estate, his Father dieing without a will and his mother insisting upon the elder Brothers2 giving up his right by Birth to a double portion; the Estate was equally divided. His Mother has in possession a handsome paternal Estate which fell to her by her Father. I believe she did not injure herself by her second connection. But his patrimony as he often expresses it has been his Bane, for with a disposition naturally volatile and gay; an easy address, an agreable person he became the favorite of the Gay and Fair—and dissipated that time which he should have employed in distinguishing himself in his profession; in a round of pleasure and amusements; yet not withstanding all these temptations 62and allurement to vice, the world accuse him not of more than Gayety and volatility. His improvements in knowledge and literature shew that he has applied a considerable share of his time to study. About 18 months ago he made an excursion to Falmouth with an intention of setling there, but his ambition and Genious could not brook a retirement like that, and he returnd and was advised by his Friends to make trial of this Town for his residence. He accordingly came, askd the opinion of the principal families here; who could not give him much encouragement. He applied to Mr. Cranch for lodgings and office, both of which he obtained there; and has conducted with great steadiness and application ever since he has resided there. Possesst with popular talants he has gained the Esteem and Buisness of the Town, which is daily encreasing. If he is steady he will shine in his profession. His disposition appears exceedingly amiable—his attractions perhaps too powerfull even to a young Lady possesst with as much apparent coldness and indifference as ever you saw in one character, and with such a reserve as has many a time awed to the greatest distance the least approach towards her. I cannot however help noticeing the very particular attention and regard of this Gentleman towards her, and that it daily becomes more pleasing to her.
I have been more particular in my Letter which I hope you will receive before this as it went a week ago; I there mentiond that he had opend his mind to me; declared his attachment, but asked for my countanence no further than he should in future merit it. He has in some measure laid a state of his affairs before me. His interest sufferd to an amazeing degree by the paper currency—and he foolishly squanderd too much of it away during the thoughtless part of his life. He is trying to purchase a Farm in Town, he meant to have purchased Mr. Borlands3 if it had been sold—but I rather think it will not. If he should obtain the regard of the Lady he wishes for, I suppose he would think himself authorized to address you; but at present he is in a state of suspence. I mentiond in my last that I would inclose a little poetick Scrap4 which attended a Hea
On 23 Dec., above.
John Steele Tyler, on whom see vol. 3:328, note 1.
The Vassall-Borland property. Later purchased by JA and AA, it came in time to be called the Old House, for it was home to four generations of Adamses. It is now federally owned and open to the public as the Adams National Historic Site. For more detail, see vol. 1:219, note 4, and vol. 3:264–266, note 3.
1783-01-04
Your wishes for my happiness, my Dear Eliza, demand my thanks. Wishing, this power of the mind, if it originates from the heart, are as emblems of it, they shew us either the benevolence or depravity of it, and as such claim our return. Your solicitation to know the cause why I am not rearly happy2 demands that confidence I have ever felt in my friend, tho I have sometimes been led to think it was not mutual. It is not, indeed it is not in so great a degree as I wish, you are reserved to your Amelia. Reserve begets reserve, this leads each to the complaint. Can the tender, the gentle Eliza whose soul is formed for domestick felicity, think, that the cause I gave her for not feeling happy “was the result of an imagination too prone to throw too great a shade upon the picture”;3—can she wonder at the cause. A heart of Adamant
4 when seperated from a parrent and Brother who claims its tenderest affections, could not know happiness. My friends, my acquaintances tell me I aught to be happy. I indeavour to appear so, it would be wrong to wear a sorrowfull countenance, it would give them pain and embitter the Life of a Mamma who feels too much to be happy at all times. I do not talk upon the subject, but there is not a day passes over my Life but this subject occupys my thoughts, and disbelieve it if you please, I can seldom reflect upon it without tears. Perhaps I am now happier than I deserve, I feel that I have many enjoy many blessings and many pleasures that others are deprived of, and I hope I am not ungratefull. I believe that were a few of my, perhaps imginary, wishes granted, I should enjoy too much pleasure. We need not fear too great a share of happiness, in this varied scene of Life. Those to whom fortune and fate are most favourable have some wishes ungratified. It is best—It is right.
Why did you not answer my letter. Those fair black lines again, not replyed to—are you not ashaimed of yourself so to puzzel—me. Shall I tell you what Mrs. Warren said to your letter. Yes, for I will not raise your curiosity, and not gratify it. I read it to her as an amusement, and apologized for it. She approved me and observed that I should not have done my friend justice had I not communcated it. She is very unwell yet, has not been out to day. I hope your Pappa will call to day on his way home, shall trouble him with a large packquet to my friends, you will be so good as to deliver them. Miss Betsy P
So Mr. Robbin's is going to sail for France next fryday. His Pappa was here yesterday, he goes with Mr. Micheal6 and family. I wish him well I am sure, who could do otherwise. He is worthy and merits the good wishes of every one that knows him.
Mrs. Warren has had letters from her son Winslow,7 has not my Mamma received letters from pappa. Mr. W
What were George's8 answers to the questions you put to him he will not tell me himself, he is conscious they were not intirely just—I suppose.
Tis a week to day since I left home, all the variety I have had is from one room to another, but it, is upon Milton hill, and every one is pleased here.
Braintree”; endorsed: “Jan—83 AA.”
On this date, see
The specific cause of this solicitation is unknown to the editors. For AA2's recent expressions of unhappiness, see her letters of
AA2 is presumably quoting from a letter from Elizabeth Cranch; unfortunately, none are extant.
Of a diamond-like or hard steel material (
OED
).
Lucy Cranch, Betsy's younger sister; see vol. 1:63.
Called Mitchel in AA to JA, 10 Jan., below. On the long delay in Robbins' departure for Europe, see AA to Robbins, 10 Jan., note 1, below.
James and Mercy Warren's second son; see vol. 3:359–360, notes 1 and 2.
The Warren's fifth son, age seventeen.
1783-01-07
For above a fortnight past I have been meditating a visit to Braintree but some unlucky occurrence or other turned up and disappointed me, and now I am certain I shall not be able within a fortnight, owing to some matters in agitation which will not be finished before that time, and are of such a nature that made me wish to see you at this time more particularly. I must explain myself by saying that about ten Days ago the Corporation of Harvard elected me Professor of the Theory and Practice of Physic in that University1 which must be confirmed you know by the Overseers before I can give public Lectures. They met last week and chose to postpone the confirmation of it for a fortnight that they might by enquiry be satisfied of my political sentiments, saying that they ought first to know whether I was a friend of the Revolution. Sufficient was said on that subject to induce them to think so and they would have even then have confirmed me But my friends themselves chose to postpone it. It was said that I was when in Europe on a very friendly footing with His Excllency Mr. Adams and that I was for many months part of his family. This was thought a sufficient proof of my sentiments. However some of the Corporation advised me to write to you and desire you to be so good as to address a line to any of them as Mr. President Willard, Mr. Lathrop and Mr. Howard, or Dr. Gordon2 who is one of the Overseers expressing how I stood in regard to Mr. Adams and he to me, and this would do every thing required. They do not suppose or even imagine that the Corporation of the College would have unanimously elected a person who they were in any doubt of respecting his politics yet as the Overseers comprehends the civil gentleman as well as the Clergy,3 many of whom I am not personally acquainted with, two or three of them expressed a wish to be satisfied in the above mentioned particular.
Excuse this trouble, but I thought it would be much more pleasing to Mr. Adams than to show any of his Letters to me. Neither the one nor the other will I am pretty certain be called for or even mentioned again, yet if they should my friends think it best to be provided and that Mrs. Adams's would supersede all other testimonies.
My respectfull Compliments to Miss Adams, and my friend Charles and tell him the South-Carolina is carried into New-York by a 64 and two frigates.4
66I congratulate you and every body else on the additional and corroborating circumstances of a speedy peace which it is said came this day from Philadelphia to Genl. Lincoln.5
Waterhouse was appointed to the first Hersey Professorship of the Theory and Practice of Physic, and was the second professor named to the Harvard Medical School, which was established in 1782. The inquiry into his loyalty arose from the university's resolve that each appointee promise to “demean himself 'as a good citizen of the United States of America,' to support their union and promote their happiness,” as well as to support and obey the Massachusetts constitution. At the medical school inauguration in Oct. 1783, Waterhouse and his colleagues each made this declaration (Morison, Three Centuries of Harvard, p.169–170).
Joseph Willard was president of the college, John Lathrop and Simeon Howard were fellows of the Corporation, and Howard, minister of Boston's West Church, was also secretary of the Board of Overseers (
Harvard Quinquennial Cat.
, p. 7, 10;
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 14:286). Rev. William Gordon, pastor of the Third Congregational Church in Roxbury, was an overseer by virtue of his pastorate (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:175, note 2).
Under the Massachusetts Constitution of 1780, chap. V, sec. 1 (see JA, Papers
, 8:259), the overseers were the governor, lieutenant-governor, council, and senate of the Commonwealth, and the ministers of the Congregational churches of Boston, Cambridge, Charlestown, Dorchester, Roxbury, and Watertown.
CA began his journey back to America with Waterhouse on board the South Carolina in Aug. 1781, but they changed to another vessel in September. The ship was captured by the British in Dec. 1782 (vol. 4:170, note 2; D. E. Huger Smith, “Commodore Alexander Gillon and the Frigate South Carolina,” South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, 9:216 [Oct. 1908]).
Waterhouse apparently refers to the news contained in letters by Franklin and Jay to the secretary for foreign affairs, dated 26 and 28 Sept. (and perhaps those of 13 and 14 Oct.) 1782 (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 5:763–764, 771, 809, 811–812), that the British had finally empowered Richard Oswald to negotiate with “the Commissioners of the thirteen United States of America” (Daniel Carroll to William Paca, 21 Dec.; P.S. 24 Dec. 1782, in Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 6:567). Several congressmen relayed this news to correspondents on 24 and 25 Dec. 1782, and it appeared in the Independent Chronicle, 9 January. Waterhouse's letter may have been the first communication—vague as it is—of this diplomatic development to reach AA.
1783-01-10
The young Gentleman who is the Bearer of this has acted for about 7 months in the capacity of preceptor to our children; I have mentiond him to you in former Letters, he is the son of the Revd Mr. Robbins of Plimouth, a Modest worthy Youth; under whose care our children improved greatly, which makes us very loth to part with him; but an opportunity presenting greatly to his advantage we could not press his tarrying longer with us. A Mr. Mitchel and family are going 67to Bordeaux to Establish an American House there; and have taken this Gentleman into their family, his Mamma being a near relation to Mr. Mitchels Lady; if you should chance to see this young Gentleman, or it should any way be in your power to serve and assist him, you would particularly oblige me by doing it, his merit will entitle him to your notice; and the particular attention he paid to our children whilst he acted as their preceptor, calls for my acknowledgment.
I am impatient for intelligence from you; by a Letter which Mr. Storer received from his son dated at Paris, which came in the Julius Ceasar,1 I had the pleasure of hearing that you were well, and at Paris; I need not say how greatly this pleasure would have been enhanced if I had received this intelligence from your own hand; I would fain flatter myself from your going there; that Some Ideas of a negotiation were taking place; but whether they will produce the desired object Time only can determine. Could I look forward to any given period, when I might hope again to embrace my dearest Friend in his Native Land, it would serve to mitigate the painfull absence. I have submitted to it with a meritorious patience, and hope the reward in safety and happiness to my country. With Sophonisba I can say,
can rejoice to behold you in the character of citizen and patriot, sacrificeing your private affections to the Publick Benifit. I will not examine how much of enthusiasm there is in this flight.
It is the 10 of Janry a most voilent snow storm—our family in Health, seated at this moment round a chee
Adieu my Dearest Friend, heaven grant me good and speedy News from you; this terible Storm I fear has cast away vessels which we hourly look for. My dear John, my heart aches when I think how seldom I hear from him; pray direct him to write to me, he is either very neglegent or I very unfortunate. I hope his conduct is such as his patron approves, and will ever be good and virtuous.
The little social circle around me, who are all variously employed, Sewing, reading; Studying grammer &c. jointly and severally present their duty and affection. Pappa is often very often the subject of conversation, and Mamma is never so highly delighted, as when she can lay down to them Some excellent precept, and example, which she recollects from his writings, or his Lips. But she cannot make them enter into the Idea of his quitting his Native Land, and relinquishing all his domestick pleasures for the publick Service, yet relinquished as they are for a time, may they never Suffer any diminution by absence; but may they ever rise to your view as the objects of all others the dearest to you, and for which no foreign pleasure or amusement can compensate. Heaven Grant the day may not be far distant when you may realize all your Heart wishes, in the fond embraces of your children, and in the Reciprocal endearments of your ever Ever affectionate
The Julius Caesar, Capt. Harriden, arrived at Salem on 31 Dec. 1782 (Independent Chronicle, 2 Jan.).
Quoted from James Thomson's Sophonisba, A Tragedy, IV, ii, first produced in 1730. AA substituted “My” for “Our” and “me” for “us.”
Louisa Catharine Smith, who was ten in 1783, was the daughter of AA's brother William Smith. She had been living with AA for five years and would live much of her long life with various members of the Adams family. See vol. 2:47–48, note 1.
1783-01-10
The Letter which you find enclosed you will be kind enough to sink should you be so unfortunate as to be captured; if you arrive safe and find it necessary to forward it to the Hague; you will cover it with a few lines from yourself. Accept my best wishes for your safety and prosperity, and my sincere thanks for the care and attention you 69paid to the education of my children during my absence that period of your preceptorship to them—it is with regret that I part with you on their account and my own. Few young gentlemen are so well qualified or so much disposed “to rear the tender thought and teach the young idea how to shoot.”2 It is an observation not the less true for being common, that example is more forcible, but when they were so agreeably united; they could not fail of a due impression on the minds of youth.
The early precepts of your Parents and the virtuous education you have received and practice upon render every thing unnecessary by way of Caution or advice; nor need I remark to you that the true use of travel is to enlarge the understanding to rectify the judgment and to correct and rub off most of those local attachments which every man is apt to acquire by a prejudice in favour of his own Country and Laws and manners and Government, by comparing his own with other Nations,3 he will be led to believe there is something to praise and something to amend in all each.
The disposition which you have ever discovered to please and oblige your friends where ever you reside;4 and leave in the minds of your acquaintance a pleasing remembrance of you. Among that number you will do yourself the justice to believe your friend and humble Servt.
Dated from AA to JA, 10 Jan., above, enclosed with this letter (see the opening sentence). Robbins, delayed in his departure for Europe, did not deliver this letter to JA until November, in London (see AA2 to JA, 10 May, and JA to AA, 8 Nov., first letter, both below).
AA quotes from James Thomson's The Seasons: Spring, lines 1152–1153, but omits “Delightful task!” which begins line 1152.
LCA appears to have first ended her transcription of this paragraph here, and then continued, writing the “he” over a dash-like period. This interruption may explain the passage's grammatical confusion.
The remainder of the paragraph is in a lighter ink, suggesting another pause in the transcription that spoiled AA's grammatical structure.
1783-01-11
Your letter2 my Dear Eliza, was, sent me yesterday afternoon. By the bearer of it I returned an insipid scrale3—which I suppose you have either recieved or will recieve—to day. Nothing is uninteresting to friends, a meere trivial detail of events, from those we regard, are pleasing. Never my Eliza refrain from writing me, with an idea, that 70you have nothing interesting to say, but let me hear from you by every opportunity. And when the passing moment does not furnish you a subject, renew, those interesting ones that were the subject of your long, good letter—peculiarly good—or favour me with your sentiments, on any other that may suit you. I ever find myself the better, for whatever comes from the heart of you my friend. I am very sorry for your disappointment. From the knowledge I have of the intended party, I think it would have been agreeable to you.
I walked out yesterday afternoon, and as I passed, a window, I dont know how my eyes came directed to it, there was standing a gentleman, dressed in p
iestly robes, with a letter in his hand reading it. I thought I was no strange
You aske me in one of your letters, what Betsy Quincy is doing. Do you not hear from of her. She is as amiable and agreeable as ever. My most pleasing moments are passed with her. I call without serimony at any time of the day. Tis a previledge that we are not allowed, every whare in this town. Tis a happy one.
No No Eliza, I never suspected, that you were received with coldness upon the
Mount Pleasant.5 It would cease to be so if the inhabitants were ever to look cold upon one. You my Dear of all folks in the World, will not receive a look of disapprobation from that quarter. Your happiness, is too nearly connected with, some one, I may say all—the whol family.
Excuse my breaking of thus abrubtly. Tis late and and and and and and and and and and and. I got the
This letter was probably written at the Adams' home in Braintree, on either 11 or 18 Jan., following AA2's return from the Warren's home in Milton (see AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch,
Not found.
Not identified.
The man in this passage has not been identified. His “p
Perhaps the Warren's home in Milton, where AA2 imagined that Elizabeth Cranch was interested in Henry Warren.
1783-01-16
About three weeks agone, I forwarded a packet of Letters to Mr. Cranch, inclosing one to him—the first since I have been
Since the Signature of the Preliminaries between England and America, the other Negociations seem to train on very heavily—at least I am not sure they advance with the Rapidity so much wished for by many, and dreaded by others. Indeed we have very little Information of the State or Progress of the other Negociations. If they were very forward, it is natural to conclude that some hint would be given of it. Parliament will meet the 21st. instant. Much is expected from their coming together. Perhaps something may be collected of what has been going forward in the Cabinet in their Recess. France and Spain have their Agents or Commissioners in England to transact their respective Concerns. Their continued Residence in London gives some ground to hope that their Negociations will terminate happily. But nothing conclusive can be drawn from this Circumstance, because a trivial Occurrence may snap asunder a Negotiation of the greatest “Pith and Moment.” To pacify an angry irritated World, to calm the Passions of Man and of Nations, are Objects worthy of him, whose Perfections exempt him from the frailties of Humanity. Negociations that succeed long Wars are but too often so many Histories of the depraved State of Mankind—Pictures of Avarice, Ambition, Pride, Baseness, Impotence &c. To correct, modify and arrange these disorderly Passions in a regular subordination to the great Objects of the Negociation, is a Task of Magnitude and Importance, and worthy of the best of Men, directed by Wisdom from above. How glorious an Employment is it, to be instrumental in giving Peace to a divided distracted World? What a Scope for the Exercise of those feelings that do honor to human Nature? What an Occupation for a Heart susceptible of Benevolence and of Philanthropy! But there are but few who experience these Sensations. The Business of Nations 72is conducted upon different Principles. Arts, Intrigues, and Subterfuges but too commonly take the place of Candor, good faith and plain dealing, and private Views require the Sacrifice of public Good. Ah! the divine Science of Politicks, puzzled in Mazes, not less mysterious than the mysterious Mysteries with which designing ambitious Priests have entangled and clouded a plain Religion. However as each successive Generation is to be wiser than the preceeding one, perhaps the World will be enlightened a little, before the Millenium, or that light which we read is to be accompanied with a Heat that will leave no Traces of the Wisdom of any Age.
But seriously speaking this Negociation stagnates Business. The Merchants know not how to conduct themselves in these days of Suspense. War Price and Peace Price for their Merchandizes is a Matter that deserves their Attention. The Freight and Insurance have been very high. They are still so. Indeed they know not whether to ship or not. I wish the Powers would declare their Intentions. One asks for a hint, and another for hint, of what is going forward. I dont understand this hinting work. A Hint would be just as serviceable as plain english—but so long as it is not plain English, nothing secret is communicated. A comical doctrine this. If one was to hint without design the wrong way, and any Mischief should befal the Person hinted to, I am inclined to think the Hinter, would reap a Harvest of Reproaches in plain English, without the disguise of a Hint. Thus much for the Doctrine of Hints. I am far from thinking it a sound one.
I have not heard from Mr. Dana since Novr. last. He was then well. I fancy Master John has nearly arrived by this in Holland.1 I will give You the earliest Intelligence of his Arrival. Remember me, if You please, as due, and believe me to be ever, with the greatest Respect, Madam your most obedient and most humble Servant.
JQA did not in fact reach Holland until April. See JA to AA, 4 Dec. 1782, note 2, above; and JQA to JA, 1 Feb., below.
1783-01-18
Your letter2 my Dear Eliza was this day handed me by your Mamma. I Love her much, Eliza, but wish you would just give her a hint, and 73tell her from me that I hope she say to no one Else, what she, does to me. I should be very sorry if I thought she did.
And now to your letter. If my last convinced you, that no doubts existed in my mind, of your friendship, it had its intended effect.3 I am sorry to hear you met with such a cold reception, in assending the mount.4 Dare say it was oweing to the coldness of the weather, and had you have made an entrance, you would I doubt not, have been cordially welcomed. Next weak I hear you intend an excursion to Bridgewater.5 I wish you an agreeable time of it, and as much pleasure, as your imaginatio
Do you wish to hear, of me, as well as from me. I mean do you wish to know how, my time passes. You do and I will tell you, as I have nothing more important to relate. The most agreeable day I have spent since I have been in town, was last Wedensday at Mr. Storers. The Ladies you have no acquaintance with except Miss Mayhew.6 She was not so sociable as I have sometimes seen her, has been very much indisposed, not the less agreeable tho. Dr. Waterhous made an agreeable part of the circle. You know him, it is not therefore necessary that I should represent to you aney part of his behavour. Twas all pleasing. I suppose I must mention Mr. Guild, too, as he madappear at least) affected in his Manners and behavour, I cannot help, feeling a much less esteem for him. From this it arises, tis a reasonable cause, but however I do not wish to give it, to aney others than my friends. They have a right to know the cause of the change of my opinions, and judgement. If they are right, they will approve; if wrong, condemn, and this leads me to alter them. Do you know my friend that the only instances I even thought you deficient in your friendship for me, was, you never told me my faults. I have often felt, that I have done wrong, in the presence of my Eliza. I have equally felt that she noticed it but I never yet recollect that you reminded me of them, or indeavoured to amend, me, (but by your example). It is said that it has a greater effect than precept. In many instances I believe it just, but when both are united, they inforce each other.
I have sometimes felt as if, you were conscious of the rectitude 74and propriety of yand heart, whether you have felt it or not. Your humility I suppose will not lead you to confess it.
I took my pen with an intention of writing only a few lines. Indeed, when I sat down I had but little to say, but thus I have scribled. Accept it with the affection with which it is writen and believe me, thy friend sincerely.
Amelia
This letter was written in Boston, probably at the home of Samuel Allyne Otis, where AA2 was apparently visiting (see AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch,
Not found.
This may refer to another, quite brief Jan. 1783 letter in the C. P. Cranch Papers that begins “The letter my Dear Eliza that you put in my hand yesterday Morning,” in which AA2 refutes Elizabeth Cranch's doubts of sincerity in their friendship.
Mount Pleasant, mentioned in AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch,
Perhaps with her aunt and uncle, Elizabeth Smith Shaw and Rev. John Shaw, to visit Shaw's father, Rev. John Shaw of Bridgewater (
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 8:627–629).
Perhaps Elizabeth Mayhew; see AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch, 1 July, below.
1783-01-22
The Preliminaries of Peace and an Armistice, were Signed at Versailles on the 20 and on the 21. We went again to pay our Respects to the King and Royal Family upon the Occasion. Mr. Jay was gone upon a little Excursion to Normandie and Mr. Laurens was gone to Bath, both for their health, so that the signature was made by Mr. Franklin and me.1 I want an Excursion too.
Thus drops the Curtain upon this mighty Trajedy. It has unravelled itself happily for Us. And Heaven be praised. Some of our dearest Interests have been saved, thro many dangers. I have no News from my son, Since the 8th. december, when he was at Stockholm,2 but hope every hour to hear of his Arrival at the Hague.
I hope to receive the Acceptance of my Resignation So as to come home in the Spring Ships.3
I had written thus far when yours of 23 decr. was brought in.4 Its Contents have awakened all my sensibility, and shew in a stronger Light than ever the Necessity of my coming home. I confess I dont 75like the Subject at all. My Child is too young for such Thoughts, and I dont like your Word “Dissipation” at all. I dont know what it means, it may mean every Thing. There is not Modesty and Diffidence enough in the Traits you Send me. My Child is a Model, as you represent her and as I know her, and is not to be the Prize, I hope of any, even reformed Rake. A Lawyer would be my Choice, but it must be a Lawyer who spends his Midnights as well as Evenings at his Age over his Books not at any Ladys Fire side. I Should have thought you had seen enough to be more upon your Guard than to write Billets upon such a subject to such a youth. A Youth who has been giddy enough to Spend his Fortune or half his Fortune in Gaieties, is not the Youth for me, Let his Person, Family, Connections and Taste for Poetry be what they will. I am not looking out for a Poet, nor a Professor of belle Letters.
In the Name of all that is tender dont criticise Your Daughter for those qualities which are her greatest Glory her Reserve, and her Prudence which I am amazed to hear you call Want of Sensibility. The more Silent She is in Company, the better for me in exact Proportion and I would have this observed as a Rule by the Mother as well as the Daughter.
You know moreover or ought to know my utter Inability to do any Thing for my Children, and you know the long dependence of young Gentlemen of the most promising Talents and obstinate Industry, at the Bar. My Children will have nothing but their Liberty and the Right to catch Fish, on the Banks of Newfoundland. This is all the Fortune that I have been able to make for myself or them.
I know not however, enough of this subject to decide any Thing. Is he a Speaker at the Bar? If not he will never be any Thing. But above all I positively forbid, any Connection between my Daughter and any Youth upon Earth, who does not totally eradicate every Taste for Gaiety and Expence. I never knew one who had it and indulged it, but what was made a Rascall by it, sooner or later.
This Youth has had a Brother in Europe, and a detestible Specimen he exhibited. Their Father had not all those nice sentiments which I wish, although an Honourable Man.5
I think he and you have both advanced too fast, and I should advise both to retreat. Your Family as well as mine6 have had too much Cause to rue, the Qualities which by your own Account have been in him. And if they were ever in him they are not yet out.
This is too Serious a Subject, to equivocate about. I dont like this method of Courting Mothers. There is something too fantastical and 76affected in all this Business for me. It is not nature, modest, virtuous, noble nature. The Simplicity of Nature is the best Rule with me to Judge of every Thing, in Love as well as State and War.
This is all between you and me.7
I would give the World to be with you Tomorrow. But there is a vast Ocean. No Ennemies. But I have not yet Leave from my Masters. I dont love to go home in a Miff, Pet or Passion nor with an ill Grace, but I hope Soon to have leave. I can never Stay in Holland—the Air of that Country chills every drop of Blood in My Veins. If I were to stay in Europe another Year I would insist upon your coming with your daughter but this is not to be and I will come home to you.
The document was the “Declarations for Suspension of Arms and Cessation of Hostilities” between the United States and Great Britain (Miller, ed., Treaties
, 2:108–110), which JA signed first, as his commission to negotiate peace preceded that of Franklin. Letterbook copies of this document are in the Adams Papers. The Americans signed the “Declarations” on 20 Jan., immediately after the signing of preliminary articles of peace between Great Britain, France, and Spain. See Morris, Peacemakers
, p. 408–409, and 541, note 92.
In his letter to JQA of 18 Feb., below, JA says that he had learned of JQA's arrival in Stockholm “only by the public Papers.” JQA's letter of 1 Feb., below, is the first he is known to have written to JA since 6 Sept. 1782 (vol. 4:378).
See JA to AA, 4 Dec. 1782, note 1, above.
This paragraph is written in a different ink, and opens in much smaller, more compressed characters then the preceding paragraphs. As JA writes on, however, he soon returns to his usual handwriting style.
JA had met John Steele Tyler in Europe in June 1780 (see vol. 3:328, note 1). On Royall Tyler Sr., see
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 11:313–318; and JA, Earliest Diary
, p. 22.
JA could be referring to AA's wastrel brother, William Smith, but the reference to his own family is obscure.
JA's disapproval of AA's estimation of Royall Tyler and of her conduct with respect to relations between Tyler and AA2 is the harshest among JA's letters to AA that survive. In later letters JA gradually softened his tone in discussing Tyler, and within a year he accepted Tyler as a suitor to AA2.
1783-01-22
I little expected, when writing to You on the 16th. instant, to have so soon congratulated You upon the Signature of the Preliminaries of Peace between France, Spain and England, and upon a Signature of an Armistice by the Ministers of those three Powers together with those of America. This Business was accomplished on the 20th. instant at Versailles, and is the Occasion of my addressing myself to 77You so soon after my Letter of the 16th, and of offering You my sincere Congratulations on so important a Change. I had no Idea that the War was so near closing. The definitive Treaty will doubtless soon be arranged and finished,1 and Mankind be permitted to enjoy a Pause of Calm and Tranquility. I will not add on this head, as the Affair will be laid open to the World, and You may perhaps recieve Information before this reaches You. You will have more particular Intelligence from another Quarter. At least I presume Mr. Adams will write You an Account of it.
Your dearest Friend recieved this Morning your Letter by the Iris Frigate, which arrived in 16. days from Boston.2 A most remarkable Passage. I recieved by this Opportunity a few Lines from my Friend Alleyne.3 Not a single Letter besides from Braintree. Not a Scratch of a Pen from Hingham. Perhaps those, whom I once thought my Friends think one Letter enough for me, or one too many. If this is their Idea, I will be very cautious how I trouble them with Letters again. All I desire is, that they will cross me out of their Books and Memories, that all Correspondence, Connection and Remembrance may be at an End. I am much obliged to them for the Letters they formerly wrote, and thus take my Leave of them. For after I dispatch this Packet, I will take good Care not to make another in a hurry. I will join them in a mutual forgetfulness. I am almost affronted or quite.4
Mr. A. has this moment informed me, that You have a Mr. Tyler at present in Braintree, and that he is an Attorney. I believe I have a slight Acquaintance with him, if it is the same that studied with Mr. Dana. And also that this young Gentleman has taken a Fancy to Miss Nabby. This is News. He has shewn an admirable good Taste and Judgment in his Choice, and if he possesses the Art of rendering himself agreable to so accomplished a young Lady, he will be happy indeed. Whatever part She may take in this Affair, or may have taken, I am persuaded will display a proof of her Discretion and good Sense, and meet with the Consent and Approbation of her Parents. In wishing very sincerely the Prosperity and Happiness of every Branch of your Family, I cannot but wish her's, and whenever She or the young Gentlemen shall be connected in Life, the Regard Esteem and Affection, with which their amiable Qualities and my long residence in the same Family with them have inspired me, lead me earnestly to desire, that their Connections may be agreable and happy to them, and perfectly conformable to the Wishes of their Parents. There, Madam, is the plain Language of an old Batchelor, who, tho' a 78Batchelor and a determined one, makes a point of encouraging Matrimony. I hope the Ladies will give me Credit for this.
Having passed the Period, at which I should have rejoiced to have found myself in the pleasing and tender Relation of Husband, and having maturely reflected on what I concieve will be my future Life, I abandon this kind of Union to those who have not reached, or have passed my Age, and pray that their Happiness may equal, nay surpass, my Respect for the Sanctity of their Engagements.
You will perhaps think my System of Batchelorism ideal and visionary—the effect of a Revery—and laugh at it. (I am luckily at a good distance, for I would not wish to be lectured on this Head.) Quite the contrary. With my Eyes wide open, with the Faculties of my Mind, (never very bright by the way) and the Movements of my Heart in regular good Order, I have taken my Resolution. But should You think me serious, You will do me the Justice to believe, that no Change of Country, Situation or Mode of Life, have operated this Revolution in me. Nor that, by living in the Atmosphere of Libertinism, where Matrimony and its Engagements are not too much respected, my Determination has been founded in a Contempt of this State; nor that it has originated from disappointed Love. No, Madam, I respect and revere the Connubial State. And did I feel at this Moment the least disappointment in Love, I would frankly confess it to You, tell the Name of my Sweetheart, that of my Rival, and indeed the whole Story. You should be the last Person from whom I would conceal it. But not being a Lover, I can have no Rival and consequently no Disappointment in so tender an Affair, as that of Love. I am quite independent in this Respect. But I beg Pardon, Madam, for trespassing so long upon your Patience. I hardly know when to stop my Pen, when I am upon this Subject. But I see I have written enough. And will quit it.
We have no Account yet of Master John's Arrival. As he travelled with a Sweedish Gentleman, and had Letters of Recommendation from the Sweedish Minister at Petersbourg,5 and others Persons of Distinction there, he will return under great Advantages, and perhaps spend more time on the Road, than he otherwise would have done.
JA concurred in this expectation; writing to Secretary Livingston on 22 Jan., he anticipated that “the definitive treaty will be signed . . . in six weeks or two months at farthest, I suppose” (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 6:226).
AA to JA, 23 Dec. 1782, above.
Probably Abel Alleyne of Braintree (vol. 4:262;
Braintree Town Records
, p. 888).
See Thaxter to AA, 30 Jan., below.
A Mr. Gummer traveled along the same route as JQA from St. Petersburg as far as Abo in Finland, but evidently in a different coach. Gustaf Baron von Albedhyll, Sweden's chargé d'affaires in Russia, entrusted letters to JQA to carry to Stockholm (JQA, Diary
, 1:150, 153–159).
1783-01-22
Yesterday I received your very obliging Letter1 and return you many thanks for your willingness to serve my interest. Some of my friends seemed to wish as I did to have some testimony of how I stood in Mr. Adams' opinion through you. I prefered it to giving them such letters of his as I had in my hands. However your answer not arriving in time I gave President Willard four letters of Mr. Adams', and one of Dr. Franklins—they were mere letters of friendship and contained what every body might have seen, yet I am always rather nice in regard to letters when the writers are absent. When I come to Braintree I will show them to you. I unexpectedly found a powerfull party against the confirmation of the Vote of the Corporation, on account (ostensibly) of my being in England—and my not being a Son of Harvard.2
If I found I was like to come in with a general consent I would accept most joyfully that arduous and important post but otherwise I had rather be without it, for from the very nature of our Art, and the mode of teaching of it, even an old Man, with twice my knowledge and experience would stand in need of every indulgence—and I shall never be hardy enough to open my mouth in public when I know there are numbers of shrewe'd Men looking after me for evil.
1 Not found, but see Waterhouse to AA, 7 Jan., above.
Waterhouse's only degree was his M.D. from Leyden (1780); Harvard awarded him an honorary M.D. in 1786 (
Harvard Quinquennial Cat.
, p. 1150). In an autobiographical letter written some years later, Waterhouse did not mention his difficulties in gaining the appointment but stressed his political harassment by Massachusetts Federalists who controlled the college in the days of the Jeffersonians' ascendancy (MHS, Procs.
, 54:159–165 [Jan. 1921]).
1783-01-27
Your last letter my Dear Eliza, deserved from the goodness and friendship, expressed, a reply long ere this. I cannot with truth offer to you aney apology, but must submit the inattention to your candour. I have now taken my pen, and do not realy know what to write, unless you will permit me to give you an account of my yesterdays excursion. As I ever feel interested in every scene however trivial, wherein aney of my friends take a part, Ill judge by the feelings of my own heart, and without aney appology for my incapacity at narative, I will tell give you the journal of the day, begining at the breakfast table. I need not expose myself so much as to give you the hour—but as tis not one of my rules to hide my faults or foibles from my friends, Ill just hint twas after the first Bell had rung. Lazy Girls you may say.
Mr. Miss Patty Gray, sent to know if Miss Betsy oald south
2 as tis generally called. The Novelty of the thing, caried, a great number of people, and your friend, for once was led with the multitude. We went, had a very good seat, heard a sermon and returned as we went. Dined. Polly Coffin promised to send for me to accompany her in the afternoon. Dr. Dexter3 called for me. I sent to Mrs. Coffins, and with them went to meeting. Twas so crouded as to render it very uncomfortable. My seat was not half so agreeable to me as in the morning. We went to a pew where I had no acquaintance, and I felt a kind of consciousness—that I was an intruder. This to a person of my possessed of the independance of Disposition, that is attributed to me was rather disagreeable. I shall leave to persons of better judgment, to give you their oppinion of the sermons, that were delivered. I do not suppose myself a proper judge, as to their excellencys or demerits.
I went home with Polly Coffin and drank tea and past the eve. To you who know her, tis unnecessary to say I was pleased with her and my visit. I found a large circle, none of my acquaintance except Sally Bromfeild. She is an excellent Girl, I am much pleased with her. We often meet in company, and every meeting raises her in my oppinion. 81I intend to visit her. The circle was Miss Dalton,4 Miss Davis—to me her manners are disgusting, she passes, for a genteel Girl, Miss Palfrey5—a sweet amiable Girl, she looks like patience on a Monument smileing at Grief. She has just gone in Mourning for her pappa. You would Love to look at her—her countenance Appears “as! calm,6 an unruffled as the summers sea, when not a breath of wind flies oer its surface.” These were the Ladies. Dr. Dexter, you know him. Mr. Emery, he is cleaver I believe. Mr. Sawyer—you know from the report of others. I was much prejudiced against him. His behavour did not erase those prejudices, to be sure, to the Ladies of his acquaintance, that were present, I mean. I was not introduced, and therfore all that passed between us, was, I wish you a good evening. I am and have ever been convinced, that the behavour of a gentleman depends upon the company of Ladies he is in. They certainly can command, and do, his conduct. Twas evident here. They called him impudent, but at the same time let him know that his impudence was rather, pleasing. I thought however, that his manners were more becomeing, than some of the Ladys. Polly C
Mrs. Coffin, is an exceeding fine Worthy Woman. I Loved her from the character I have had of her. From the slight personal knowledge I have of her, I more than Love her. I came home at ten, much pleased with my visit. Rouaby Coffin, you do not know I believe, she is younger than Polly, and was once justly characterized by the name of Miss Volubility. She is a good naturd Girl I believe, at least she is not severe.
Thus my Dear I have given you a full account of my visit, and in return should like to know were and how you passed your Eev. Was it by the fire side of my Mamma, and who was of your party. I could have joined you with pleasure. You know Eliza, my oppinion of Mr. Lincoln. You have often heard me speak of him, and not with the greatest degree of approbation. I have expressed the same oppinion, to every one to whom I have spoken of him. A gentleman who knows in what light he stands in my mind, and who has told me he thought I did not think justly of him, yesterday told me he was very much diverted at hearing Mr. L. oppine of me your friend—that we have imbibed, the self same ideas of each other. He supposes that I have a very good and important oppinion of myself, and I suppose his 82inattention has been intended to mortify my consumate vanity. I was realy diverted. What a pitty it is that it has not had the affect he wished, upon me.
AA2 wrote this letter from Boston, possibly on 20 or, more likely, 27 Jan. (see AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch,
This was the Third Church in Boston, gathered in 1669. The congregation's meetinghouse in the Revolutionary era had been built in 1729, and still stands at the corner of Washington and Milk streets. From 1777 to late 1782 or early 1783, however, Old South services were held either in King's Chapel or in the Old State House because the British army had damaged the meetinghouse by turning it into an officers' riding school during its occupation of Boston. After 1870 the Washington Street structure was called the Old South Meetinghouse to distinguish it from the congregation's new house of worship, the Old South Church on Copley Square. See Winsor, Memorial History of Boston
, 2:517; Everett W. Burdett, History of the Old South MeetingHouse, Boston, 1877, p. 86; Hamilton Andrews Hill, History of the Old South Church, Boston, 1890, 2 vols.
Probably Dr. Aaron Dexter, later Erving Professor of Chemistry and Materia Medica at Harvard Medical School (
Harvard Quinquennial Cat.
, p. 24, 196). He visited AA in Braintree in May 1781 and carried letters from her to JA (vol. 4:138, 141).
Probably one of Tristram Dalton's daughters.
Probably Susan Palfrey, daughter of Col. William Palfrey, paymaster general of the Continental Army; she was about two years younger than AA2 (
NEHGR
, 31:111 [Jan. 1877]; 35:308 [July 1881]).
Thus in MS.
1783-01-29
Your kind Letters of Oct. 25. and November 13 came to hand but to day. A Packet from you is always more than I can bear. It gives me a great Pleasure, the highest Pleasure, and therefore makes me and Leaves me Melancholly, like the highest Strains in Music.
I have written you many times and Ways, that I have written to Congress a Resignation, and that I expect the Acceptance of it by the first ships, and will embark for home as soon as it arrives. There is a Possibility that one Case may happen, vizt. that Congress may accept my Resignation, and send me at the same time a Renewal of my old Commission to make a Treaty of Commerce with Great Britain. There is not in my Opinion the least Probability of this, nor do I desire it, the first desire of my Soul being to go home. But if it should 83happen, I beg you would come to me with it, for nothing but your Company will make it acceptable. However brillant a Feather it might be in my Cap, to make a Treaty of Commerce with G. Britain, and how much soever malicious Wits may suppose me disappointed by the Extraordinary Resolution of Congress which took from me a distinction, which I had dearly earned by accepting and attempting to execute a Commission which they had given me with so much Unanimity and without any solicitation of mine, yet I assure you I think I can be employed more agreably to my self in America, if not more usefully to the Public.1
However this may be my Resolution is fixed, to return home unless Congress should restore me my Honour, whether they accept of my Resignation or not.
My “Image,” my “superscription,” my “Princess,” take care how you dispose of your Heart.2——I hoped to be at home and to have chosen a Partner for you. Or at least to have given you some good Advice before you should choose.
If I mistake not your Character it is not Gaiety and Superficial Accomplishments alone that will make you happy. It must be a thinking Being, and one who thinks for others good and feels anothers Woe. It must be one who can ride 500 miles upon a trotting Horse and cross the Gulph stream with a steady Heart. One may dance or sing, play or ride, without being good for much.
But I must conclude, by my Wishes and Prayers for your Direction in all Things, and by assuring you that no Words can express the Feelings of my Heart, when I subscribe myself Yours forever.
JA's extant correspondence for this period reveals no hint from anyone that Congress intended to renew his commission for negotiating a treaty of commerce, so this possibility appears to be his own idea. On 5 Feb. JA wrote R. R. Livingston (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 6:242–247) suggesting the accrediting of a minister to the Court of St. James's who could negotiate a commercial treaty, and he set forth qualities such a man would need in terms that could describe himself. Thus although he proposed John Jay for the post, he may have been inviting his own nomination. See his letter to AA of 4 Feb., below.
JA was first renominated by a congressional committee to negotiate a commercial treaty with Great Britain, in conjunction with Benjamin Franklin and Jay, on 1 May 1783 (
JCC
, 24:321). On 7 May 1784, Congress finally created a new three-man commission, consisting of JA, Franklin, and Thomas Jefferson, to negotiate treaties of amity and commerce with twenty-three European and African nations.
This and the following paragraph were addressed to AA2.
1783-01-30
In acknowledging the receipt of your kind favor of 26th. October and in confessing it was accompanied with five or six other Letters, which arrived yesterday, You will naturally conclude, that a rash Declaration made in my Letter of 22d. instant, of not writing again to my Friends, ought to be recanted. I do not hesitate a moment to make a formal Recantation, and would repeat it twenty times for another such Packet. I began to suspect my Friends had forgotten me. It mortified me. You will impute the Declaration to a little Chagrin, and believe it was not more than half serious. For indeed there was no Malice intended. I had not the least Spice of it1 when I made it. But there is nothing like a little raving and fretting to bring a Packet of Letters.
I have communicated to my Friend Storer, what our Acquaintance say concerning the Portraits.2 We have laughed immoderately at their Abuse of our, “stiff dutch Figures.” As they are so offensive to our Friends, we desire they may be sent back, that we may present them to the Academy of Painting as Models. We examined them after they were finished, thought they were pretty well, and sent them home with that Impression. But it seems they are not to their Taste. The Painter did not mean to flatter Us, but if he had made us a little more handsome, we should not have been displeased with his doing us that merited Justice. However, so long as our Friends don't abuse the Originals, they may say what they please about the Copies. We can't answer for them. They don't belong to us. But the Fair American abuses both. (By the way Madam, who is that happy Miss? Pray tell me, as I am very curious of knowing who She is.) Saucy Hussy to abuse me. She was glad I left Paris and went to Holland, now clamours against the Portrait, and protests against going to that Country. For why, because the Graces dont reside there. Tell her, Madam, as You seem to be much better acquainted with her than I am, that I protest firmly against her going to Holland to inform herself of the Truth of Facts, and against her coming to Paris to see the Reign of the Graces here.
I have also communicated to Mr. Storer your Request, that he would correspond with your Ladyship. He promises himself that 85Honor, and means to write by this Opportunity.3 You will find him an ingenious, entertaining and an agreable Correspondent. He possesses a happy faculty at writing, an easy pleasing stile. And was not Envy always a mean contemptible Passion, I should envy him his epistolary Talents. I do not however, but should be proud in possessing them. He is a very worthy promising Character, and his Residence in the Family is a most agreable Circumstance to me.
You ask, how President Laurens will support the Death of his Son? The best Reply I can make is in his own Words in a Letter to your dearest Friend, “The Wound is deep, but I thank God I had a Son who dared to die for his Country.”4 Is it possible to express paternal Affection and patriotic Attachment to America in Terms more manly and energetic? He supports the Loss with all the dignity and Fortitude of Cato, when Marcius fell. He is now at Bath, for the sake of the Waters, having been repeatedly benefited by them. His Spirits dont fail him, tho his Health is much impaired.
You still express a serious Determination to come to Europe, unless your dear Friend should return. He proposes to save You the risque of a Voyage, by returning home. 'Tis true indeed, Madam, that I have long been a Witness of your Sacrifise of private Happiness and domestic Ease. For more than three Years past have I been a constant Witness of his public and private Anxieties, of an Attachment to his Family equalled by nothing but that to his Country. The very distinguished and honorable Part he has taken in our Contest, the Success of his various Missions, his deservedly great Reputation in Europe and America added to the attainment of the important Objects of our Conflict, are Circumstances that cannot fail to alleviate the Pains of Separation, and must ever be Sources of sweet Consolation in your melancholy Moments. But there is a purer Source than this. Portia has found it in the Virtues and Sensibility of her own Heart. The Honors and Reputation that the World bestow are but too often the Bubbles of a Moment. Advantages of a very precarious Tenure, as capriciously withheld, or taken away, as conferred. Rectitude and conscious Honor will ever command Respect, while there exists in Society Characters capable of those Virtues. They are Treasures that the malicious may envy, but cannot take away. They ought to be the strong holds of every public Man and of every good Citizen. I leave the Application of my Doctrine to your Ladyship.
If this Packet should reach You, You will think it enough in all conscience by one Opportunity, and I shall be much of your Opinion. 86But cannot close it without a Word or two to Miss A. She desires me to write to her, thinks me in her Debt. There is a Letter inclosed for her,5 and if She is so happy as to recieve all I have written from the Hague and this City She will have no small Bundle of proofs that I am quite out of Debt. I hope She will indulge me in writing to her 'till my Return, and favor me from time to time with some of her excellent Letters. I don't mean to excite the Jealousy of her Sweetheart,6 for I promise him, honestly, to be very cautious and circumspect, and can assure him that I am of too harmless a Disposition to be dangerous to him, and too little skilled in the fine Science of Courtship to enter the Lists against Experience.
I inclose the Declaration of the Armistice that was signed at Versailles the 20th.,7 which You can shew to our Friends.
Kind of; or touch, share of (
OED
).
Storer to AA, 10 Feb., below; but see also Storer to AA, 17 Oct. and 8 Nov. 1782, both above.
See Thaxter to AA, 27 Nov. 1782, and note 6, above.
Not found. The only extant letter from Thaxter to AA2 is 25 Aug. 1781, written from Amsterdam (vol. 4:198–200). Other letters may have been destroyed in the fire that consumed the home of AA2's daughter's family in 1862.
Presumably Royall Tyler, of whom JA had learned on 22 Jan. (JA to AA, above).
This enclosure has not been found but copies are in the Adams Papers; see JA to AA, 22 Jan., note 1, above.
1783-02-01
I arrived here a few days agone,1 and expect to be at the Hague by the latter end of this month where I shall wait for your orders, in case I dont find you there; what to do. I should have written you from Stockholm but when I arrived there I was told you was in Paris, and I did not know where to adress my letters. But just before I left Stockholm2 I receiv'd a letter from Mr. D
They talk a great deal here about peace. Tis said to be very near; but a great many people think the contrary, on account of the amazing armaments of the belligerent powers. But nothing is certain as yet I believe.
P.S. Please to present my duty to Mamma when you write. As soon as I arrive in Holland I shall write to her and to all my friends in America.
JQA had arrived in Göteborg, the largest city on the west coast of Sweden, on 16 Jan., and would not depart until 11 February. His Diary entries for this period, during which he took a side trip to the falls and canal works at Trollhättan, are among the most detailed of his entire journey from Russia to Holland (JQA, Diary
, 1:164–170).
JQA had arrived in Stockholm on 22 Nov. 1782 and left on 31 Dec. (same, 1:159–162).
Not found.
JQA had reached Norrköping, located on an inlet to the Baltic Sea, about 80 miles southwest of Stockholm, on 1 Jan., and departed on 14 Jan. (same, 1:162–164). His Diary describes his stay there in some detail.
Sweden was in the eighteenth century, and remains today, a leading exporter of high grade iron and steel products. This put the Swedes in natural competition with the United States, whose Pennsylvania iron deposits were also among the world's most valuable in the eighteenth century. Eli F. Heckscher, An Economic History of Modern Sweden, Cambridge, 1954.
Carl Söderström; his brother was Richard Söderström, Swedish merchant and later consul at Boston, whom JQA would meet in 1785 (JQA, Diary
, 1:167).
JQA's Diary entry of 23 Nov. 1782 suggests that Brandenburg may already have been in correspondence with Francis Dana before JQA's arrival in Stockholm (same, 1:161). JQA's letter to Dana requesting advice for Brandenburg has not been found. In a 28 Feb. letter to JA (Adams Papers), Brandenburg wrote that he lent JQA money in Stockholm, and that he had heard of JA's concern for JQA's whereabouts (see JA to AA, 4 Feb., note 5, below). He then told JA what he knew about JQA's journey through Sweden to Göteborg, and congratulated JA on the conclusion of the preliminary articles of peace.
1783-02-04
Your two Letters concerning Mr. T
But I dont like the Trait in his Character, his Gaiety. He is but a Prodigal Son, and though a Penitent, has no Right to your Daughter, who deserves a Character without a Spot. That Frivolity of Mind, which breaks out into Such Errors in Youth, never gets out of the Man but Shews itself in some mean Shape or other through Life. You seem to me to have favoured this affair much too far, and I wish it off.
Nevertheless, I cannot Judge, you have not furnished me with Facts enough for the Purpose. I must Submit, my Daughters Destiny, to Her own Judgment and her own Heart, with your Advice and the Advice of our Parents and Brothers and sisters and Uncles and Aunts &c. You must endeavour to know the Opinion of the Family, and I pray a kind Providence to protect My Child.
I had flattered myself with the Hopes of a few Years of the society of this Daughter, at her Fathers House. But if it must be otherwise I must Submit.
I am So uneasy about this Subject, that I would come instantly home, if I could with decency. But my Dutch Treaty is not yet exchanged, I have not yet taken Leave of their High Mightinesses, nor of the Court, nor have I yet signed all the Obligations for the Loan: So that I dont See how I can possibly, come home without first returning to the Hague.2 There are other Subjects too about which I am not on a Bed of Roses. The Revocation of my Commission to make a Treaty of Commerce with G. Britain without assigning any Reason, is an affront to me and a Stain upon my Character that I will not wear one Moment longer than is indispensably necessary for the public Good. And therefore I will come home, whether my Resignation is accepted or not, unless my Honour is restored. This 89can be but one Way, in Europe, and that is by Sending me a Renewal of the Commission. This I have no Idea will be done: because the Forest is laid wide open for the Game and all the Hounds of Faction will be let loose at the Halloo of the Sportsman. I will have no share in the Chase.3 I am weary to death of a Residence in Europe, and so would you be. You have no Idea of it. Mrs. Jay can tell you. This Lady is as weary as is possible, and you would be more so.
If it were only an Affair of myself and my Family, I would not accept a Commission if sent. But I consider it a public Point of Honour. An infamous Attack has been made upon me, only Doing my Duty, or rather an Attack has been made upon the Fisheries, the Missisippi and the Western Lands, through my Sides.4 I have totally defeated the Attack upon those Great Objects and I Say the Honour the Dignity and future Safety of the United States depend are interested in restoring that Commission to me, that future Attacks of the same Kind may be discouraged, and future Servants of the Publick protected. And I have Sworn that Justice Shall be done in this Case somehow or other. The Public Voice shall pronounce the Righteous sentence, if Congress does not.
If therefore Congress should renew my Commission to the make a Treaty of Commerce with G. B., come to me, with your Daughter if she is not too much engaged, and master Tommy. Send Charles to his Uncle Shaw or some school and let any Body draw upon me for his support. I do not however believe, Congress will send me such a Commission, and if not I shall have my Daughter by her Hand before she gives it away, at the Blue Hills at the latest by Mid summer. Endeavour to learn what passes upon the subject in Congress and write it to me for my Guidance. You may write by Way of England, Holland, France or Spain. Send under Cover however to some other Friend.
The exchange of ratifications of the Dutch Treaty did not occur until June, and JA, occupied with the peace negotiations in Paris, ordered C. W. F. Dumas to perform it for him. JA did not return to the Netherlands until July, and then only briefly, but he remained accredited to the States General of the Netherlands (“their High Mightinesses”) until 1788, and traveled to Amsterdam in 1784, 1787, and 1788 to negotiate additional loans (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:135–136, note 1, 168, note 1, 202, note 1, 211–212, note 2).
See JA to AA, 29 Jan., note 1, above; and note JA to Elbridge Gerry, 4 Nov. 1779 (JA, Papers
, 8:276), where JA employs the same image of virtuous men and policies being hunted down by the forces of faction.
That is, an attack mounted indirectly (
OED
). In addition to revoking JA's commis-90sion to secure a commercial treaty with Great Britain, and appointing four additional peace commissioners to serve with him in July 1781, Congress had issued new instructions for a peace treaty. This directive obligated the commission to follow the diplomatic lead of France, which had no interest in expanded western boundaries for the United States and was ready to exclude Americans from fishing rights on the Grand Banks. The change in instructions was lobbied through Congress by La Luzerne, who, acting on orders from Vergennes, used influence and money to build a pro-French faction in that body (
JCC
, 20:746–747; Morris, Peacemakers
, p. 210–216).
By this date JA had become most anxious to learn of JQA's whereabouts. Acting on Francis Dana's assurance (to JA, 30 Oct. 1782, Adams Papers; see JA to AA, 4 Dec. 1782, and note 2, above), he had expected his son to reach Holland by late December. By February, having heard nothing since JQA's arrival in Stockholm two months earlier (JA to AA, 22 Jan., and note 2, above), JA began to fear that the boy was ill or had met with an accident, and wrote to his agent Dumas and to La Vauguyon, the French ambassador, both at The Hague, to the French chargé at Hamburg, and to diplomats and merchants in northern Europe to seek their help in locating him. But he said nothing to AA about his fears, and did not report on JQA's journey in any extant letter before 28 March, below. See JA to Dumas, both letters, 7 Feb. (PCC, No. 101, I, f. 316, 317); an extract from JA to the Duc de La Vauguyon, 7 Feb., in Algemeen Rijksarchief, The Hague, Eerste Afdeling, Dumas Papers, vol. 1, p. 498; and JA to Lagau, 13 Feb. and Duncan Ingraham Jr. to JA, 13 Feb. (both Adams Papers).
1783-02-10
And why may I not write you, Madam, tho' Mr. Thaxter should not go to America? Is the restriction absolute? But I have already addressed you with several letters, as well from Holland, as since our arrival here.1
They cannot be recalled. Thus there is a beginning, and to continue the Correspondence, I must improve the present favorable moment. I venture then, by supposed permission to write you a line by this opportunity—not, however, because Mr. Thaxter has, in his letter, said I should, but because the offer of your Correspondence is too inviting for me to resist it. If you consent, Madam, the bargain is made, and this may be stiled No. 1.
In yours to Mr. Thaxter, you have been pleased to say some clever2 things of me. I can only reply in the common phrase of this Country, “mon pardon, Madam, vous etes fort polie.”
I am already much indebted to Mr. Adams, for many kindnesses and attentions to me. He has again flattered me, with Confidence in a certain affair, mentioned in your last letters.3 He will return you his Sentiments thereupon, and me it does not become to speak, further, than to assure Amelia of my best wishes for every happiness and pleasure the married state can afford. 'Tis a state of all others I respect the most, being firmly persuaded 'tis there we find the most rational enjoyment and complete satisfaction. My friend here says no. We often dispute the point. However I shall not give it up, so 91long as so many good folks are on my side. He wants a little of your good tutoring, Madam.
I have several times entertained hopes of seeing you, in Europe, as Mr. Adams, you will find, has written for you. But hardly did he give his advice, before he again changed it. Such are the uncertainties of a political life on this side the water. From some Circumstances, I think you will see him in America, in the course of the Spring or Summer. He often wishes to be at “his hut at the foot of Penns-hill, mending roads, or surveying North-Common.” He says, he shall return with pleasure to his plow. A civil Cincinnatus! Return, Madam, as he will, he will abundantly merit the gratitude and respect of his Countrymen.
I have this day received a letter from Mr. John Bowring, of Exeter, in Devonshire, G. B. who married Mr. Christopher Cranch's daughter.4 He rejoices, as do all his family, at Mr. R. Cranch's recovery, and desires me to forward their kind remembrance and congratulations to him on the occasion. Mr. B. is an Overseer of an extensive Woolen Manufactory at Exeter, and wishes to form Connections with some of our commercial Houses. If Mr. Cranch could assist him, he would be much benefited and obliged. He is a man exceedingly well respected in Exeter and has extensive acquaintances. I am indebted to him and all his family, by their friendship and civilities to me. Excuse my troubling you with business. Was it not entirely among Friends and Neighbors, I should not have done it.
It seems you did not expect Mr. A's success in Holland. I assure you, Madam, Riot, faction and vengeance has been opposed to him, yet he has braved it all, honorably. And he is now pleased, to use his own words, to see “the flag of the United-States securely planted and waving in triumph at the Hague.”5 A most critical Circumstance in our Politics, for to no one thing more than this, are we indebted for the Peace at the present day.
Let me request you to present my best respects to your family, Neighbors, and all our friends, near you, and to be assured yourself of the respect and esteem of, Madam, Yrs:
NB. I trust Portia will excuse the signature of Eugenio, since both are in mask.
Only two are known to the editors, that of 17 Oct. 1782, and that of 8 Nov. 1782, written as a postscript to JA to AA, 8 Nov.; both are above.
“Clever” in the sense of favorable, nice (
OED
). AA's letter of 26 Oct. 1782 to Thaxter is above.
Royall Tyler's courtship of AA2, dis-92cussed in AA to JA, 23 and 30 Dec. 1782 both above.
The relationship of this Christopher Cranch to Richard Cranch has not been determined by the editors. See JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:207–208.
Passages nearly identical to this appear in JA to James Warren, 6 Sept. 1782 (JA, Works
, 9:513), and in JA to Francis Dana, 17 Sept. 1782 (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 5:732). In both, JA makes clear that his triumph was over Britain's ambassador Sir Joseph Yorke and “British pride.”
1783-02-11
Did I feel myself conscious of any inclination to suspend a Correspondence that has given pleasure I should feel a little Awkward in the Renewal.2 But as I stand acquited to my own Heart of the least distance or indifference where the warm glow of friendship subsists I Readily snatch up the pen, and Even Rejoice that the Dreary storm, the incumbered Road, and the severe season has given me an opportunity to testify my illacrity to Embrace your proposal.3
And though the pace of Nature is so universally chilled, that Thought may be stiffned thereby And the Ideas Run slow, yet the last which will die in my Bosom are those social Feelings which only Deserve the Name of Genuine Friendship. Martyred Word! Hackneyed, Mangled: prostituted Name! But I Beleive the Next Revolution that makes her Blush, it will become unfashionable to acknowledge her Existence.
But as Language with some yet means more than a Compliment, I imagine you will be Really Gratifyed when in Reply to your Wishes I tell you my late letters gave me that kind of satisfaction which None but the Maternal Heart can feel when Addressed by a son long absent, amiable and affectionate and in a situation Eligiable to himself.4
That you my Dear Madam May have the completion of your wishes in the Company of Those you hold most dear but a thousand Motives prompt me to hope it May be on the American shore.
Come to Milton and let me tell you some of them—as well as the Reason why I break off thus Abruptly.
References in AA to Mercy Otis Warren,
The last letter known to the editors that was exchanged between the two women was AA's of 5 March 1781 (vol. 4:86–88).
How AA made her proposal to renew their correspondence is not known to the editors.
Winslow Warren was traveling in Europe during this period; see vol. 3:359–360, note 2.
1783-02-12
I need not tell you I was much disappointed in not having the pleasure of your Company yesterday and the advocate you Employed1 to appoligize assures me you were not less so. I promissed to Give it under my hand that to the best of my judgment he had obeyed your orders with great punctuallity. As soon as the Roads will permit I will call on you. Though as your Daughter left you this Morning suppose you must be better. Naughty Girl she did not call and tell me so, but I Flatter myself she in this Instance sacrificed her inclinations to her Complasance. Somehow or sentimental this Morning. Though at the same time have many things to say but in the tete a tete style which all ladies love. A little Fatigue, some Head ache, and a kind of lassitude the Consequence of too much Exercise renders me quite unfit for your Correspondent this day. Yet inconsistent as it may appear, have a Violent inclination to proceed, and least I should indulge it Rather to your Fatigue than Amusment, believe I shall not Venture to begin Another page for I always think it must be Friendship alone that will Give patience to pick a meaning out of my almost uninteligible Characters. It was an observation of the Great Tully, “I am too old to Change my Habits.”2 And I Imagine no one will Contradict me when I assert, I have scribbled too long to Change my Hand. But what Woman lives long Enough not to Change her Mind. Surely not your Friend as she would have kept her Word and Releived you before this. But as we Cannot Reason more Conclusively, (I mean Consequentially) why should we act more Consistantly than Man. Show me says a Celebrated writer one Woman in the World that Can do this for ten Minits together. I would be a little more Candid and only Challenge all the Masculine World to shew me more than one in ten Hundred of Thier sex whom you, would know to morrow from what he appears to be this day. His Darling passion requiring it you will find a Proteus3 in Every Company Circumscribe the Circle to as Narrow limits as you Please.
Some Necessary Domestic Matters Called me from my pen, I resume it again but with a strong inclination to Erase all I have written and perhaps before this you Wish I had had the Resolution. Tell me so, if you do. When I write again, will Endeavor to do it with more Correctness of Style more Elegance of Diction more Esteemation and Candour for the World indiscriminatly. Yet perhaps not with 94more Truth and sincerity, or a stronger pathos of Friendship than this is subscribed from Yours affectionatly
“What! a letter to me of two Folio pages and not one Word of politics oh fiy—“Let me see what is the subject, truly I cannot tell. I will write and ask my Friend she Can surly Explain her non meaning. Though the Day may be a little Cloudy with her.” Do so Madam and Forward the Result of your Observations soon very soon to Milton Hill.
CA. See AA's letter that follows.
Closing quotation mark supplied. The source of this quote from Marcus Tullius Cicero has not been identified.
In Homer and Virgil, Proteus was a minor sea god who could take almost any shape or form (
Oxford Classical Dictionary
).
1783-02-12
Indeed my dear Madam my omiting writing to you by my son was not oweing to the abrupt manner of your closeing your Friendly Billet1 which was sufficiently apoligized for by the counsel2 you employed with all that Eloquence which ever distinguishes him in a female Cause—but to the sudden proposal of Master Charles who no sooner determined to visit Milton than he executed it—and as I had not time to write in my usual lengthy manner; I told him to excuse me to you and assure you that I would not fail the next opportunity.
I will not say that I feel awkward on the renewal of our correspondence, because that would be to insinuate that such feelings are New to be vanished, were vanquished by the free social intercourse of Friendship, I cannot say but a little of the old leaven remains.
What induced my Friend to Epethize with so many hard words the Friendship of the world
3—it could be no New discovery to her that neither nation, or communities use it, but as a more refined and 95polished Name, than for Interest, Self Interest! There are not wanting many in these dayprincipal Cause and to affirm that no such thing as disinterested Friendship or patriotism exists. I shall not attempt to confute these doctrines by words, but retire into my own Bosom and there feel that they are false.
America is assimilating herself to foreign Nations, and will I fear copy more largely their foibles and vices than their virtues, Simulation and disimulation with their false coin are passing upon us, insted of the pure Bullion of honest truth and integrety—Sterling worth becomes more rare, publick happiness less stable, private and domestick virtues less cherished and cultivated.
What a picture my dear Madam for the rising generation. Shall we shade it from their view, or hold it to them as a warning? Yet why rob them of those few years of happy Credulity when meaning no evil, they are unsuspicious of it in others!——How little do our children know the anxiety of parents towards them—their hopes and their fears—their exultation the exultation which fills the mind and dilates the Heart when they behold them rising in virtue and Eminence. It is a pleasure which the almighty himself enjoyed when he looked upon his works and saw that all was good.
I am called to dinner, but will not go untill I have told my Friend that the first passible roads I will improve in visiting Milton—and hope she will make the same use of them to Braintree.
My affectionate regards attend General Warren at Milton. I had rather have sent them on to Philadelphia.5 You know they are used to travelling that road in search of a disinterested patriot. If he had been there, they would not have failed of success.——I will close my letter with the prospect of a visit from my good fellow traveller this afternoon whom I realy long to see and welcome again to Braintree. Harry6 has had his rejoiceing fit I suppose, so will not be so glad to see me, as some other of his B—n Friends.——I would not have deprived my daughter so soon of the pleasure she took in her at Milton visit if I had known she could not have made her visit to the city before this time as she has long designed one there, and proposed it the week after she left you; I thought it necessary to call her home a day or two before she left me quitted M n.7 Adieu my dear Madam a little attention is necessary to the outward appearence of your Friend before she receivemy her invitation to a renewal of our correspondence was more than a mere compliment from your assured Friend
Mercy Otis Warren to AA,
CA.
See Warren to AA,
Bernard Mandeville's The Fable of the Bees; or, Private Vices Public Benefits (1714 and later edns.) resorted to paradox to argue that vices, i.e. men's selfish actions, through the introduction of inventions and the exchange of capital in the pursuit of luxury, promote progress. Men wholly lack the higher motives attributed to them by most thinkers. Mandeville, who particularly rejected the moralism of the third earl of Shaftesbury, was attacked for his views by many writers (
DNB
).
A reference to James Warren's election to Congress in Oct. 1782, an honor he finally declined on 4 June 1783. See Cotton Tufts to JA, 10 Oct. 1782, note 12, and AA to JA, 13 Nov., note 3, both above.
Henry Warren.
See AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch,
1783-02-18
The Peace, which Sets the rest of the World at Ease, increases, I think my Perplexities and Anxiety. I have written to Congress a Resignation, but I foresee there will not be a Speedy decision upon it, and I Shall be left in a State of Suspence that will be intolerable. Foreseeing this,1 I am determined not to wait for an Acceptance of my Resignation, but to come home without it, provided it does not arrive in a reasonable Time.
Dont think therefore of coming to Europe. If you do We Shall cross each other, and I shall arrive in America about the Same time that you may arrive in Europe.
I Shall certainly return home in the Spring. With or without Leave, Resignation accepted or not, home I will come, So you have nothing to do but wait to receive, your obl Friend
From this point on the letter repeats verbatim an entire letter of the same date which is not printed here. In fact, JA sent a third letter on this day, explaining that he was taking advantage of several opportunities to inform AA of his determination to come home. This last added a further thought: “I Shall arrange all the Affairs of the public that I have any Relation to in such a manner that nothing can Suffer, by my Absence untill another Minister shall arrive in my place” (both Adams Papers).
1783-02-18
You cannot imagine, the Anxiety I have felt on your Account, nor the Pleasure just received from your Letter of Feb. 1. I had heard nothing of you Since the Beginning of December when you was in Stockholm, and then only by the public Papers.
When you arrive at the Hague, you may take your Choice, either to remain there and follow your Studies under the Direction of Mr. Dumas1 or go to Leyden to your former Tutor.2 I believe however for a few days, you had better Stay at the Hague where I expect Soon to have the Pleasure of Seeing you, as I Shall return there, forthwith upon the Signature of the definitive Treaty of Peace.
I have Letters from your Mamma and Several of our Friends the later End of December. They were all well and desired to be remembered very particularly to you.
I expect to embark for America, in the Spring and Shall take you home with me. Enquire what Vessells are likely to go from the Texel, and what Accommodations we might have on board of any of them.
C. W. F. Dumas was a frequent correspondent of JA and other American diplomats, an adviser to Congress on diplomatic affairs, and an informal, but paid, American informant and agent at The Hague from 1777. He was also a scholar of languages. Upon his return to Holland in April, JQA chose to study with Dumas rather than to hire a tutor because his father's stay in Europe was now so uncertain. Moreover, Dumas was conveniently located, for he and his wife had moved into and took care of the American legation (see vol. 3:393, note Diary and Autobiography
, 3:9–10, note 6; JA, Papers
, 6:72–73, note 7; JQA, Diary
, 1:174–175, note 2).
The tutor was a Mr. Wensing (or Wenshing), with whom JQA studied Latin and Greek from Dec. 1780 to June 1781 (see vol. 4: 45, and note 1, 46, 118, and note 1; JQA, Diary
, 1:75, note 1, 85).
1783-02-20
I arrived here about a week agone, and expected to leave this place in a vessel for Kiel, (which I found here,) two days afterwards, but I have been waiting for a wind here ever since.1 I rather preferred going from hence to Hamborough by water; than thro' Holstein because the roads are extremely bad and it would be a Journey of at-98least eight or ten days; whereas, with a good wind we can run over in 24 hours from hence to Kiel, and besides it will not be near so expensive by water.
I went yesterday to see the Baron de la Houze the French Minister here. He shew me a letter from the Duke de la Vauguyon,2 which mentions your having been anxious on my account; but I suppose you have receiv'd before this time my letter from Gottenbourg.
The Baron de la Houze tells me of a piece of news to be found in the Leiden Gazette, I mean, of a treaty of commerce said to be concluded between the american comissioners and the Ambassador of the King of Sweden in Paris.3 I should expect it is true; for of all men the King of Sweden knows the best how to seize upon opportunity, and I think we might have a considerable commerce with Sweden. As to this country, I cannot tell what sort of trade we shall be able to carry on, with it; however there is already a person design'd to be as the minister of this court, in our country, and every body here say they never doubted of the Independance of America; but things have greatly changed here within these three months.
JQA had arrived in Copenhagen on 15 Feb., and finally departed for Hamburg, by land, on 5 March (JQA, Diary
, 1:171–174; JQA to JA, 12 March, below).
See JA to AA, 4 Feb., note 5, above.
Gustav Philip, Comte de Creutz, and Benjamin Franklin signed the treaty on 5 March, although the treaty is dated 3 April (Miller, ed., Treaties
, 2:149). JA, however, in a letter of 14 Feb. to Edmund Jenings, says he had just attended a dinner at the Swedish ambassador's, “upon occasion of the Signature of the Treaty, between his Master and Congress, which was done the 5. instant” (Adams Papers). JA may have been referring to a preliminary signing, and this would account for the story in a February gazette. For JA's reaction to Franklin's role in negotiating this treaty, see AA to JA, 25 Oct. 1782, note 5, above.
1783-02-26
“A Court,” as John Dryden informed me, before Experience, “is a place of forgetfulness for well deservers.1 It is infectious even to the best Morals to live always in it.2 It is a dangerous Commerce where an honest Man is sure at the first of being cheated; and he recovers not his losses, but by learning to cheat others. The undermining Smile becomes at length habitual; and the drift of his plausible Conversation is only to flatter one, that he may betray another. Yet it is good to have been a Looker on, without venturing to play; that a Man may know false Dice another Time, tho' he never means to use 99them. I commend not him who never knew a Court, but him who forsakes it because he knows it.”
Experience has not only given me an Understanding but a feeling of these Observations. I am so disgusted at all Courts, that I long to get away from all of them; and however unpromising and melancholy my Prospects are for myself and Family, in retirement, I had rather take my Chance in it, than remain at any Court in the World. I can live upon a little and teach my Children to do so too as yet, while they have no Habits of Expence: but those Habits once changed, Adieu to all Happiness both for them and me.
I am so bent upon coming home; that it would be a cruel Disappointment to me, to be obliged to stay another Year in Europe, which is a possible and but barely a possible Case. Congress, in Complaisance to a Frenchman,3 revoked my Commission to the King of Great Britain, and the same Complaisance continuing they will appoint some other Person to that important Mission, or will delay appointing any one. But if Congress should think the Honor, Dignity and most important Interests of the United States concerned in an immediate Restoration of that Commission to me, I cannot in honor, and I ought not, from Regard to the Publick, to refuse it. But Faction, Finesse and Intrigue, which first took away the Commission, will no doubt continue to keep it away. I shall therefore certainly come home. If my Resignation is not accepted, but is drawn out into length, I must come home of my own head—for my Family at all Events I must and will join—J'ai besoin d'être Pere, as King Lear says.4
Even if Congress should restore my Commission to Great Britain, don't You think of coming till You hear from me, because I shall probably be going home while You are coming here, and We shall miss each other.
I have lived too long without my Family for the Health of my Body or Mind, and God willing the Seperation shall come to an End.5
In the dedication to Philip, earl of Chesterfield, of Dryden's translation of Virgil's Georgics. JA quotes from this same dedication in his first letter of 27 Feb., below.
JA left out the first half of this sentence: “It is necessary, for the polishing of manners, to have breathed that air; but.”
Either Vergennes or his envoy in America, La Luzerne. See JA to AA, 4 Feb., note 4, above.
Because he quotes from King Lear in French, JA may have attended the production of the play by the Comédie Française given in January (Le roi Léar . . . représentée à Versailles, devant leur majestés, le jeudi 16 janvier 1783, & à Paris, le lundi 20 du mème mois, par les comédiens françois, Paris, 1789).
The present letter was the first of four that JA wrote to AA within two days, evidently to take advantage of several vessels sailing for America (see Charles Storer to AA, 26 April, below). John Thaxter copied all four into JA's 100Letterbook, but only the second letter of 27 Feb., below, survives in the recipient's copy. Although the substance of all four letters is similar, their various references to the reading that JA was doing while he waited for the signing of the definitive treaties, an event he hoped for every day, all show something of his state of mind.
1783-02-27
Dryden, whom I have always loved to read now and then, because I learn something from him, informs me,1 if I did not know it before, that “it hath been observed in former times that none have been so greedy of Employments, and of managing the Publick, as they who have least deserved their Stations. But such only merit to be called Patriots, under whom We see their Country flourish. I have laughed sometimes,2 when I have reflected on those Men, who from time to time have shot themselves into the World. I have seen many successions of them; some bolting out upon the Stage with vast applause, and others hissed off, and quitting it with disgrace. But while they were in Action, I have constantly observed, that they seemed desirous to retreat from Business—Greatness they said was nauseous, and a Crowd was troublesome; a quiet Privacy was their Ambition. Some few of them I believe said this in earnest, and were making a Provision against Futurity, that they might enjoy their Age with Ease. They saw the happiness of private Life, and promised to themselves a Blessing which every day it was in their Power to possess. But they deferred it, and lingered still at Court, because they thought they had not yet enough to make them happy. They would have more, and laid in to make their Solitude luxurious. A wretched Philosophy, which Epicurus never taught them in his Garden: they loved the prospect of this quiet in Reversion, but were not willing to have it in Possession. They would first be old, and made as sure of Health and Life, as if both of them were at their dispose. But put them to the Necessity of a present Choice, and they preferred Continuance in Power, like the Wretch who called Death to his Assistance, but refused him when he came. The great Scipio was not of their Opinion, who indeed sought Honors in his Youth, and endured the fatigues with which he purchased them. He served his Country, when it was in need of his Courage and Conduct, until he thought it was time to serve himself: but dismounted from the Saddle, when he found the Beast which bore him began to grow restif and ungovernable.”
I have constantly and severely felt this desire to retreat from Business—But have never made this Provision for futurity, that I 101might enjoy my Age with Ease, much less have I ever wished for a luxurious Solitude.
I have never in any part of my public Life sought Profits or Honors. It was my Destiny to come into Life at a critical dangerous time, and to see Prospects before me that I dreaded and wished to avoid but could not, with Honor or a good Conscience. I took my Part according to the Dictates of my Heart and Head, and have gone thro' it and all its Horrors, and landed the Public safe and glorious in the Harbour of Peace. Thanks be to God! No Honors, not a Crown—no Profits, not all the Indias, would be the smallest Temptation to me now to go thro' it again, nor would ever have tempted me to begin it. I thought it my Duty and that I should be a guilty Wretch if I did not do it. I have done it to the best of my Understanding, Health and Strength.
I seek not Honors nor Profits now. But I have now a Right to be exempted from Dishonour, Spots, Stains and Disgrace. Congress have stained and soiled me. They must wipe it out, or I throw off their Livery.
From Dryden's dedication to his translation of Virgil's Georgics, see JA to AA, 26 Feb., note 1, above.
JA here omits Dryden's parenthetical question: “for who would always be a Heraclitus?”
1783-02-27
L'Ambition dans l'oisiveté, la Bassesse dans l'orgueil, Le Desir de s'enrichir Sans travail, l'Aversion pour la vérité; la flatterie, la Trahison, la Perfidie, l'Abandon de tous Ses Engagemens, le mépris des devoirs du Citoyen, la Crainte de la Vertu du Prince, l'espérance de Ses foiblesses, et plus que tout cela le ridicule perpétuel jetté sur la vertu, forment, je crois, le caractère du plus grand Nombre des Courtisans, marqué dans tous les lieux et dans tous les tems.1
It is Montesquieu who draws this Picture. And I think it is drawn from the Life, and is an exact resemblance. You cannot wonder then that I am weary and wish to be at home upon almost any Terms. Your Life, would be dismal, in a high degree. You would be in an hideous Solitude, among Millions. None of them would be Society for you 102that you could endure. Mrs. Jay is in this Situation ardently longing to come home. Yet She is much better Circumstanced, than you are to be abroad, as her family is Smaller and younger. You must leave a Part of your Family.
No Let Us live in our own Country, and in our own Way. Educate our Children to be good for something. Upon no Consideration what ever would I have any of my Children educated in Europe. In Conscience I could not consent to it.
If Congress had been Steady, and continued in force my Commission to make a Treaty of Commerce with Great Britain, I should have gone to London, and have finished the Treaty before now, but I should not have thought of residing in London long. I should have resigned and returned to America in a Year or two at furthest. If Congress should now revive my Commission and send me a new one, which I think altogether improbable, but believe they will compleat their Work, by Sending another Man upon that Errand, I would not Stay longer in England than a Year or two at furthest. I cannot bare the Thought of a long Banishment from my own native Soil, where alone I can ever be happy, or comfortable.
I write you by every opportunity, least you should embark for Europe when I am upon my Passage home, which would be a terrible Disappointment to both. My Intention is to come home whether I receive the Acceptance of my Resignation or not, unless I receive a Commission to St. James's. Dont you embark therefore untill you receive a Letter from me desiring you to come. If I should receive Such a Commission I will write you immediately, by way of France Holland and England, and shall wish you to come to me on the Wings of the Wind. But the Same Influence, french Influence I mean, which induced Congress to revoke my Commission, will still continue to prevent the Revival of it. And I think it likely too, that English Influence will now be added to French, for I dont believe that George wishes to see my face. In this Case I shall enjoy the satisfaction of coming where I wish most to be, with all my Children, living in Simplicity, Innocence, and Repose.
What I write you, upon this subject is in Confidence and must not be communicated but with great discretion.
De l'esprit des lois in OEuvres, 6 vols., Amsterdam, 1777, 1:48. The capitalization is JA's; his copy of this edition of Montesquieu's works is in MB (
Catalogue of JA's Library
).
1783-02-27
I read in a great Writer, Montesquieu that “l'honneur, en imposant la loi de servir, veut en être l'arbitre; et, s'il se trouve choqué, il exige ou permet qu'on se retire chez Soi.”
C'est une des Règles suprêmes de l'honneur, Que lorsque nous avons été une fois placés dans un rang, nous ne devons rien faire ni souffrir qui fasse voir que nous nous tenons inferieurs à ce rang même.”1
These being the supream Laws of Honor in all the Countries of Europe, it is astonishing that Congress should wound the feelings of their Servants whom they send to Europe in such delicate Points, and by this means lessen their Reputations and Influence, at a time when they wanted Support to their Reputations more than any other Men.
It may be said that Virtue, that is Morality, applied to the Public is the Rule of Conduct in Republicks, and not Honor. True. But American Ministers are acting in Monarchies, and not in Republicks. Such a Slur may not hurt a Man in America so much as in France, or England or Holland, but in these Countries it certainly diminishes him and his Utility exceedingly.
But upon the Rule of Virtue, I hold that Virtue requires We should serve, where We can do most good. I am soberly of Opinion, that for one or two Years to come I could do more good in England to the United States of America, than in any other Spot upon Earth. Much of the immediate Prosperity of the United States, and much of their future Repose, if not the Peace of the World, depends upon having just Notions now forthwith instilled in London. But I think the British Court will be duped by the French and will entertain that dread of me, which neither ought to entertain, but which France will inspire because She thinks I should be impartial—so that I expect some body Booby2 will be sent, in Complaisance to two silly Courts, upon that most important of all Services. If Heaven has so decreed, I must submit, and the Submission will be most pleasant to me as an Individual and as a Man. I shall be in a Situation where I shall think that I could do more good in another. But I have been often in such a Situation. And things must take their Course. We must wait for Things to arrange themselves, when We cannot govern them.
My Mind and Body stand in need of Repose. My Faculties have 104been too long upon the Stretch. A Relaxation of a few Years would be the Life the most charming to me, that I can concieve.
Dont be concerned at any thing I have written concerning Spots, Blemishes, Stains and Disgraces. When all is known, they will be universally acknowledged to be Laurels, Ornaments and Trophies. They will do neither You nor me nor Ours harm in the End.
I cannot say precisely, when You will see me. I hope by the Month of June or July, but it may be August or September, and it is possible it may be in April or May. It will depend upon the Time when I shall recieve the Acceptance of my Resignation. Dont think of embarking for Europe, not even if Congress should send me a Letter of Credence to King George, until You hear from me, because I think it is most probable I shall come home without Leave, if the Acceptance of my Resignation, or the Answers to my Letters should be delayed.
De l'esprit des lois, 1:65–66 (see JA's first letter of 27 Feb., note 1, above). JA renders these quotes with variations.
JA corrected Thaxter's transcription error in bold letters.
1783-03-12
I suppose you have receiv'd before now my letter from Copenhagen dated Feby. 20th. in which I wrote you that I expected to come from thence to Kiel by water; and that I only waited for a wind: but I have been obliged after all to come by Land, for, after waiting better than a fort night expecting every day to sail, the harbour of Copenhagen froze up, (a thing which happens but very seldom) and there was no appearance of being able to get away by water in less than three weeks or a month. I left Copenhagen on Wednesday the 5th. of this month and arrived here last evening at about 5. o'clock. I expect to stay here some days, so that I shall certainly be in Holland the latter end of this month,2 where I shall wait for your orders, what to do.
JQA's “2”s and “4”s are easily confused, causing JA, in his docketing of this letter and in his letter to AA, 28 March, below, to read “March 14.” The same error appears in JQA, Diary
, 1:174, note 1, under “Martius. 1783.” JQA's statement in his Diary entry at that 105point that he reached Hamburg on 10 March, and his statement in the present letter that he had arrived “last evening,” point to 12 March as the correct date.
JQA did not leave Hamburg until 5 April; he reached Amsterdam on 16 April, and The Hague on 21 April (same, 1:174).
1783-03-15
If I had received your Letter2 an hour sooner, I could have sent you an answer the same day, viz. Thursday, by Mr. Badcock3 who dined here, and would conveyed it as far as Milton Bridge himself. But having lost this Opportunity, I must send by the Post. But since you have signified your Request to Mr. Shaw only mediately, he thinks himself entitled to make use of the same Medium in giving an answer. And I am authorised to say, that he complies, most chearfully comply's with the Request, and flatters himself he shall be able to discharge the office of Preceptor to my dear Nephews,4 (provided they will be as assiduous to be taught, as he will be to teach them) so as to give Satisfaction, not only to them, but to their Parents.
If you must put your Children from you, I think I may venture to say, they may have advantages here, which they could not have but in few Families. Two things I particularly disliked in several Families who boarded Scholars. One is giving them scanty meals, and too poor victuals—the other is of vastly more importance, as it affects their minds, and their manners. It is their being sent into the Kitchen to herd among themselves or much worse company. By this ruinous method, their whole subsequent Lives have a Tinture of awkardness, which the politeness of a Court could not wholly erradicate. By this means they imbibe low, and shocking Ideas of wit—the loud unmeaning Laugh—and every species of indelicacy. By this they conceive a low opinion of themselves, feel a consciousness of wrong, which depresses their Spirits, and makes them actually dread going into company that is really good and polite, company that would raise their thoughts, refine their manners, and embelish life with all those pleasing assiduities, which render both Sexes so agreeable to each other.
If your Children should live with us, you my dear Brother,5 and Sisters must permit us, to be the sole Arbiters of their company, and playmates. You may rely upon it, we shall endeavour to discharge our 106duty towards them, with that watchfulness, and tenderness, which parental affection would dictate.
And now my Sisters we will talk about the Terms, if you please. Two Dollars pr week is the price for each of them, including their teaching. I do not know but you may think it too much but the price of necessary Articles are this spring so high, and have been so through the past winter, and alas! are still like to be so I fear, as makes it very expensive living. The uplifted sword, and not the olive-Branch is presented to our view—at least the new papers indicate War, War instead of the blessings of Peace, that we had been solacing ourselves with.6 Though no politician, I confess, I am now disappointed.
If Your Children should come, you mentioned advancing some money, it was very kind, it was like my Relations—but this offer must be refused, if it would be agreeable to pay quarterly, I hope we shall be able to supply them with every-thing nesecssary. But as I have omited purchasing anything for some time in hopes of peace, and am almost out of many things which are not to be purchased here, viz. good Tea, Chokalate or Shells,7 if you or Sister Adams have any quantity, or can purchase any quantity it may be not be disadvantagous to either, for us to take many necessaries in this way—a pound or 2 of poland Starch, for I could not bear to do up their linnen with our Cohos Flour8—will be necessary. If you should send of those articles, let an account be kept by each Sister—and charged to us. We have a sufficent supply for the present of Beef, pork, Corn, and Rye, Butter, milk &c. So that if they should come without any of the above articles, they would not suffer I hope. They shall have a good Chamber, good bed, and beding. I suppose they can all lodge together for the present, or till we can provide another bed. If they come I will speak to Mr. Marsh9 to make some sort of a Desk, or chest with draws. I wish I could step into the Vendue at Boston and procure something that would answer. Sister Adams has had one or 2 looking Glasses broke, if she would give me a peice big enough for Susa to see to do up her hair by, I will take my little Glass and put in the childrens Chamber for I suppose they will want one, to see their smiling, good natured faces in. I thank you and my Cousins10 for their kind offer of doing work for me, and for what they have done already, but unless it be sticking11 and such fine work, I am not under any present necessity, but I should be most heartily glad to have either of my Cousins come and spend some part of the summer with me. I have a very good Girl lives with me, and no babies in my arms.12
107
The year date is certain, despite the notation (desc. note, above), from the Shaws' agreement to take on the education of CA and TBA. See note 4.
Not found.
Perhaps the Milton-Braintree area figure that JA had known since 1760. “Badcock” may be a mistake for “Babcock.” See JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 1:170; 2:101, 159.
Up to 1783 AA employed tutors at home for her boys, but shortly after she and/or Mary Cranch received this letter, AA put CA and TBA under the care of their uncle Rev. John Shaw (see AA to JA, 7 April, below). At the same time, Richard and Mary Cranch put their son William at the Shaws. And when JQA returned from Europe, he also studied with Rev. Shaw before entering Harvard.
Before Elizabeth's marriage in 1777, AA did not have much use for John Shaw, and as late as 1778 she expressed reservations about him (vols. 1:176, and note 1; 2:173; 3:78, and note 10). Thus AA's willingness to entrust her boys' schooling to Shaw may have marked a change in her views. Later passages in this letter also suggest the possibility that AA was concerned that her sister was in financial need, and that she and Mary Cranch were trying to help out.
Richard Cranch.
The news from Europe in the Boston press for February pointed toward peace, and culminated in the publication in the Evening Post on the 22d, of George III's 5 Dec. 1782 speech to Parliament, announcing the preliminary peace between Great Britain and the United States. Reports in early March, however, centered on the negotiations between Britain, France, and Spain, which were at a difficult stage, and in the 13 March issue of the Independent Chronicle, under “London, Jan. 7,” appeared the notice: “Jan. 7. We are assured that fresh orders have been sent to all the different offices since Friday, to accelerate every preparation for war, as if no negotiation was on the carpet.” In the same issue, under “Boston, March 13,” was the statement: “No accounts received since our last are able to determine the important matter of peace or war.—Tho' our London papers are down to the 10th of January they afford us nothing decisive; . . .” In the next few issues, Bostonians learned that peace had finally prevailed.
Ground mussel shells were used medicinally, externally as a drying agent, and internally for promoting perspiration during fevers (Richard M. Lederer Jr., Colonial American English, A Glossary, Essex, Conn., 1985).
That is, Haverhill flour. “Cohos” was an Indian term for the Haverhill region and its rivers (
Dict. of Americanisms
). Poland starch was probably made from Polish wheat, a highgrade European variety.
Probably of Haverhill; see vol. 3:319.
Probably her nieces, AA2, Elizabeth Cranch, and Lucy Cranch, who are often called cousins by their aunts.
Perhaps stitching, or embroidery.
The appearance of the text suggests that it may break off here. The word “arms” is written below a struck out word at the end of the last line; the end punctuation may be a comma.
1783-03-28
On the 30 Nov. our Peace was Signed. On the 28. March We dont know that you have Yet heard of it.1 A Packet Should have been Sent off. I have not yet received the Ratification of the my Dutch Treaty.2 I know not when I Shall be able to embark for home. If I receive the Acceptance of my Resignation, I Shall embark in the first ship, the first good ship I mean, for I love you too well, to venture my self in a bad one, and I love my own Ease to well to go in a very Small one.
I am Sometimes half afraid, that those Persons who procured the
108 image 109 image 110Revocation of my Commission3 to King George, may be afraid I shall do them more harm in America, than in England, and therefore of two Evils to choose the least and manoeuvre to get my me sent to London. By several Coaxing hints of that Kind, which have been written to me and given me in Conversation, from Persons who I know are employed to do it, I fancy that Something of that is in Contemplation. There is another Motive too—they begin to dread the Appointment of some others whom they like less than me. I tremble when I think of such a Thing as going to London. If I were to receive orders of that sort, it would be a dull day to me. No Swiss ever longed for home more than I do. I Shall forever be a dull Man in Europe. I cannot bear the Thought of transporting my Family to Europe. It would be the Ruin of my Children forever. And I cannot bear the Thought of living longer Seperate from them. Our foreign Affairs, are like to be in future as they have been in times past an eternal Scaene of Faction. The fluctuation of Councils at Philadelphia have encouraged it, and even good Men Seem to be Seized with the Spirit of it.
The definitive Treaty is yet delayed, and will be for any Thing I can see till Mid Summer. It may however be signed in a few Weeks. If it should be signed I could go home with the Dutch Ambassador,4 in a Frigate which will sail from the Texel in June. But So many Points are uncertain, that I cannot determine on any thing. Dont think of coming to Europe however, unless you should receive a further desire from me, which is not at all probable. My present Expectations are to pay my Respects to you, at Braintree, before Midsummer.
My dear Daughters happiness employs my Thoughts night and Day. Dont let her form any Connections with any one, who is not devoted entirely to study and to Business. To honour and Virtue. If there is a Trait of Frivolity and Dissipation left, I pray that She may renounce it, forever. I ask not Fortune nor Favour for mine, but Prudence, Talents and Labour. She may go with my Consent whenever she can find enough of these.5
My Son, has been another Source of Distress to me. The terrible Weather has made his Journey from Petersbourg very long. But I have a Letter from him at Hamborough the 14th.6 and hope he is at the Hague by this day. I am much relieved on his Account. My Charles and Thomas how are they? Fine Boys I dare Say? Let them take Care how they behave if they desire their Fathers Approbation. My Mother and your Father enjoy I hope a good Share of Health and Spirits. Mr. Cranch's Health is perfectly restored I hope, and Uncle Quincy7 and Dr. Tufts as good and as happy as ever. Why should not my Lot in 111Life be as easy as theirs? So it would have been if I had been as wise as they and staid at home as they do. But where would have been our Cod and Haddock, our Bever skins Deer skins and Pine Trees?8 Alass all lost, perhaps. Indeed I firmly believe so, in a good Conscience. I cannot therefore repent of all my fatigues, Cares, Losses, Escapes, anxious Days and Sleepless nights.
Nothing in Life ever cost me so much Sleep, or made me so many grey Hairs, as the Anxiety, I have Suffered for these Three Years on the Score of these Objects. No body knows of it: Nobody cares for it. But I shall be rewarded for it, in Heaven I hope. Where Mayhew, and Thatcher and Warren9 are rewarded I hope, none of whom however were permitted to suffer so much. They were taken away from the Evil to come.
I have one favour for you to ask of Mr. Adams the President of the senate. It is that he would make a compleat Collection of his Writings and publish them in Volumes. I know of no greater service that could be rendered to the Rights of Mankind. At least that he would give you a List of them. They comprize a Period of forty Years.10 And although they would not find so many Rakes for Purchasers, as the Writings of Voltaire, they would do infinitely more good to mankind especially in our rising Empire. There Posterity will find a Mass of Principles, and Reasonings, Suitable for them and for all good Men. The Copy, I fancy would Sell to Advantage in Europe.
On 22 Feb. the Boston Evening Post had printed George III's speech of 5 Dec. 1782 opening Parliament, which “admitt[ed America's] separation from the crown of these kingdoms,” and mentioned “provisional articles agreed upon.” The newspaper also included a separate report that the articles of peace were signed. Capt. Joshua Barney of the packet Washington, who left Lorient on 17 Jan. arrived in America with the preliminary articles on 12 March (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 7:71). Definite news of the completion of the preliminary treaty, though without the text of the articles, arrived in Boston within a few days (Boston Evening Post, 15 March). Finally, on 1 April, “by a gentleman immediately from the Southward,” Bostonians learned of the contents of the treaty (MHi Broadside Coll.).
The Treaty of Amity and Commerce with the Netherlands, negotiated and signed by JA on 8 Oct. 1782, was ratified by Congress on 23 Jan., but JA did not learn of its ratification until late May. See vol. 4:381;
JCC
, 24:64–82; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:135–136, note 1; and JA to AA, 4 Feb., and note 2, above.
Pieter Johan van Berckel, who sailed for America on 23 June (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:17, note 2). JA had written to van Berckel on 11 March (JA, Works
, 8:46–47), congratulating him on his appointment as minister to the United States, and advising him to sail to Boston and travel overland to Philadelphia to familiarize himself with the country.
This sentence appears crowded into the space separating this paragraph and the next. AA quotes “whereever She can find enough of these” in her letter to Royall Tyler, 14 June, below.
JQA to JA, 12 March, above, whose date 112 JA misread (see note 1 to that letter).
Norton Quincy.
See JA to Richard Cranch, 15 Dec. 1782, and note 1, above.
Rev.
Samuel Adams, chosen president of the Massachusetts senate in 1781, could be said to have begun his political writings in 1743, “a Period of forty Years” prior to this letter, by arguing the affirmative in his M.A. thesis, “Whether it be lawful to resist the Supreme Magistrate, if the Commonwealth cannot be otherwise preserved.” In 1748 he began contributing political pieces to the short-lived Public Advertiser. But these early works either did not survive or cannot be positively identified, and his extant political writings begin in 1764.
The genesis for this first expression of interest by JA in seeing his second cousin's work published is not certain, but he proposed this project to Samuel directly in a letter of 5 April (NN: George Bancroft Coll.), stating, more briefly, the same reasons given in this letter. JA's weariness with Europe, his longing for retirement from public life, and perhaps a belief that his sixty-year-old cousin would soon leave the public scene, may all have contributed to a desire to see Samuel's public achievement preserved. On 10 April, in a letter to William Lee (LbC, Adams Papers), JA reiterated this desire, and gave the additional reason that the publication of Samuel Adams' works would show how important a role he had played in the Revolution. Such an edition, JA implied to Lee, would also help place the inflated reputation of Benjamin Franklin in perspective.
Samuel Adams did not respond to JA's suggestion, however, and he made no attempt to publish an edition of his writings. The only editions of his work appeared much later, the first by his grandson William V. Wells, in The Life and Public Services of Samuel Adams, Boston, 1866, 3 vols.; the fullest by Harry Alonzo Cushing, ed., The Writings of Samuel Adams, N.Y., 1904–1908, 4 vols.
1783-03-28
Peace seems to have closed all Communication with America. 'Tis a very long time since any Vessels or Letters have arrived either in France or Holland. We cannot account for this Circumstance, but upon the Supposition, that News had reached America of Negociations for Peace being opened, and that while this Business was pending the Merchant prefered a State of Inactivity to putting any thing at risque. I hope e'er this all doubts and uncertainty as to the Issue of the Negociation have ceased in America, by their having learnt that Peace is once more established. I flatter myself, that We shall soon hear again of the Arrival of some Vessels, and that the Stars and Stripes are waving with Dignity in various Parts of Europe.
England is the same kind of England now that it has been since the last Peace, as to its Pride and Wickedness. 'Tis the Misfortune of that Country to experience political Convulsions, and, what is worse, never to profit by them. The War has enfeebled, impoverished and exhausted the Nation. They wanted Peace, and they have ob-113tained it, not by dictating but by recieving the Terms of it. They dont like the Peace, and, as usual, curse the Minister who made it.1
They think it far below their just Expectations, while reasonable People on the Continent concieve it to be fully equal to what they had a Right to expect. However Pride, Prejudices and particular Habits of thinking are not removed and changed in a moment. Tis hard to convince an Englishman, that he is not equal in Strength and Force to any two Foreigners, or that his Nation is not a Match for almost all the rest of the World, altho' he has daily proofs to the contrary. This is a laudable Confidence, when within moderate Bounds. But their Misfortune is to push it to a foolish and ridicilous Length. And the outrageous Condemnation of the Minister for the Peace he has made, is the Result of such kind of Opinions. By the last Accounts, Lord Shelburne and Mr. Pitt were out of Office. Fox has come in as one Secretary of State, and Lord North as the other. The Duke of Portland is Premier, Lord Stormont, Privy Seal, and the Earl of Carlisle, President of Council.2 The Rest are Northites, Rockinghamites and Bedfordites &c. a motley Crew—a promising Group for a Kingdom who was never in greater Want of the wisest Heads and most incorruptible Hearts than at present. This is a Coalition of Parties, resembling the Union that exists between Fire and Water. Of what Stamp must be the Character of a—3 and his Advisers, who dare to bring into Administration a set of Men, who were formerly driven in Disgrace from it, for having reduced and brought the Kingdom to the Brink of Destruction? A Nation, that will patiently bear such a Contempt of its feelings and Opinions, deserves every thing that can befal it. The Spirit of the Nation is not broke entirely, and I would flatter myself that there is still Vigour enough left to render another Epocha as memorable in their Annals as that of 1668;4 provided wicked Systems are pushed to the same violent Extremities. But I must stop, and beg You not to make this Letter too public, as Peace is now made. America has little to fear from any Power, while united and pursuing a wise, firm and independent System of Politicks. We must be upon our Guard, and remember that smooth Words and fair Promises are courtly Engines to extinguish a Flame that ought ever to burn, and that once quenched, the Republick is lost. We must beat down foreign Influence wherever it is found, and think ourselves capable and able of conducting and managing our Affairs ourselves, and convince other People that We think so. If We do not respect ourselves, nobody else will be very zealous in preserving our Dignity. This by the Bye.
As to the Natural World, it is not without its Horrors. The beautiful City of Messina is a Heap of Ruins. An Earthquake of four days Continuance5 with intermissions only of a quarter or half an hour, accompanied with every imaginable Horror has produced this dreadful Catastrophy. Every Building public and private has been totally overthrown, and many thousands buried under their Ruins. But few Inhabitants escaped, being crushed by the Fall of the Houses, or consumed by Fire. The first Shock was on the 5th. February at noon, when there was Fires for Cooking in all the Kitchens of private Houses, which communicated to other parts of the Houses in their Fall. No Tongue or Pen can describe the Horrors of this Scene. If I had time by this Opportunity, I would copy some Accounts I have seen. But they must be faint Descriptions; strong enough however to make one dread the real Picture. I have been too much affected with the following Instance of maternal Tenderness in this aweful Scene, to omit copying it. “The Marchioness of Spadara, at the beginning of the Earthquake swooned away and had been conducted by her Husband in this Situation to the Port, where he meant to embark—whilst he was engaged in making the preparations for this purpose, the Marchioness came to herself, and percieving that her Son was not with her, She availed herself of the moment, in which her Husband was too much occupied to watch her, to escape. She ran to her House, which was not yet fallen, went up Stairs and seized her Son in the Cradle—the Stairs at this moment falling cut off her Retreat by them. She flew from Chamber to Chamber, which tumbled in almost under her feet with difficulty escaping the successive Falls of the different parts of her House, and went to the Balcony, become her only Asylum. She implored Assistance in holding out her Son. But in a public Disaster Pity for another is silent, and each one trembling for himself Self sees only its own Danger. The Fire took to the Rest of the House, and in the Midst of the Flames and Destruction, this unfortunate Victim of Maternal Love fell, crushed, still holding in her Arms the Object of her Tenderness and the Cause of her Death.” Who can refrain from weeping over this glorious Martyr to maternal Affection? The tender Heart of Portia will bleed on the Occasion. Yet will She shed a Tear of Joy, that the Dignity of human Nature still exists and that it was reserved for one of the Fair Sex to display to the World an Instance of Magnanimity and parental Tenderness, unparralleled in modern Times.
I think Master John has arrived at the Hague by this.6 He has had a long Journey of it, and been delayed often by the Badness of the 115Roads. By the last Accounts he was in good Health. I fancy he will be satisfied with Journeying. He has had a pretty sufficient Share of it, and will be very glad to lay by for a time.
We have nothing new here, worth communicating, except the fine Weather. This is indeed something new. For I believe that the last fifteen Months have never been equalled since the Flood. The seasons have been turned topsy turvy. While You have been scorched in America, We have half drowned in Europe. And if any Prayers have been put up for fair Weather, I suppose they have been an Abomination, for the Rains have been very constant.
My fair Maroni is in fine Health. I visit her often and have agreable tête-à-têtes with her. I get a pious Billet-doux now and then. But the confounded Grates bar me out of her Room. 'Tis almost seven Years since She has taken the Veil. She is to Appearance perfectly content. I have not yet dared to ask her, why She bid Adieu to the World, to drag out a miserable Existence in a Convent. I fear the Question would be painful, and nothing could tempt me to disturb a Moment her Tranquility. What an insipid Existence! If they are the Retreats of disappointed Love or religious Enthousiasm, they find there their Remedies in Death or an eternal Prostration before the Altar. But the Rage for Convents has much abated, and I believe no more Tombs for the living will be built. Very modern Lovers and Enthousiasts find that there are Consolations in the wide World, and that it is not so very necessary to be immured within four dead Walls to sigh away a Disappointment or moderate the Ardor of religious Frenzy. However, God bless the dear Prisoners, I wish them all well and happy.
Parliamentary criticism of the Earl of Shelburne's preliminary peace with the United States, signed on 30 Nov., had risen to a crescendo by mid-February with pointed opposition to the ministry's concessions to America on fishing rights, the northern and western boundaries, and the rights of the loyalists, and by Parliament's reluctance to concede that American independence was now irrevocable. See Morris, Peacemakers
, p. 411–422; and note 3, below.
William Pitt the younger failed to prevent the censure of the Shelburne ministry in the House of Commons on 21 Feb., and on 23 Feb., Shelburne resigned. For several weeks Great Britain had no settled administration, but early in April, George III reluctantly accepted a new ministry formed along the lines Thaxter gives here. Charles James Fox and Lord North became secretaries of state, with Fox handling foreign affairs, and North the home office. The Duke of Portland became first lord of the treasury, the ministry's titular “premier” (see Morris, Peacemakers
, p. 421–426;
DNB
).
Thaxter's dash presumably stands for “King” or “Monarch,” that is, George III.
Thaxter probably means 1688, the year of 116England's “Glorious Revolution,” in which an alliance of Whig noblemen and a Dutch invading force led by James II's son-in-law, William of Orange, drove James from the English throne. Thaxter could, however, be referring to Parliament's decision, in 1667, to impeach and banish Edward Hyde, the first earl of Clarendon, and Charles II's most important advisor, following England's defeat in the second Dutch war (
DNB
: Edward Hyde).
Early reports of the earthquake at Messina in Sicily appeared in the London Chronicle, 13–15 and 15–18 March, and the London Gazette, 15–18 and 18–22 March. Thaxter embellishes an account, from an unidentified source, that later appeared in Gentlemen's Magazine, May 1783, p. 439. A moving firsthand description of the devastation is Sir William Hamilton's “An Account of Earthquakes which happened in Italy, from February to May, 1783,” in New Annual Register, 1783, Philosophical Papers, p. 121–142.
JQA did not reach The Hague until late April.
1783-04-07
Tis a long a very long time since I had an opportunity of conveying a single line to you. I have upon many accounts been impatient to do it. I now most sincerely rejoice in the great and important event which sheaths the Hostile Sword and, gives a pleasing presage that our spears may become prunning hooks;1 that the Lust of Man is restrained, or the powers and revenues of kingdoms become inadequate to the purposes of distruction.
I have had the good fortune to receive several Letters from you of late; I thank you for them; they are always too short, but I do not complain knowing the thousand avocations you must have upon your mind and Hands. Yours of December 4th, gave me the highest pleasure.
are Ideas that have taken full possession of my Heart and mind. I had much rather see you in America, than Europe. I well know that real true and substantial happiness depend not upon titles Rank and fortune; the Gay coach, the Brilliant attire; the pomp and Etiquet of Courts; rob, the mind of that placid harmony, that social intercourse which is an Enemy to ceremony. My Ambition, my happiness centers in him; who sighs for domestick enjoyments, amidst all the world calls happiness—who partakes not in the jovial Feast; or joins the Luxurious table, without turning his mind to the plain unadulterated food which covers his own frugal Board, and sighs for the Feast of reason and the flow of sense soul.2
Your Letter of Janry. 29 created perturbations, yet allayed anxiety. “Your “Image your “Superscription, Your Emelia3 would tell you, if
117 image 118she would venture to write to you upon the subject; that it was not the superficial accomplishments of danceing, singing, and playing; that led her to a favorable opinion of Selim;4 since she knew him not, when those were his favorite amusements—nor has he ever been in the practise of either, since his residence in this Town; even the former Beau, has been converted into the plain dressing Man; and the Gay volatile Youth, appears to become the studious Lawyer. Yet certain reasons which I do not chuse to enumerate here, have led me to put a present period, as far as advise and desires would go, to the Idea of a connection, to extirpate it from the Hearts and minds of either is not I apprehend in my power, voilent opposition never yet served a cause of this nature. Whilst they believe me their best Friend, and see that their Interest is near my Heart, and that my opposition is founded upon rational principals, they submit to my prohibition, earnestly wishing for your return, and more prosperous days; as without your approbation, they never can conceive themselves happy.
I will be more particular by the first direct conveyance. Mr. Guile who kept Sabbeth with me, tells me he has a vessel which will sail tomorrow for Virgina;5 and from thence to Europe, yet he knows not for certain to what part, but as this is the only opportunity since December; I would not let it slip. We are all well, our two Sons go on Monday with Billy Cranch to Haverhill; there to be under the care and tuition of Mr. Shaw who has one in his family which he offers for colledge in july. I have done the best I could with them. They have been without a school ever since janry. I tried Mr. Shutes6 but could not get them in, he having seven in his family; and four more engaged to him. Andover7 was full and so is every other private School. They do not like the thoughts of mammas going a broad, and my little Neice who has lived 5 years with me8 prays that her uncle may return, and hopes he will not send her away when he returns comes. This day has been our meeting for the choise of a Governour. The vote in this Town was for Genll. Lincoln. There were proposals of chuseing an absent Man,9 but I discouraged it wherever I heard it mentiond. We want
Be kind enough to let the young Gentlemen who reside with you know, that their Friends are well and that I will do myself the pleasure of answering their Letters by the first vessel which sails from this port.
Mr. Smith10 is to be my Gaurdian and protector if I cross the Atlantick. He comes whether I do or not. Emelia has spent the winter in Boston,11 during that time it has been currently reported that preliminary articles were setled between this gentleman and her. She took no pains to discountanance this report—but alass her Heart is drawn an other way—and Mr. S. never entertaind an Idea of the kind.
Micah 4:3.
Alexander Pope, Satires . . . of Horace, “The First Satire of the Second Book,” line 128. AA quotes this line again on 7 May and 20 Nov., below.
AA is paraphrasing JA's greeting to AA2 in his 29 Jan. letter to AA, above.
Royall Tyler. AA's reason for giving him the name of a Moorish or an Asian youth, popularized in two or more quite different eighteenth-century English stories, is unclear. See E. Cobham Brewer, The Reader's Handbook, London, 1902.
It may have been Benjamin Guild's vessel that carried Chandler Robbins Jr. on his longdelayed trip to Europe; see AA2 to JA, 10 May, below. On Guild, see AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch,
Rev. Daniel Shute, pastor at Hingham, and friend of the Adamses from the 1760s (vol. 3:272, and note 5; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 1:278).
Phillips Academy, founded in 1778 and legally incorporated in 1780, enrolled twentyeight students in 1782, and thirty-five in 1783. They varied widely in age, but many were at the age of CA (12) and TBA (10). See Biographical Catalogue of the Trustees, Teachers and Students of Phillips Academy Andover, Andover, Mass., 1903.
Louisa Catharine Smith.
JA himself. In 1783, as in each year since 1780, John Hancock easily defeated his opponents, including James Bowdoin and Gen. Benjamin Lincoln of Hingham. See AA to JA, 7 May, below, and William M. Fowler Jr., The Baron of Beacon Hill, A Biography of John Hancock, Boston, 1980, p. 255.
William Smith, son of Isaac Smith Sr. and cousin of AA. Smith married Hannah Carter in 1787 (JQA, Diary
, 2:288).
See AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch,
1783-04-07
It is now compleatly five Years, Since I first arrived in Europe, and in all that time I was never more impatient to hear from you and from America in General, than I am now and have been for some months. Not a Word, Since the Beginning of January, except a Line from your Unckle, and Scarcely any Thing Since the 26 of Oct. when I arrived in Paris.1 I have no intimation of the Arrival of my Dutch Treaties,2 four of which I put on board 4 different Vessells at Amsterdam in October. No News of Coffins Arrival who carried You, the richest Present I ever sent you from Europe.3 No News of the Reception of the Peace. No Acceptance of my Resignation. And what 120is worse Still there is no Ministry in England,4 and consequently We cannot finish the definitive Treaty, and consequently I cant come home without Leave. This Life of a Spider is very unpleasant. I have been all Winter upon Tenter Hooks. Indeed I fear, We shall have no Arrivals before June or the latter End of May. If so my Fidgets must continue two months longer.
If Miss Nabby Should, be disgusted with Europe as much as I am she would repent of her Rashness in ever thinking of coming here. I hope a Commission will arrive with the first ships, to make a Treaty of Commerce with G. Britain. We have lost an admirable Opportunity of making the best Treaty for the Publick, by the Revocation of mine without sending another. Some Persons Suppose, that such a Commission will arrive to me, others to Mr. Laurens others to Dr. Franklin, others to Mr. Jay, others that Mr. A. Lee will come others that Mr. Izard will be the Man, and some that Mr. Jefferson. Of all these Persons I think myself the least likely. But still it is possible and it is certain that Congress will commit a Mistake, by appointing any other.5 But the same Influence which led them into the first Error, may continue them in it. Supposing a Commission should come to me, I am frightened at the Thought of it. How will the King and the Courtiers the City and the Country look at me? What Prospect can I have of a tollerable Life there? I shall be Slandered and plagued there, more than in France. It is a Sad Thing that Simple Integrity should have so many Ennemies in this World, without deserving one. In the Case Supposed I must go to London and reconnoitre—see how the Land lies and the faces look, before you think of coming to me. I will not stay there, to be plagued. One may soon judge. If I should find a decent Reception and a Prospect of living comfortably a Year or two there I will write for you. All this is you see upon a supposition which is improbable. It would be infinitely more agreable to my own heart to come home and quit Europe forever. At home I can take Care of my Children, to give them Education and put them into Business. If I should remain abrod my Children must suffer for it and be neglected. But in all Events I will not stay in Holland, the Air of which is totally inconsistent with my Health. I have tried it, very sufficiently. I can never be well nor enjoy myself there. In other respects I like that Country very well.
John has been taken much notice of, in his Journey from Petersbourg by Ambassadors and other People of Rank who write much in his favour, both for Prudence and Knowledge.6
This will go by Mrs. Izard, who is about embarking from Bourdeaux for Philadelphia with her Family.
“Since the Beginning of January” could refer either to the dateline of letters sent to JA or to the date he last received letters. As far as the editors know, AA wrote on 10 Jan., above, which JA had probably not yet received, and not again until 7 April, immediately above. In late Jan., JA had received letters from AA dated 25 Oct., 13 Nov., and 23 Dec. 1782, all above (JA to AA, 22 and 29 Jan. above). The last known letters from AA's uncles are from Isaac Smith Sr., 9 Oct. 1782 (Adams Papers), and from Cotton Tufts, 10 Oct., above.
See JA to AA, 28 March, note 2, John Thaxter to AA, 9 Oct. 1782, note 1, and JA to AA, 12 Oct. 1782, note 2, all above.
The expensive cloth mentioned in JA to AA, 12 Oct. 1782, above. It was carried by Capt. Alexander Coffin (Charles Storer to AA, 17 Oct. 1782, above).
See JA to AA, 29 Jan., note 1.
In response to his letters of inquiry after JQA's whereabouts that he sent northward in early February (see JA to AA, 4 Feb., note 5, above), JA received several replies in March. Two from Dumas, 18 and 28 March (both Adams Papers) relayed the favorable impressions that JQA had made on several important persons at Copenhagen and Hamburg. A 28 Feb. letter from Mr. Brandenburg of Stockholm (Adams Papers), sent independently of JA's inquiries, concurred in this judgment of young JQA.
1783-04-11
There is at length a Ministry in England composed of Kings Friends and Peoples Men, which will effervesce, and throw out a great deal of fixed Air1 like Potash and Lime Juice. Mr. Laurens and Mr. Hartley2 are to be here in a few days to enter upon the definitive Treaty, but it is now probable there will be a Congress under the Mediation of the two imperial Courts at least respecting the Terms between England and Holland. Whether it will be expected that We should join in the Congress or not, I dont know.3 In any Case I am afraid it will be So long before our Affair is finished that I shall loose the Opportunity of a Spring or Summer Passage home, and a fall Passage is not so Short nor so agreable.
I have ballanced in my own mind, a long time, whether I Should take a Short Excursion to London before my Return. I Should be glad, once, to see that fine Country, but I believe I shall deny myself that Pleasure; Circumstances have placed me in an awkward Situation with regard to England, and I think upon the whole it will be most prudent to avoid it. England is in danger of being a Scaene of Confusion, and whoever shall be Sent there by Congress will not have a very pleasant Residence if he does his Duty. Yet it is in the Eyes of many, the Apple of Paradise. I See Such Symptoms of an 122ardent desire of it, in Several Persons, as make me Smile very often. I wish the Commission which was once given to me and So unaccountably taken away again, had never existed. In that Case I Should never have interfered with the Appetite of any one. And I wish I was now at home, out of the Scramble. I Should not feel very reverential under Such an indignity, Such a Mark of Contempt as the Appointment of another to that Court, while I am in Europe. If I ever merited the Appointment, I have done nothing Since to forfeit it, but on the Contrary have rendered to the Publick Since that time, Such Services as were never rendered by any other Minister in Europe. The most critical, important and decisive Services, as it is in my Power at any time to prove, if Congress have not already Sufficient Proofs of it. The French Ministers, who procured the Revocation of my Commission, are is now I believe Sorry enough for it. They now see a danger of its falling into hands which they dislike and distrust more than mine, into the Hands of Gentlemen who have passed a great Part of their Lives in England, have numerous Family Connections there as well as other Friendships and Acquaintances. I have fretted and laughed, very sufficiently at the “petite Ruse,” which deprived me of the Feather, but I know it to be a Feather and I will still laugh at it, what ever becomes of it. It Seems as if, We were never to hear from America more. Not one Word, any more than if the Antlantic Islands were again Sunk, as they are fabled to have once sunk and rose again.
My dear Nabbys Felicity is near very near my Heart. I must resign her to your Prudence and the Advice of your Friends. If Coffin is arrived he carried a Present for her.4 I wish I could do more for her, but I cannot, at present.
I am again obliged to have recourse to a Saddle horse. Mr. Jay and I trot about the Environs of Paris, and Speculate about a distant Country where our hearts are. I have been in the former Part of Life so accustomed to riding, that it is become necessary to me. I attribute my Fever, in Part to a too long neglect of this Exercise. Whether I shall ever get rid of the Effects of that Fever I dont know. A Voyage home, a little Repose and rural Exercises may cure me, but I fear a European Life will never do it. My Boys I hope are good. They know not how tenderly they are beloved by their Father.
Carbon dioxide (
OED
).
After Shelburne's fall from power, Britain's new foreign secretary Charles James Fox, replaced Peace Commissioner Richard Oswald with David Hartley (Morris, Peacemakers
, p. 426–427).
On 8 Aug., commissioners for Britain, France, Spain and Holland, under the nominal mediation of representatives of the imperial courts of Austria and Russia, met in Paris to settle their final terms for peace. The Americans were not formally invited, but they had signaled their desire not to be involved with the mediators. Britain and Holland only agreed upon preliminary articles of peace on 2 Sept., the day before Britain and the United States signed their definitive peace treaty, and they did not conclude a definitive treaty until May 1784. See Morris, Peacemakers
, p. 428, 434; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:100–101, note 2.
Dutch cloth, described in JA to AA, 12 Oct., and Charles Storer to AA, 17 Oct. 1782, both above.
1783-04-14
By this time, I hope, your inclination to travel has abated, and the prospect of peace has made you more contented with your native country. You little know the difficulties of a voyage to Europe, even in time of profound peace. The elements are as unstable in peace as in war, and a sea life is never at first agreeable, nor ever without danger. In foreign countries few persons preserve their health; the difference of climate, of air, of manner of life, seldom fail to occasion revolutions in the constitution and produce disorders, very often violent, dangerous and fatal ones. Those who escape have a seasoning. Besides, the polite life in Europe is such an insipid round of head-dressing and play, as I hope will never be agreeable to you—or rather I hope you will detest it as beneath the character of a rational being, and inconsistent with the indispensable duties of life, those of a daughter, wife, or mother, and even those of a sister, friend, or neighbour.
Policy, which is but another word for imposture in these countries, encourages every species of frivolity and dissipation on purpose to divert people from reading and thinking. But in our country every encouragement ought to be given to reading and thinking, and, therefore, diversions should be very sparingly indulged.
You are now of an age, my dear, to think of your future prospects in life, and your disposition is more thoughtful and discreet than is common. I need not advise you to distinguish between virtues and amusements, between talents and fancy.
Your country is young, and advancing with more rapid strides than any people ever took before. She will have occasion for great abilities and virtues to conduct her affairs with wisdom and success. Your sex must preserve their virtue and discretion, or their brothers, husbands, and sons will soon lose theirs. The morals of our country are a sacred 124deposit, and let every youth, of either sex, beware that no part of the guilt of betraying it belongs to him.
Look not for fortune, honours, or amusements, these are all but trash. Look for the virtues of good citizens and good men; with these the others will do little good or no harm; without them they are nothing but vexation and a scourge.
I please myself with the fond hope of conversing with you soon at home. Your brother was at Hambourg on the 4th of April, but I hope is at the Hague by this time.1
Jour. and Corr.
, 2:22–24.)
JA had probably received the letters from Lagau, and from Parish & Thomson, both dated 4 April, at Hamburg (both Adams Papers), by this date, informing him that JQA was still in that city but would leave soon.
1783-04-16
It Seems as if Providence had ordered many Things for the last Months, in Such a manner as to put my Patience and Resignation to the Tryal. I dont know whether Jobs Tryals were more Severe. 1. Mr. John who was to have been at the Hague by Christmas has been detained at Stockholm, Copenhagen and Hamborough at which last Place he was on the 4. of this month, you may imagine my Anxiety about him. 2. Your Letters concerning Miss N. have given me as much Concern as they ought—not knowing the Character2 nor what to advise, but feeling all a Fathers Tenderness, longing to be at home that I might enquire and consider and take the Care I ought. 3. The Uncertain State of Things in England, leaving me idle, with nothing to do but Think of my Situation. 4. The Want of Intelligence from America, in Answer to the most important Dispatches both to the public and to me which ever crossed the seas, not one Word yet. 5. Standing here in Relation with two Personages at least in whom I can have no Confidence.3 Mr. Jay has been my only Consolation. In him I have found a Friend to his Country, without Alloy. I shall never forget him, nor cease to love him, while I live. He has been happier than I, having his Family with him, no Anxiety for his Children, and his Lady with him, to keep Up his Spirits. His Happiness in this particular, has made me more unhappy for what I know under the Seperation from mine.
In answer to one of your Letters,4 I assure you that all the Money 125I advanced to the Prisoners in England was out of my own Pocket. I had at that time no Public Money in my Power. So that it may be paid to you if it is ever paid at all.
I am afraid that all the Money you have laid out in Vermont Lands is lost.5 You can ill afford it, I assure you. You are destined to be poor in your old Age, and therefore the more perfectly you reconcile your self to the Thought of it the better. Your Children have no Resource but in their own Labour. They will have this Advantage, they may labour a little for themselves, more than their Father could ever do, without betraying Trusts which it was his duty to Accept.
No evidence survives to suggest whether this letter or the one immediately following was composed first.
Royall Tyler.
Probably Benjamin Franklin and either Henry Laurens or the Comte de Vergennes.
That of 25 Oct. 1782, above; see note 8.
The editors are unaware of any information JA had in 1783 that AA's Vermont investment was unsound, although he was cool toward the idea from his first knowledge of it. See JA to AA, 12 Oct. 1782, note 6, above.
1783-04-16
If Congress when they revoked my Commission had appointed another to make a Treaty of Commerce with Great Britain, We should have had the Business all done on the 30 of Nov. Shelburnes Ministry would not have been condemned in the H. of Commons, and the definitive Treaty would have been signed before now and I Should be ready to embark for the Blue Hills, where I must go to recover my health, repose my Spirits, take a little Care of my Sons and Daughter, and be made much of, by their Mother.
My last Voyage and Residence in Europe has broken me very much. Millions of Contrivances are used, by some invisible Spirit, with Arrows shot in darkness to render an honest Mans Life uncomfortable to him, in every Part of Europe. In England the only Place where I could go with honour, I should live the Life of a Man in a Barrell Spiked with Nails. The Vanity, Pride, Revenge, of that People, irritated by French and Franklinian Politicks, would make it Purgatory to me. I sometimes feel Seriously afraid that Congress will send me, a Credence to that Court. I should be terrified at the sight of such a Thing.
126My Health, to Speak to you Seriously, demands a Voyage home, my native Air and Repose from Business. You know very well that those Remedies alone have heretofore saved my Life.1 The Consequences of that Amsterdam Fever, are still upon me in Swelled Ankles, Weakness in my Limbs, a Sharp humour in my Blood, lowness of Spirits, Anxieties &c. I exercise every day on horse back or on foot, and take every Precaution in my Power, but all does not avail.
I begin to suspect that french and franklinian Politicks will now endeavour to get me sent to England, for two Reasons, one that I may not go to America where I should do them more Mischief as they think than I could in London. 2. That the Mortifications which they and their Tools might give me there might disembarrass them of me sooner than any where.
Is it not Strange and Sad that Simple Integrity should have so many Ennemies? that a Man should have to undergo so many Evils merely because he will not betray his Trust? If I would have given up the Fisheries and Illinois and Louisiana and Ohio, I might have had Gold snuff Boxes, Clappings at the Opera, I dont mean from the Girls, millions of Paragraphs in the Newspapers in praise of me, Visits from the Great, Dinners Wealth, Power Splendor, Pictures Busts statues, and every Thing which a vain heart, and mine is much too vain, could desire. Mais Je ne Sçais pas, me donner aux tells Convenances et Bienseances.
I have found by Experience, that in this Age of the World that Man has an awfull Lot, who “dares to love his Country and be poor.”2
Liberty and Virtue! When! oh When will your Ennemies cease to exist or to persecute!
Our Country will be envied, our Liberty will be envied, our Virtues will be envied. Deep and subtle systems of Corruption hard to prove, impossible to detect, will be practised to sap and undermine Us and the few who penetrate them will be called suspicious, envious, restless turbulent ambitious—will be hated unpopular and unhappy.
But a Succession of these Men must be preserved, for these are the salt of the Earth. Without these the World would be worse than it is. Is not this after all the noblest Ambition. Such Ambition is Virtue. Cato will never be Consull but Catos Ambition was sublimer than Caesars, and his Glory and even his Catastrophy more desirable.
I have Sometimes painted to myself my own Course for these 20 Years, by a Man running a race upon a right line barefooted treading among burning Ploughshares, with the horrid Figures of Jealousy Envy, Hatred Revenge, Vanity Ambition, Avarice Treachery Tyranny 127Insolence, arranged on each side of his Path and lashing him with scorpions all the Way, and attempting at every Step to trip up his Heels.
I have got through, however to the Goal, but maimed scarrified and out of Breath.
JA may have in mind his removal from Boston to Braintree in April 1771 and his journey to take the waters at Stafford Springs, Conn., in May-June, both done to improve his health, which he thought threatened by Boston air and the press of his legal practice (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:15–35; 3:296). He may also be remembering his journeys home from Congress in 1775 (twice), 1776, and 1777. JA did not record any concern over his health on the occasion of his previous return from Europe, in 1779.
Alexander Pope, “On His Grotto at Twickenham,” last line, slightly altered.
1783-04-18
For about three Weeks in the Time of Lent, the Play Houses are shut up, on account of its being a Season for the Care (not Cure) of Souls. To a City so much accustomed to Amusements as Paris, this is a Time of Mourning and Sadness. Horse racing and Bull baiting have been invented to fill up a part of this Interval of Sorrow. But what is called the Fête des longs Champs, or long Fields, is the most brilliant. About five Miles from Paris, there is a Place by the Name of Longs Champs, where formerly there was a Chapel, to which the Citizens and others peregrinated in this holy Time, to hear Mass. They made this Pilgrimage three times a Year, on the 16. 17. and 18th. of April.1 But as all human Institutions are imperfect and perpetually subject to Change, even this holy one has not been exempt from the common Lot. From a Pilgrimage to hear the word of God and sing his Praises, it has been metamorphosed into a Procession, to shew elegant Carriages, splendid Liveries and Equipage, &c. &c. Whether the Transition is natural or not, I am not to determine, but I believe one to be quite as rational as the other. They are both ridiculous enough. Upon the whole, I think the Procession much more sensible than the Pilgrimage. I am an Enemy to all Pilgrimages, except those which a Lover is obliged to make to a distant Mistress. There is good Sense in this, but to travel under Pretence of praying to this Saint or that Apostle, is a mere blind, and a villanous Tax on the Charity of the benevolent, given to the Drones of Society. But to return to Longs Champs—I went yesterday to see the Procession. All the Beauties of the Court and City were there,
many of them in elegant Carriages, with Horses beautifully harnessed, and Servants in Livery. There were several thousand Carriages. The Crowd of People was immense. There were all Sorts of Characters of both Sexes. A ragged Coachman, an old or dirty Carriage or a slovenly ill dressed Servant, were objects of Ridicule and Hissing. It was diverting enough to hear the Speeches that were made yesterday, and to see the different Effects they produced on different Characters. The Crowd press so near the Carriages as they pass, that one hears every Observation they make on Men, Women, Servants, Horses and Carriages. Whoever can brave Laughter and Ridicule may venture out with an old Coach and poor Horses, but the bashful and timid had better remain at home. In one word, they are three days of Show of new Carriages, new Harness for Horses and new Livery for Servants. There is a kind of Emulation and Rivalry among them. And very often a Miss surpasses every one in Elegance and Brilliancy. Last Year, I was told, there appeared a Miss, in an elegant Carriage drawn by six superb Horses. She so far exceeded in Grandeur and Splendor every one else, that She was forbid ever appearing at Longs Champs again. I dare say, You will think this Circumstance a sufficient Comment on the whole Business, and that it is unnecessary to give any Opinion about the Matter. There are Hints enough as to Origin, Change and present Stage of the Amusement of Longs Champs. Your own Reflections will be infinitely more judicious than any I can make, and therefore I will be silent as to the Impressions this Entertainment has made on my Mind. I am happy to close this Account of the Entertainment of yesterday, by informing You, that notwithstanding the Crowd of Gentlemen on Horseback and Carriages was so prodigious, yet the excellent Arrangement of the Foot Soldiers and Dragoons was such, that not a single Accident happened. This was the Work of the Police, who at other Times experience as large a Share of Maledictions as any Class of People whatever.
Mr. Laurens arrived here yesterday from London. Mr. Hartley is daily expected in Town to finish the definitive Treaty of Peace with America. I am afraid the American Ministers will have a verbose Negociation; Mr. Hartley being well gifted in Speech, and much addicted to talking. The plain, honest good Sense of Mr. Oswald is worth more than all the fine spun speculative Speeches of Mr. H. However it is said the new Ministry means to close the Business liberally, and it is to be hoped Mr. Hartley will be equally well disposed to it. Your dearest Friend is almost wearied out in waiting 130here for the final Arrangement of the definitive Treaty. But I am not sorry he is here, as he enjoys his Health better in this City than in Holland, and as the Weather is now very fine. I am persuaded, I should have never recovered in Holland, and should have returned home last Fall, if it had not have been for our Journey here.2 It was an agreable Change, and I hope never to spend more Time in Holland than just enough to prepare to embark for America, if I should go from thence.
The latest Letter I have from home was in Novr. last. I am anxious to recieve News from thence, but am very patient. I expect Budgets by the next Ships, at least I hope for a large Number of Letters.
Thaxter's dates are misleading. The promenade to Longchamps occurred each year at the end of the Lenten season, on the Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday before Easter, with the grandest parade on Good Friday. Compare Thaxter's description here with the Adams' description of the same event held on 23–25 March 1785: AA to Elizabeth Cranch, 8 May 1785, below; AA2, Jour. and Corr.
, 1:62–63; and JQA, Diary
, 1:238–239.
Thaxter was ill in Holland sometime in 1781, and again from May to Aug. 1782 (vol. 4:249, 333, 354, 359, 363).
1783-04-22
I arrived here in very good health yesterday morning at about 6. o'clock, after having spent some days at Amsterdam. I found here a letter from you,1 by which you leave to my choice to stay here
Mr. D
Of 18 Feb., above.
Lost when the seal was cut out.
That dated 15 Oct. 1782, marked “Secret & confidential,” and endorsed by JA: “Letter by my Son” (Adams Papers). The date is evidently old style (26 Oct. N.S.), from the dating of other letters around it in Dana's letterbook. The text is in Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 5:815–817.
Probably that dated 14 Oct. 1782, O.S., in Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 5:812–814.
See Dana to JQA, 1 Nov. 1782, N.S. (Adams Papers, filed and filmed under 21 Oct., O.S.). Dana repeated his injunctions on 21 Nov. 1782 (Adams Papers).
1783-04-23
I arrived in Philadelphia this day1 and had the honor of receiving your Commands of the 9th.2 Tho' we were exceedingly desirous of the assistance of Mr. Adams in what yet remains to be done in Europe; yet his Letters were so pressing, that the Committee to whom they were referrd coud not resist reporting in favor of his resignation.3 Congress have not yet considerd that report; but I think Madam, you may rely upon it, that leave will be given as he requests.
I shall participate with you in the pleasure of his return, after so long a sacrifise as he has made to the peace and prosperity of this Country. Her gratitude will I hope never forget, the essential services he has renderd. A french frigate, that left France, the beginning of March, arrivd here two days since;4 but did not bring one line for Congress. We learn however, that the general Treaty was not then settled.
Lee, serving in Congress since his election in Dec. 1781, had taken a brief trip to Virginia on 2 April (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 7:lxxvii, 121).
Not found. In her letter to JA of 7 April, above, AA noted receiving JA's letters of 4 Dec. 1782, and 29 Jan., both above; JA's announcement in those letters of his request to Congress to resign his post apparently prompted AA to ask Lee whether Congress would honor JA's request. JA had directed AA on 4 Feb., above, to make such an enquiry, but AA did not receive this letter until 6 May (AA to JA, 7 May, below). AA probably wrote to Lee, whom she had met in Sept. 1780 (vol. 3:406), because James Lovell had left Congress and Elbridge Gerry had not yet arrived there (see AA to JA, 28 April, below).
Lee was a member of the committee that recommended that JA's resignation be accepted. On Congress' response, see JA to AA, 4 Dec. 1782, note 1, above.
The Active arrived at Chester, Penna., on 21 April (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 7:145).
1783-04-26
Ce jour tant désiré est à la fin arrivé, la paix a couronné vos voeux et les nôtres. Ce fléau si dangereux s'est donc éloigné pour longtems de votre hémisphère, et peut être pour peu du nôtre. Ce même jour qui a fait mes délices, m'a en même tems fait perdre tout espoir de revoir L'Amérique continentale: mon devoir, mon intérêt personnel et l'amitié que je porte à un pere, à une mere et à des parents qui me chérissent sont les puissants motifs qui reglent ma conduite. L'attachement que j'avois et que j'aurai toujours pour nos alliés de L'Amérique, m'avoit fait desirer d'aller leur aider à cueillir des Loriers que Bellona1 fait moissonner; mais la paix si nécessaire, a changé mes projets; je lui en veux cependant de m'avoir éloigné à jamais de personnes que j'aurois été enchanté de revoir. C'est, me direz vous, le sort d'un militaire, aujourd hui en paix, demain en guerre, tantôt auprès d'une épouse cherie tantôt dans les combats, tantôt à Paris tantôt à pondicheri, il doit s'attendre à tout et y être disposé. Croyez je vous prie le contraire. Son ame habituée à sentir continuellement n'est que mieux disposée pour sentir nouvellement et souvent avec plus de force.
La mémoire ce Beau présent de la nature qui nous cause de grands maux et de grands plaisirs fait sur nous plus d'effect que sur personne. Je crains bien que cette lettre hazardée ne vous parvienne pas car je me rappelle que vous m'avez fait l'honneur de me dire qu'au printems vous deviez avec Melle. Adams aller rejoindre Mr. Adams en Hollande j'ai l'espoir que la paix fera changer vos projets et que mon épitre vous parviendra: l'occasion qui s'est présentée m'a forcé d'en profiter.
Je me rappelle avec tant de plaisir des momens où j'ai eu le bonheur de jouir Votre Compagnie ainsi que de celle de Melle. Adams;2 Serai-je assez heureux! pour qu'elle veuille se rappeller celui à qui elle a inspiré des sentimens inéfaçables. J'ai été très malheureux depuis que j'ai eu la douleur de vous quiter, cette époque a été pour moi le Signal de l'infortune. J'ai en sortant de Po
En allant pour embouquer sous le Vent d'Antigues nous avons eut un Combat avec Le St. Léandre vaisseau de Cinquante anglois, notre mauvais état nous a empêché de manoeuvrier, et sa marche supérieure l'a sauvé. Il a été assez mal traité dans les trois quarts d'heure que nous l'avons combattu, et a été forcé de faire route pour La Jamaique. Nous avons eu sept hommes tués et vingt quatre Blessés. Nous sommes arrivés à Porto Cabello dans la terre firme espagnole4 le vingt six de janvier. L'escadre de Mr. Le Marquis de Vaudreuil y est arrivée en differens tems. Le trois fevrier le vaisseau de 74 La Bourgougne a fait côte sur La Pointe de Koro sous le vent de Porto Cabello par la latitude de Curacao, c'est un événement si déplorable que je n'ose vous en donner aucuns détails, il suffit que vous appreniez qu'il y a peri dix officiers et deux cens hommes et de tout le vaisseau on n'a sauvé que 700 hommes.5
Le pluton est arrivé au Cap6 le 11 et l'escadre le 14 elle est prête à partir, et moi je Vais encore rester quelque tems au Mole St. Nicolas après quoi le régiment recevra ordre de passer en france où je le suivrai avec grand plaisir.
Si dans ce pays La, Madame, je puis vous être uttile ou à Melle. Adams mettez moi à même de reconnoîe les honnêtetés que vous m'avez faites, des livres françois pourroient peut être Vous Convenir, la voye de Bordeaux ou de Nantes m'offriroit les moyens de vous en faire passer.
Je prie Melle. Adams d'agréer l'assurance de mon respect.8
1783-04-26
The much-desired day is at last arrived: Peace hath crowned both your Wishes and Ours. The dangerous Scourge of War is removed for a long time from your Hemisphere; and, perhaps, for a little while from ours. But This delightfull Period has, at the same time, taken from me all Hope of seeing again the Continent of America. My duty, 134my personal Interest, and the Love that I bear to my Parents and dear Friends, are so many powerfull Motives for regulating my Conduct. The Attachment that I had, and always shall have for our american Allies, made me desirous of helping them, in gathering the Laurels, that were there to be reaped in the Field of Bellona.1 But that Peace, which was so much wanted, has changed my Plan, and I acquiesce tho' it removes me forever from those who I should otherwise have visited again with transports of Joy.—You will tell me perhaps that it is the Lot of a Soldier to be one Day in Peace, and the next in War, now at home with the dear Partner of his Life, Tomorrow in the Field of Battle; one while at Paris, and the next at Pondicherry: He ought to be ready and prepared for every Event. View him, madam, on the other side; his Soul habituated to feel continually, is thereby but so much the more disposed and open to the reception of new and more forcible Impressions. Memory, that noble Gift of Nature, the source of so many Sorrows and so many Pleasures, affects us more than it does others.—I am fearfull that this Letter, sent as it were at Hazard, will not reach you, as I remember you did me the Honour of telling me that you, with Miss Adams, intended in the Spring, to go and meet Mr. Adams in Holland. I hope however that the Peace may have alter'd your Plan, and that my Letter may come to hand. The Oportunity that offer'd could not be neglected by me.
I recall, with Pleasure, the Moments when I had the Honour of being in Company with you and Miss Adams.2 Shall I ever be so happy as to find in her Breast that she should daign to awake in her Mind a Remembrance of Him whom whose Breast she has inspired with the tenderest most indelible Sentiments! I have been very unhappy since I left America; that Epocha was to me the summer season of Misfortune. I had3 like to have perished on the Rocks in Piscataqua River, the Ship was in danger about half an Hour. On our departure the next day, which was the 31st. of December, we were in like danger from a Gale of Wind from the South-East, which would infallibly have cast us on Shore if the Wind had not lower'd and veer'd about. In the Lat: of Bermudas the Storm return'd with greater violence, damaging our Masts and Rigging, and carrying off our Sails. In passing to leeward of Antigua, we had an Engagement with an English 50 Gun Ship, (Leandre). The dammage we had sustained prevented our working our Ship, and the Enemy being in better condition for sailing, got away. She was pretty roughly handled by us for the three Quarters of an Hour that we engaged, and was forced to put away for Jamaica. We had seven men kill'd and 24 wounded. We 135arrived at Porto Cabello on the Spanish Main,4 the 3 of Feby. The Burgoyne
Bordeaux and Nantes will afford me Oportunities of sending to you.
I beg Miss Adams to accept the assurance of my Respects.8
Underneath I have added my Address. You may write in English, I can read it.
A Monsieur, Monsieur De Romsay Officier au Regiment d'Armagnac en Garnison à tout dans les Evechés à tous.
The Roman goddess of war.
The underlining in the translation is presumably by Cranch. In the following sentence, shown by the deletions, he at first attempts a freer, more poetical rendering of Ronnay's French, and then returns to his quite literal style of translation.
Cranch does not translate “en sortant de Po
Cranch garbles this passage by omitting “le vingt six de janvier. L'escadre de Mr. Le Marquis de Vaudreuil y est arrivée en differens tems,” and then placing “Le trois fevrier” with Ronnay's arrival, rather than with the wreck of the Bourgogne.
The expression “peri . . . deux cens hommes et de tout le vaisseau on n'a sauvé que 700 hommes” seems odd, but Ronnay's number is clear and unmistakable. The locations that Ronnay mentions—Puerto Cabello and the “Pointe de Koro” (the Paraguaná Peninsula)—are on the Venezuelan coast, SE and SW of Curaçao.
Cap Français (now Cap Haïtien, Haiti), on the north coast of Hispaniola. Mole St. Nicolas, mentioned in the next sentence, is west of Cap Français, at the western extremity of the same coast. Lester J. Cappon, ed., Atlas of Early American History, The Revolutionary Era 1760–1790, Princeton, 1976.
This signature is quite clear; “Romsay” is Cranch's error.
Ronnay's text ends here. The additional material in Cranch's translation is probably based on text written on a separate, enclosed sheet.
1783-04-26
The last Evening's news, Madam, has made me somewhat anxious on your Account. We heard of the arrival of Captain Barney, in the Packett-Washington, at Philadelphia. By him Mr. Adams wrote to you advising to come to Europe.1 After the departure of Captn. Barney from hence, Mr. A. changed his mind and sent Counter-advice to L'Orient, in hopes of sending it by the same vessell.2 Whether these last letters have reached you or not I cannot say. If they should not, I fear it may occasion you some trouble in making preparations for embarking. Some other letters, on the same subject, were sent to different Sea-ports,3 but whether they have been duly forwarded or not I cannot tell. However, I have mentioned the matter in several of my Papa's letters, which I hope will arrive with timely intimation respecting your embarkation.
Negotiation, Madam, is again coming on the Carpet. Mr. Hartley, (whom probably you know thro' Mr. Adams,) is arrived here4 and appears disposed to close all matters as liberally, as amicably and as speedily as possible. However, be his wish ever so good, as Matters do not depend solely on him, the business may be spun out yet to a great length. The unsettled, divided state, and heterogeneous Ministry we see in England, favor this opinion.
The public Accounts from London savour not of prosperity to the Kingdom. Three or four violent parties divide the Nation, and opposition is made for opposition – sake – or, for a worse purpose, striving at the mastery. The People are complaining for want of a final Settlement of Affairs and for an arrangement in the Commercial line. With the people at large, to very heavy taxes, is added almost a famine, on account of the very extraordinary year past. Such is the Nation at this moment. The latter grievance may be remedied, but their political prospect is not easily cleared up. Some very black Clouds hang over them, deeply charged with various evils, and should they descend too low may shake the Kingdom to its very foundation—in other words, their public debt is so monstrous, their sources of raising taxes so nearly exhausted, yet their debt encreasing, so violent is the party rage among the higher order, and on the other hand, the frequent meetings of the People at large, County-assemblies, (they have no Committees of Correspondence yet,) and the Clamours of the 137Nation for a more equal representation, all these opposite Circumstances must terminate in something—and something extraordinary. In short, they are upon the eve of Revolution, which will be very important in its Consequences. Other Revolutions, in other places, are doubtless involved in our grand Revolution, but these Mr. A. says are not yet to be spoke of.5 An extensive revolution begun is not easily averted.
We have been daily wishing for letters from America, on public, as well as private Accounts. Much is depending on both. Compliments, if you please, to Miss Adams, with very best wishes.
Let me request you to present my Respects
P.S. Mr. W. Warren has been sailed this sometime for America, from Marseilles.
8 Nov. 1782, above. Capt. Barney did not leave France with this letter until 17 Jan., arriving in Philadelphia on 12 March (Pennsylvania Gazette, 19 March).
These could have been JA's letters of 4 and 28 Dec. 1782, both above, which could have reached Barney before his departure, and that of 22 Jan., above, written too late, but whether any of these three letters were forwarded to Capt. Barney is not known. JA probably wrote at least one other letter, of about 1 Dec. 1782, that has been lost (see JA to AA, 4 Dec. 1782, note 3, above).
These could include any of the letters mentioned in note 2, above, and others of 29 Jan., and 4, 18, and 27Feb., all above. From 29 Jan., JA consistently advised AA not to come to Europe unless his revoked commission to negotiate a commercial treaty with Britain was honorably restored.
Hartley received his commission on 18 April, arrived in Paris on 24 April, and wrote to JA on Friday, 25 April (Adams Papers), offering to meet him and his colleagues at JA's lodgings on Sunday, 27 April. JA briefly describes this meeting in his Diary (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:112).
The reference is obscure, but JA may have expected a revolution in Dutch politics as early as 1783. When the Dutch Patriot party attempted major reforms a few years later, he followed their efforts with keen interest, especially during his Aug.–Sept. 1786 visit to Holland, during the highpoint of the Patriot movement. By 1787, however, conservative forces had swept the Patriot party from power throughout the Netherlands. JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:201–202, note 1, 211, note 2.
1783-04-27
Opportunities of conveyance from America have for these many Months past been so seldom, that it would be unpardonable to omit the present, my good Will being so greatly indebted. Allow me to judge; and the intrinsick value, will by no means balance the account.
We have been in the disagreeable state of uncertainty and expectation, balancing between hopes and fears, for this long time; and are by no means confirmed as yet. Pappa's letters have so contradicted each other that we know not what to judge, by his last date of Feb 18, I suppose it is his intention to return home immediately without waiting to hear from Congress, Mamma thinks otherwise. We have in the week past had a report from N. York, that Mr. Jay had arived at Phyladelphia.1 Some persons supposed it might be pappa—but yesterday the account was contradicted. I wrote you a forghtnight since by a vessel of Mr. Guilds that was going a roundabout way.2 Whether you will receive it or not is uncertain, some reasons induce me to wish you never may—and yet I wish you to know that we have not been inattentive when any conveyance has offered.
Peace is again restored to our Country. Tis not received with so great a degree of joy and gladness as could have been expected, or as so important an event demands. The political World have been balancing in their minds with regard to the certainty of it, not having received satisfactory accounts till very lately.
Mamma has thought it best to put my Brothers under the care of Mr. Shaw at Haverhill which has deprived us, of a very agreable part of our family. Charles a sweet boy was just become a companion: and enlivened many a solitary moment, but Mamma consulted their advantage; twas hard to part with them, we are now but five in family—except honest puss and sparder.3 Dont you think this is an interesting detail of events to communicate many thousand Miles. Braintree I assure you looks more solitary than ever; we have generally had some person as a preceptor for the young gentlemen, and we have been fortunate in meeting with those who were agreeable. My Brothers absence deprives us even of this privilege. The general determination is to convert the great House at Germantown4 into a Monastry and in our own distress? all turn Nuns. Miss Paine is to be Lady Abbess, and parson W
I have scribled away at a curious rate. I had nothing particular to say when I took my pen, but to indeavour, by Words only, to make some little return for your past kindness. I have not succeeded to my wishes, a perusal will only augment the mortification of having said nothing better.
The situation of our friends at Germantown is realy disagreable, tis hard that so great a share of excellence as there exists; should be so deluded clouded by misfortunes and unhappiness,5 but we cannot account for the various causes of events. Those that are fraught with happiness do not claim so great a degree of our amaizement and surprize, as the contrary. “The Ways of heaven are dark and intricate.”
I believe tis a happiness to have arived at that state of mind in which we can look calmly and composedly on all the events of fortune, and meet its decrees without repining. This is seldom attained by youth for where it does exist in young minds there is generally a want of that sensibility and feeling, which, constitutes it a virtue.
Not one word have we heard from my Brother John these many, many, months, I feel as if he was lost almost. Sincerely and ardently do I wish for the period to arive when this family, Now so widely seperated; shall be again collected. I anticipate the many future scenes with pleasure and my imagination sometimes, perhaps always, leads me beyond my reason. At times I feel very impatient, that there is not a prospect of its being at an earlyer period than I am allowed to expect. Whenever you shall receive this, make my compliments to Mr. Storer—and permit me to subscribe your young friend
I must ask Miss D—6 pardon for not long ere this acknowledging the receipt of the pincushing. As you have desired to be permitted to communicate any returns I shall make to her, I authorize you, to present to her my best compliments, and thank her for this mark of attention to one unknown to her, and in that way which shall be most acceptable to the young Lady acknowledging you to be a better judge than I possibly can.
Jay did not return to the United States until the summer of 1784.
Letter not found.
See AA to Charles Storer, 28 April, below. Since AA there counts two domestics among her five, “puss” and “sparder” were evidently pets.
Gen. Joseph Palmer's home in Braintree's Germantown section, called “Friendship Hall” as a tribute to Palmer's generous 140hospitality (Pattee, Old Braintree and Quincy
, p. 488).
Gen. Palmer's financial difficulties, which would soon become acute, were probably already evident by 1783. AA2 may also be referring to the tragic death of Elizabeth Palmer's fiancé, and cousin, Nathaniel Cranch, in 1780, and the broken health of Elizabeth's older sister, Mary, who had suffered from a nervous disorder since 1765 (vol. 3:329, note 5; Pattee, Old Braintree and Quincy
, p. 488, note).
Perhaps Nancy, daughter of C. W. F. Dumas and close to AA2 in age. See vol. 4:355 and note 2.
1783-04-27
Last Night I received your Favour from the Hague of the 22 and I congratulate you, on your Safe Arrival. You have had a long Journey, from Petersbourg, and I hope it has not been a disagreable, nor an unprofitable one. You Should write to Mr. Dana and to me, an Account
It is my hope and Expectation to return to America as Soon as the definitive Treaty is Signed and I can go to the Hague to exchange Ratifications2 and take Leave. If We could embark by the Middle of May or beginning of June We should have a Prospect of a pleasant Voyage, after that you know there is danger of Summer Calms. You and I dont yet know what it is to cross the Atlantick without fear of Ennemies. Poor Stevens I fear is lost.3
Mr. Thaxter and Mr. Storer Send their Compliments to you upon your Arrival.
I have one Tax to lay upon you, and that is to write me a Short Letter every Post. You Should Se
Have you
See JQA to JA, 22 April, note 3, above.
The ratifications of the Treaty of Amity and Commerce between the United States and the Netherlands, which JA had negotiated 141in Oct. 1782.
Joseph Stephens, JA's servant from 1778 to 1782, was lost at sea while returning to America in 1783 (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:274).
Voorburg and Ryswick are east of The Hague, Loosduinen is south, and Scheveningen is west, on the North Sea. All are within five miles of the city.
JQA had studied Dutch in Holland in 1780–1781, but apparently made slow progress at a time when French, Latin, and Greek took most of his attention. He studied German in 1782 in Russia. See vol. 4:116; JQA, Diary
, 1:35, note 1, 48, note 3, 57, 58, 115, and note 1.
1783-04-28
At length an opportunity offers after a space of near five Months, of again writing to You. Not a vessel1 from any port in this state has sailed since Jan'ry, by which I could directly convey you a line. I have written twice by way of Virgina,1 but fear they will never reach you: from you I have lately received several Letters containing the most pleasing intelligence.2
“Peace o'er the world her olive Branch extends.”3 “Hail! Goddess heavenly bright profuse of joy, and pregnant with delight.”4 The Garb5 of this favorite of America, is woven of an admirable texture and proves the great skill, wisdom, and abilities, of the Master workmen. It was not fabricated in the Loom of France, nor are the materials english, but they are the product of our own American soil, raised and Nurtured, not by the gentle showers of Heaven, but by the hard Labour and indefatigable industery and firmness of her Sons, and water'd by the Blood of many of them. May its duration be in proportion to its value, and like the Mantle of the prophet descend with blessings to generations yet to come.
And may you my dearest Friend, return to your much loved solitude with the pleasing reflextion of having contributed to the happiness of Millions.
We have not yet received any account of the signing6 the definitive Treaty, so that no publick rejoiceings have taken place as yet. The 5th article in the Treaty has raised the old spirit against the Tories to such a height that it would be at the risk of their lives should they venture here; it may subside after a while, but I Question whether any state in the union will admit them even for 12 Months.7 What then would have been the concequence if compensation had been granted them?8
Your journal has afforded me and your Friends much pleasure and amusement. You will learn, perhaps from Congress that the journal, you meant for Mr. Jackson; was by some mistake enclosed to the
142 143Minister for foreign affairs; and concequently came before Congress with other publick papers. The Massachussets delegates applied for it, but were refused it. Mr. Jackson was kind enough to wait upon me, and shew me your Letter to him, and the other papers inclosed, and I communicated the journal to him.9 Mr. Higginson writes that it was moved in congress by Hamilton of Virgina and Wilson of Pensilvana10 to censure their ministers, for departing from their duty in not adhering to their instructions, and for giving offence to the Court of France, by distrusting their Friendship; they however could not carry their point; it was said the instruction alluded was founded upon Reciprocity, and that the C.V.
With Regard to some domestick affairs which I wrote you about last winter, certain reasons have
Need I add how earnestly I long for the day when Heaven will again bless us in the Society of each other. Whether upon European of American ground is yet in the Book of uncertainty, but to feel intirely happy and easy, I believe it must be in our own Republican cottage; with the Simplicity which has ever distinguished it—and your ever affectionate
I last Evening received yours of Febry 18th19 in which you are explicit with Regard to your return. I shall therefore let Congress renew or create what commission they please, at least wait your further direction tho you should be induced to tarry abroad. I have taken no step as yet with regard to comeing out, except writing to Dr. Lee as mentiond before. Heaven send you safe to your ever affectionate Portia
Probably those of 10 Jan. and 7 April, both above. AA apparently sent both letters by Benjamin Guild's vessel, which sailed to Virginia before heading for Europe. See AA to JA, 7 April, note 5, above.
AA probably refers to JA's letters of 4 Dec. 1782 and 29 Jan., both above, referred to in her letter of 7 April, above, and to that of 28 Dec. 1782, above, which accompanied JA's “Peace Journal,” to which she refers below. By this date, AA may also have received JA's 22 Jan. letter, and his 8 Nov. 1782 letter, both above; the latter had arrived in Pennsylvania on 12 March. The postscript below marks her receipt of one or more of JA's three brief 18 Feb. letters (one above). She had not yet received JA's 4 Feb. letter (see AA to JA, 7 May, below), and probably had received no letters written after 18 February.
Alexander Pope, Messiah, line 19; AA substitutes “Branch” for “wand.”
The editors have supplied the quotation marks before “Hail,” but have not identified this passage.
In the draft, AA first wrote “The terms,” and then deleted it in favor of “The Garb.”
The draft reads: “any official account of the ratification.”
Art. 5 provided that Congress would “earnestly recommend” to the states the return of confiscated property to “real British Subjects” and to loyalists “resident in Districts in the Possession of his Majesty's Arms,” who had not borne arms against the United States; and that others would be allowed to return for twelve months to seek restitution, provided those who had purchased their property received compensation. No persons who had “any Interest in confiscated Lands” were to be subjected to any “lawful Impediment” in pursuing their “just Rights” to such property (Miller, ed., Treaties
, 2:98–99).
The final sentence of this paragraph does not appear in the draft.
JA's “Peace Journal” accompanied his 28 Dec. 1782 letter to AA, above. His enclosing of a copy of the “Journal” to the secretary for foreign affairs, R. R. Livingston, was no mistake. AA's “communication” of the journal to Jackson may explain its absence from the Adams Papers, but see JA's letter of 28 Dec., note 1, and references there.
No letter from Stephen Higginson to AA has been found. AA's draft does not mention Higginson, a delegate from Massachusetts, at this point, but begins this sentence with: “There were 3 member
On 19 March, Alexander Hamilton of New York (whom AA assigned to Virginia), Hugh Williamson of North Carolina, and Richard Peters of Pennsylvania each offered motions expressing regret that the American ministers had negotiated an additional article, affecting West Florida, which they intended to keep secret from France. Each of the three congressmen asked that the ministers be directed to communicate the secret article to Vergennes immediately. None of the motions, however, used the term “censure,” and Hamilton made a point of praising the commissioners' work (
JCC
, 24:193–194). James Madison introduced no motion concerning the preliminary articles of peace, but he was much concerned over the ministers' violation of their instructions. See Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 7:89–90, and Madison's full recounting of Congress' debate over the preliminary articles in
JCC
, 25:924–926, 928–936. James Wilson of Pennsylvania took part in the debate of 19 March, and then chaired the committee which considered the three petitions and reported on them on 21 Oct. (
JCC
, 25:714–715).
The draft makes no mention of Elbridge Gerry.
The draft gives AA's source: “by what I can learn from Mr. Higisons Letter and others, you will still be requested to tarry abroad.”
In the draft AA is less certain: “I know not whether you would be prevaild upon to tarry.” She says nothing about staying home unless JA is named minister to Britain. CFA omitted the text following this sentence to “Our friends are all well. . . .” from AA, Letters, 1840.
The draft reads: “an
The draft reads: “received Letter from them.” No letter from CA or TBA has been found.
This sentence is not in the draft. The draft continues: “I wish exceedingly to come to you if you continue abroad, and should congress as is expected give you a commission to the British court, unqualified as I feel myself for a publick Station in life, I believe I shall venture as I have a reason for wishing to come with our daughter to you.” In her letter to Charles Storer, 28 April, below, AA is more positive that AA2's relationship with Royall Tyler would go no further.
The draft contains no mention of JQA.
The continuation of the letter on 29 April is not in the draft.
AA2 to John Thaxter, 27 April, above, also reports AA's receipt of an 18 Feb. letter from JA. The letters may not have been the same; JA wrote three to AA on that date.
1783-04-28
May I address you by the Epithet of my dear Charles? for I realy feel towards you a Maternal Regard. I enjoyed a Feast upon the receit of your Letters.1 Col. Quincys came to my care, I carried them to 146him, there I found your pappa and Mamma, who had just received a packet from you. After mutual congratulations, we set ourselves down to hear and read, Col. Q—y began, whilst the whole circle attended, but it was not Silent admiration. What a fine young fellow, how charmingly he writes says one, why he is a statesman already says an other. How affectionately and respectfully he speaks of Mr.—.2 How sweetly he varies his stile and manner according to the different subjects upon which he writes. What judgment! What prudence! What Love of his Country! O Sir you are a happy Man says one. You have a jewel of a son, says an other: thus were your praises Reverberated; untill the paternal Eye overflowed; and delight Shone in every feature of his face: the Reflextions which filled my mind upon this occasion were pleasing beyond expression. Heaven grant me that I may thus rejoice in my children, thus see them ornaments to their Country, and blessings to their parents.
Here Let me pause and thank you for your favour Nomber 1.3 I assent to your proposal and commence your correspondent, but you must write to me with that freedom and unreserve which I so much admire in your Letters.
You have given me a proof of the confidence of my best Friend towards you, whilst the words “It becomes not me to speak,”4 express more than a page. Believe me I know your thoughts, the person whom they concerned5 is a different Character from what in very early Life you knew him, at least I presume so. I wish him well, I wish him prosperous and happy, and that every juvenile deviation from the Path of Rectitude, may teach him wisdom and prudence in future, but he will never be in any other character in Life to Emelia, than an acquaintance. I speak not this from any recent misconduct, but from a full conviction that it is right.
My family is lessned so much of late that I feel quite dull, my sons are sent from home to school, Emelia and Louissa,6 a Neice of about 10 years old, with two domesticks compose my family. I was loth to part with my sons, but I found it so difficult to procure a Suitable preceptor, and to keep him, that the frequent changes made them unstedy, and injured their Learning. The former was a matter of more importance in my mind than the latter.
Unstable as water, thou shalt not excell said the good old patriarch to his son7—it is an observation as true as it is ancient; and founded upon a knowledge of humane Nature. Youth are peculiarly liable to this frailty, and if it is not early curbed and restrained both by example and precept, it takes root and saps the foundation, it shoots out into 147unprofitable branches, if the Tree blossoms, they wither and are blown by every change of the wind so that no fruit arrives to maturity.
The Character which a youth acquires in the early part of his Life is of great importance towards his future prosperity—one false step may prove irretrievable to his future usefulness. The World fix their attention upon the behaviour of a person just setting out, more particularly so if they stand in a conspicious light with Regard to family or estate, and according to their discretion, prudence or want of judgement, pronounce too precipately perhaps, upon the whole of their future conduct. Of how great importance is it, that good principals be early, inculcated and steadily persued in the Education of youth?
But whither does my imagination lead me, and why all this to me Madam! methinks I hear you inquire. My thoughts are not difficult to trace, I dare say you will find the thread.
Amidst all the anxieties I have felt for the weight of cares and perplexitys which have devolved upon my absent Friend, I have found a consolation in the knowledge of his being accompanied by
To a young Gentleman who wishes for improvement the situation will afford him ample scope, whilst the Gentlemans character with whom he resides requires not even my partial pen to delineate. With regard to my visiting Europe—upon some accounts I wish it. From my Infancy I have wished to visit England but this unhappy war, or as Mr. S. Adams expresses it, this Glorious Revolution, alienated my affections from her. I think upon the whole that I feel rather averse to a publick Character.
The particular manner in which you wish your Friends to detail every circumstance to you, which relates to their welfare or happiness must plead my excuse for the domestick communications; besides as you are a Member of Mr. A—s family,8 you by concequence become a relation of mine. I must close my letter to wait upon Dr. Gorden and Lady who are just come to spend the Night with me. We Shall not lack conversation. Dr. Gorden as well as any Man I know of, practices upon the maxim of Epictetus or Pythagoras, I forget which, “Reverence thyself.” Accept my best wishes for your happiness and be assured no one is more disposed to contribute to it than Your Friend.
This is AA's first extant letter to Storer. By this date, AA had probably received Storer's letters of 17 Oct., and 8 Nov. 1782, and of 10 Feb. 1783, all above. That of 8 Nov. was written as a postscript to JA to AA of that date. Storer may also have written, and AA received, other letters now lost (see Storer to AA, 10 Feb., note 1, above), but the letters upon which AA “feasted” here appear to have been those written to Col. Josiah Quincy, and to Storer's father, Ebenezer.
Presumably JA.
Storer's letter of 10 Feb., above, in which he explains why “this may be stiled No. 1” even though he had written before.
Storer to AA, 10 Feb., above.
Royall Tyler.
Louisa Catharine Smith.
Jacob's dying words to his first-born son, Reuben (Genesis 49:4).
See Storer to AA, 17 Oct. 1782, note 8, above.
1783-04-29
I am largely indebted to you my much valued correspondent for many Letters received in the last four months, to not one of which have I been able to send you a line in return; no vessels have gone from this Quarter since december last.1
I join my congratulations with every real Friend of America upon the safe and Honorable peace obtaind for our Country, thanks be to Heaven, and to the firmness, wisdom and integrity of our negotiaters. I “persue the triumph, and partake the Gale”2 with a satisfaction that neither the envy of some, or the Secret malice of others can rob me of. Do you recollect a Letter of Plinys to Hispulla which you will find in the 7 volume of the Spectator?3 Tis expressive of what I have often felt, to that I refer you for a true disscription4 of an affectionate Wife participating in the Glory and Reputation of her Husband.
Last Evening Your favour of November 205 was deliverd me, and have I really puzzeld you? Are you anxious to know who the Eliza is that wore your Minature? As I have obtaind my end; which was to teaze you a little, in return for your Ideal Fair American;6 I will state facts. Your sisters had sent to Eliza CNeck, no further do you mind: and came to see if I knew it, I catcht the opportunity of requiteing you in your own way. I know not whether any of your Female acquaintance after Your comments: which I realy think just, would wear your portrait, but I know several who have Friendship enough for you, to retain you in their Hearts.
I do not see why a subject which appears from all your Letters to 149have taken such a full possession of your mind, should appear become to you so impracticable. Return with peace to your Native Land, set yourself down with a fixed resolution to persue your profession; and I dare say success will crown your endeavours. There is more good to be done in Life, says a judicious observer of Humane Nature, by obstinate diligence and perseverence, than most people seem aware of. The Ant and Bee are but little and weak animals; and yet, by constant application they do wonders.7 It is an observation of Plinys that no Mans abilities are so remarkably shining, as not to stand in need, of a proper opportunity, a patron, and even the praises of a Friend to recommend them to the Notice of the World. Your merit I dare say has secured to you the two latter, nor need you dispair of the former, when you return to a Country you have already done honour to.
Heaven has yet in store for you some sweet female companion to smooth the Rugged road of Life,8 and sweeten the bitter cup—indeed you shall not live single. The greatest Authority pronnounced that it was not good for Man to be alone.9
Your Hingham Friends are all well and expect your return with impatience. I cannot tell you much News of the domestick kind. Some persons say that your Friend Mr. Guild is taken with the Quincy, I hope he will do well—tho it is a Mortal complaint.10 With Regard to my comeing to Europe, Mr. A—s Letter of Febry 18 is so explicit with regard to his return that I shall not attempt it, even tho Congress appoint him to the Court of Britain, which tis said will be done.11 Mr. Smith has been waiting to know whether I should go or not, as he has been kind enough to offer me his protection. Common Fame gave him to me for a son12 this last winter, who then so proper to conduct the Mother and daughter abroad in the absence of the Father. Tis true he was politely attentive to Emelia this winter, gave her a ticket to the assembly and attended her there through the Season; which you know is sufficient for the world to unite them for life. Mr. Smith is a Gentleman of a Fair and amiable character and I sincerely wish him happily connected altho his attempts have never yet been successfull, by no means equal to his merit.—Adieu I am hurried to death to close, here is a messenger for my Letter now; I have not time to give it a Second perusal so excuse every inaccuracy and belive me most affectionately your Friend.13
The draft is more specific: “no vessels have gone from this Quarter to any part of Europe since the Iris saild in december last.” Since AA's last letter to Thaxter, 26 Oct. 1782, above, Thaxter had written ten letters to AA; all appear above.
Alexander Pope, Essay on Man, epistle IV, line 386.
The Spectator, London, 1767, 7:207–208 (the conclusion of The Spectator, No. 525, 1 Nov. 1712). Pliny the Younger wrote to Hispulla, his wife's aunt, to thank her for the excellent education she had given her niece, and to tell her how devoted his wife was to him, and what pleasure she took in every aspect of his career as a lawyer, writer, and public official.
In the draft, AA wrote and then struck out: “of the pleasure and satisfaction with which,” and replaced it with the text in the recipient's copy.
This is the letter begun on 19 Nov. 1782, above, which Thaxter finished on 20 November.
The draft reads: “your fair American, whom I rather suspect is merely Ideal.”
This and the preceding sentence are not in the draft.
In the draft these words follow: “may she never be called to the trials of Seperation which have torn so often torn the Heart of Your Friend.” The rest of the sentence in the recipient's copy and the sentence that follows there are not in the draft.
Genesis 2:18.
In place of this final clause, the draft has “constant application and attendance may have a good Effect.” Benjamin Guild would marry Elizabeth Quincy, daughter of Col. Josiah Quincy, in May 1784.
In the draft AA is less decided: “I am at a loss what to determine with regard to comeing abroad even tho Mr. Adams should be detained an other year. I shall better be able to judge when I hear from congress.” The draft was apparently composed before 29 April, when AA reported to JA that she had received his 18 Feb. letter the previous evening (to JA, 28 April, postscript, above), and perhaps on or before 27 April, when AA2 mentioned AA's receipt of an 18 Feb. letter (AA2 to Thaxter, 27 April, above; see AA to JA, 28 April, note 19, above). AA's statement here that she would not attempt to cross the Atlantic even if Congress should appoint JA minister to Great Britain contradicts her 28 April letter to JA, and its 29 April postscript, above, as well as the drafts of both that letter and the present one.
That is, a son-in-law; see AA to JA, 7 April, above. If William Smith, AA's cousin and son of Isaac Smith Sr., really did court AA2, he seems to have made little impression on her.
The draft continues: “An other opportunity will soon offer when I shall write you again. I must close now or I shall not have leisure to reply to Mr. Storer's polite and Friendly epistles—continue to write whilst you tarry abroad to your sincerely affectionate Friend.”
1783-05-06
The bearer of this, is Mr. Hardouin a French young Gentleman whose company I had the pleasure of from Hamborough to Amsterdam, and who intends to go to Havre de Grâce to form an establishment in the commercial way.
I receiv'd your favour of the 27th. of April, last friday and shall not fail writing as you enjoin me by every post: except this I shall pursue at present my Latin and Greek exercises, which have had a very long interruption.
I took up at Stockholm 420. Swedish Rixdallers which makes about 1250. Guilders and 400. Danish Rixdallers at Hamborough: a Danish Rxs: is a little more than 2 Guilders. I shall write to Mr. Dana and send him also an account of what money I have taken up on my way. Mr. Allen1 sail'd for Riga the Day before yesterday. Mr. Brush2 sets off this day for Rotterdam with an intention to go over to Ireland.
Jeremiah Allen, a Boston merchant who had traveled with the Adamses to Europe in 1779 (JQA, Diary
, 1:7, note 6).
Perhaps Eliphalet Brush, a New York merchant whom JQA had met in Amsterdam in 1781 (same, 1:76, note 1).
1783-05-07
Yesterday Mr. Johonet1 waited upon me with your favour of Febry 4th. I am sorry you have sufferd so much anxiety with regard to a domestick occurrence, it has been wholy oweing to want of conveyance that you have not much sooner been informd that what you wish, has taken place, that is that it is done with—and that this determination took place soon after my last Letter to you which was in December.2 In Jan'ry she went to Boston and spent the rest of the winter there. It is not that any of those Qualities you justly dread have appeard in this Gentleman Since his residence in this Town. His conduct has been Regular, and his Manners pure—nor has he discoverd any Love of Gaiety inconsistant even with your Ideas. I say this as it appears to me, to be the Truth, and in justification of my having had a partiality in his favour. The world look back to the days in which I knew him not: and remember him as a Beau and a Gay volatile young fellow, and tho I have never heard any vices asscribed to him, yet I think with Some of my Friends a longer period necessary to Establish a contrary Character. It has therefore been my advise and wish to put an end to the connection. I cannot affirm that it is wholy eradicated from their minds, but time will do it; your daughter has a firmness of mind and a prudence beyond her years. She will not act contrary to the advise of her Friends, and in a particular manner her parents. It is has not been a matter of indifference to either of them. Yet it is now so far laid asside as gives me reason to think it will never again be renewed; he visits here but seldom. When I received yours of Febry 4th and found your anxiety; it gave me pleasure to think I could tell you; that it was wholy done with.
The spirit which rises here against the return of the Refugees is voilent, you can hardly form an Idea of it.3 I think you are wanted much in your own Country; it must be to continue your Labours, but your Reward must be in a better State, you will Scarcly find Gratitude in this—loaves and fishes are not for you or yours. As much as has been said with regard to wishing you were here for a certain office, I do not believe it would have been carried against the Golden Calf. Many efforts were made this year to shake his Interest. In this Town it was done; and Genll. Lincoln had the vote, in Weymouth Mr. Bowdoin, in Bridgewater Lincoln. But in the Town of Boston H
Since I took my pen a Letter from Dr. Lee has reached me, he writes thus “I arrived in Philadelphia this day 23 of April, and had the Honour of receiving your commands of the 9th. Tho we were exceeding desirious of Mr. Adamses assistance in what yet remains to be done in Europe, yet his Letters were so pressing, that the Committee to whom they were referrd could not resist reporting in favour of his Resignation. Congress have not yet considerd that Report, but I think Madam you may r
I enclose a list of a few articles in the family way. I have done with any thing more.5 My last adventure from Holland was most unfortunate. The Length of the passage was such, that the News of peace arrived a few days before; Goods fell and are now sold much below the sterling coast; many are lower than ever I knew them; Some persons are obliged to sell, and I believe the peace, will ruin more merchants and traders than the War. Many solem faces you see in concequence of it. No such rapid fortunes to be acquired now. Taxes heavy, very heavey—trade stagnated, money scarce. Your daughter request by me 18 yd of white Lutestring,6 as that is a favorite coulour 153with her, and my Ladyship asks if she may now be permitted to have 10 yd of crimson English damask for a winter gown, and 18 yd of a light brown sattin, Mouse coulour. Mr. Storer has a good fancy and would purchase them if you give orders. 2 peices of good Irish linnen, ah dear Ireland, no linnen like yours—so white so strong &c. France for Cambrick, so I should like a peice as I expect to close my mercantle affairs with this Letter. Holland sends us the best tea, and if you take half a dozen pound of Hyson ditto souchong and congo, it may not be amiss—and a few pounds of spice &c. You will as a housekeeper having many articles which you will bring home—table linnen &c, which will make it unnecessary for me to write for any. I once wrote to you requesting you to send me a set of china for a dining table, but whether you never received the list7 or thought me extravagant I know not. I have never written for any thing but what has past through your hands. I suppose you have a Quantity by you which when you return you will take with you: those articles have been here so very high that I have never purchased any. Carpets I suppose you have which I wish you not to leave behind.
I shall not make any draught if I can dispose of what articles I have yet remaining. The Board and schooling of our sons runs up, and I have been purchaseing land again, tho not in Virmont. You recollesome china which I sent for without Bills. I expected when I was requested to send for it, to have had a Bill for the purpose, but instead of this, 20 Livres which were laid out for me, were charged to me a hundred and 10 pr cent, and I paid to the very person 10 dollors and half for only those 20 livres whilst upon the other side of the account stood 60 dollors worth purchased for them and charged at the Sterling coast for which I have never yet received a Livre. This is the Friendship of the World. I shall take care in future, I have Interest due upon loan office certificates to the amount of 90 dollors, but not a farthing can I get, whilst the Cry for taxes is no otherways appeased than by the payment of them. I have 154a good mind to grow selfish, but I have such an example of disinterestedness and constant Instances of personal sacrifices, family Sacrifices, pecuniary sacrifices that I shall never have resolution enough nor I hope, meaness of spirit enough to take advantage of the unprotected, the widow or the Fatherless.
Adieu company calls. A family society meet here to day. How happy should I bee that you could make one. I would give you a fine Salmon, a pair of roast Brants9 and a custard, can you dine upon such a Slender number of dishes after having been accustomed to 50 and a hundred. Aya but say you true Friendship, tender affection and mutual Love are to be found there, and that is a feast I meet not with abroad. Come then and join in the Feast of reason and flow of Soul.10 Come and give happiness to her who know not either solid pleasure or real felicity seperated from you—and who subscribes most tenderly and affectionatly
My Pappa sets by and desires to be rememberd to you, Uncle Q
Col. Gabriel Johonnot, father of young Samuel who traveled to Europe in 1779 with the Adamses (vol. 3:236, note 1).
23 and 30 Dec. 1782, above, although AA had written again in Jan. and April, above.
At the time of AA's writing, when the campaign for the spring elections was underway, there were several communications to the Boston newspapers opposing the return of the loyalists and urging voters not to choose any who had returned, or any “tory like gentry,” as representatives. Boston organized a committee of correspondence to cooperate with like committees in other towns to prevent refugees from returning, and to examine and expose those who had already returned. One letter in the Gazette, signed “Consideration,” explicitly discussed Article 5 of the preliminary articles of peace, and urged that Massachusetts and other states reject the article's “recommendation” that Tory refugees be allowed to return, or to reclaim their property. (Boston Evening Post, 19 April; Independent Ledger, 5 May; Boston Gazette, 5 May.)
See Arthur Lee to AA, 23 April, above, and notes 2 and 3 there.
No separate list of articles has been found. On AA's selling of goods received from JA, which she here declares to be at an end, see vols. 3 and 4, and esp. the introduction.
A kind of glossy silk fabric (
OED
).
See AA to JA, 17 March 1782 (vol. 4:297). JA does not, in any extant letter, mention receiving AA's letter or the enclosed list of purchases.
Ebenezer Adams, uncle to JA, died in 1769, less than a month after his son Micajah, whose heirs were three daughters and a son. Micajah's daughter Huldah married Moses Babcock of East Milton, Mass., in 1782. The land that AA purchased is described in the 155deed, dated 2 May, by which Moses and Huldah Babcock sold the seven acres to JA for £57. (A. N. Adams, Geneal. Hist. of Henry Adams of Braintree
, 1:401, 412, 431; deed in Adams Office Papers).
Wild geese (
OED
).
See AA to JA, 7 April, at note 2, above.
This piece has not been identified, and the initials given here are uncertain—the “Q” is poorly formed.
1783-05-09
I wrote you last Tuesday by Mr. Hardouin who will arrive in Paris I suppose to morrow. I have not yet began to pursue my studies, on account of the fair; but intend to begin directly. I take a walk every day and, once or twice a week a ride on horse-back. Every thing here is full of Life at present on account of the Fair, which will be over to morrow evening.
I am afraid I shall not see you this long time: and that we shall not have the pleasantest season in the year to return: I believe Mr. van Berkel will not go before the middle of June and perhaps not so soon as that. I shall write soon to our Friends in America, I have not heard from them this long while, I hope they are all well.
1783-05-10
No opportunity of writing has pressented since I was so happy as to receive two excellnt letters from my Dear Pappa, neither of them of a date later than actober.1 Not a vessell has sailed for Europe these many months. All the return that it is in my power to make, is to indeavour to assure you Sir that I feel a greater degree of gratitude for all your favours, than it is possible for me to express. It is the foundation of virtue, and I hope is fully impressed on my heart.
I assure you my Dear Sir that I have suffered, not a little mortification, whenever I reflected that I have requested a favour of you that your heart and judgment did not readily assent to grant.2 Twas not that your refusal pained me, but the consciousness that there was an impropriety, in my soliciting whatever you should consider incompattiable to comply with. It has rendered me so througherly dissatisfied with my own oppinion and judgment, that I shall for the future take care to avoid the possibility of erring in a similar situa-156tion manner and shall feel doubly gratified by the receipt of aney favour unsollicited.
Whatever Books my Dear Sir you think proper to recommend to me, I shall receive with particular pleasure, those of your choice, cannot fail, to gratify your Daughter. I have not that taste for history which I wish and which might be greatly advantagous, but I hope it is yet to be acquired.
Permit me my Dear pappa to join the general voice in addressing my congratulations on your late happy success in your publick station. None I believe refuse to acknowledge and express the gratified that is due to those who have been immediately instrumental in accomplishing this great event, altho many persons do not appear gratified with it. It does not so intirely coincide with their own interest, as they wish, and this principle of selfinterest is too often the governing power of the mind. It is upon the same motive that I am so intirely gratified, by it—as it leads me to look forward with pleasure to your return. I hope the period is not far distant. Yet I still have an ardent desire to cross the atlantick, it is quite as powerfull as ever. Was you to continue abroad I should not feel contented with the distant prospect I have had of it for these few years, past.
I wrote you last December by Mr. Robbins3 a young gentleman who was for some time an instructor to my Brothers. He has been detained all Winter in Virginia and I suppose my letter will never reach you.
It seems almost an age since we have received aney direct accounts from my Brother John. I feel at times as if we were growing into Life strangers to each other. It is a painfull reflection to my mind. I hope he has not lost in aney degree his affection for his friends, or the remembrance of them. His advantages are great, and I flatter myself that his improvements in every thing necessary, and usefull, will be in proportion.
I hope my Dear Sir that you will receive this; before you leave Europe. It will remind you of a Daughter who derives her happiness from the anticipation of y
Probably those of 26 Sept. 1782(vol. 4:383–384), and 16 Oct. 1782, above.
AA2 had apparently asked JA for a book that he thought was somehow improper or 157frivolous (JA to AA2, 26 Sept. 1782, vol. 4:383–384).
Not found; see AA to Chandler Robbins Jr.,
1783-05-10
Where, or in what part of the world to address you, my dear brother, I do not at present know; but I can no longer restrain my pen. It is a long, very long time, since we have had any accounts from you; not a line has your sister received since you left her, now more than three years.2 Is it right, my brother? Have you not written her once? I will hope you have not been unmindful. Have you not almost forgot your friends, and do you not feel forgotten by them? Indeed, it sometimes seems to me as if you were lost. But I hope the period is not far distant when we shall all meet, and this long absence will lead us to enjoy the moment with a pleasure known only to those who have felt the pain of a long separation. We now live in expectation of papa's returning in the course of the summer, an event that is looked forward to with pleasure by many; may no unforeseen event blast the pleasing prospect. Our brothers are gone from home to school under the care of Mr. Shaw. Mamma considered it most for their advantage; we find their absence very disagreeable. Our whole family at present consists of only five; we are indeed quite lonely. Charles was just become an agreeable companion; he is a sweet little fellow, I assure you. Tom is something of a rogue, but will not be the less worthy in future, I dare say. You, my brother, have become so great a traveller that much is expected from you. I hope to see you return every thing we wish you, and I dare flatter myself I shall not be disappointed. You will have acquired a store, a useful store of knowledge, from which will result a great advantage to yourself, and improvement to your friends. You must remember that we expect to reap the first of your advantages, in some degree, and you must not, when you return, refuse to gratify that desire of information which we all possess, and which, if directed aright, may be made the foundation of great improvement. You have a sister who looks forward to your return with feelings that 'tis not in the power of words to describe; she anticipates a pleasure that is only to be felt; you have but one. I never knew the blessing; but in my brothers shall have the want fully compensated. There is no higher pleasure, no greater 158happiness, than a family bound by the ties of love, and cemented by the bonds of affection, where each for the other feels more than for himself, and where the chief end and aim is to render each other happy: this I wish may be our situation; it will; and the advantages arising will be mutual. I cannot bear the idea of growing into life strangers to each other; this may, in some degree, be avoided by writing to and for each other. Let me solicit you not to continue thus silent. If you are to be from us, write constantly; let no opportunity escape you. I will be punctual in future, I assure you. You have before you an admirable example of attention and every other quality that appears amiable and engaging in a brother,—I mean in Mr. Storer,—he is considered as the criterion by all his friends and acquaintances. He will feel fully rewarded by the opinion that is entertained of him. I hope you keep a journal, 'tis a practice I have often heard highly recommended by papa3 and mamma, as greatly advantageous. Yours, my brother, may be replete with events. You have become acquainted with countries and characters which, I doubt not, you have made your observations upon, and that will give you pleasure to peruse in a future day, when you can only look back to the scenes you have passed as something you cannot realize, and will give pleasure and satisfaction to any one who feels that attachment for you that would lead them to feel interested in every event of your life. Here I could point out many. Your sister, I hope, will be the first in your mind; she feels greatly interested in your present and future welfare; and she hopes to see you exhibit such a character in life as she shall feel happy in acknowledging as her brother. If you possess the same degree of regard for her that she feels towards you, you will not receive amiss any thing her heart dictates.
This goes by a vessel from Providence to England; I hope You will receive it in Paris or Amsterdam. In whatever country it reaches you, let it remind you of one whose chief happiness is in hearing from those absent persons in whose esteem she claims some small share, and who ever feels happy in subscribing herself
Jour. and Corr.
, 2:24–27.)
This conjectural date is assigned from the date of AA2 to JA, immediately above. AA2 probably sent both letters to Europe with AA to JA, 7 May, above.
The only surviving JQA letter to AA2 before this date was written 27 Sept. 1778 (vol. 3:93–94); but see vol. 4:126–127, and note 1. AA2 had written JQA on 24 May 1781 and 3 May 1782 (vol. 4:126–127, 319–321).
See JA to AA2, 17
1783-05-12
The fair ended last Saturday, and yesterday1 I began to translate Suetone's life of Caligula;2 Mr. Dumas who is so good as to direct my studies, says you chose I should translate Suetone. I shall begin upon the Greek Testament3 directly.
The 4th. of this Month a vessel from Philadelphia arrived in the Texel, and last saturday Mr. Dumas receiv'd two large packets one of which he forwards this day. T'is said here that the preliminary articles between Great-Britain and this Republick are about to be signed, and that the Definitive Treaty will soon be finished; if so I hope you will soon be here.4
Please to present my respects to Messrs. Storer and Thaxter.
That is, Sunday, the 11th.
An 8-page MS fragment of a rough-draft French translation of Suetonius' Caligula survives from this exercise (M/JQA/45, Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 240). Between March and July 1784, JQA produced a finished 462-page French translation of the first six of Suetonius' Lives of the Twelve Caesars (Julius Caesar through Nero) (M/JQA/44, Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 239). At the end of his finished translation of Caligula, JQA noted that he had merely copied it from a translation that he completed on 22 July 1783, which must be the translation that he refers to here. See also JQA, Diary
, 1:175, note 2, 207, note 1; 2:44, note 1.
See JA to JQA, 27 April, note 5, above.
The preliminary articles between Great Britain and the Netherlands were not signed until 2 Sept. (Morris, Peacemakers
, p. 436). The “Definitive Treaty” between the United States and Britain was signed in Paris on 3 Sept., but JA visited Holland in July.
1783-05-13
No Letters from you by the two last Posts. Let me hear from you as Soon and as often as you can. This is the only Substitute for the Pleasure of Seeing you, which I fear I cannot enjoy for Some time, as the Conferences for the definitive Treaty languish more than I could wish.
When I desired you to send me an Account of your Expences, I did not mean a particular Account, but only the Amount, or Sum total of all your Expences upon your Journey from Petersbourg. You 160must write to Mr. Dana too, if you have not already done it, an Account of all the Money you took up, on his Account on the Road.
1783-05-14
Mr. Hardouin has just now called upon me, and delivered me your Letter of the 6 Instant.
I find that, although, your hand Writing is distinct and legible, yet it has not engaged So much of your Attention as to be remarkably neat.1 I Should advise you to be very carefull of it: never to write in a hurry, and never to let a Slovenly Word or Letter go from you. If one begins at your Age, it is easier to learn to write well than ill, both in Characters and Style. There are not two prettier accomplishments than a handsome hand and Style, and these are only to be acquired in youth. I have Suffered much, through my whole Life, from a Negligence of these Things in my young days, and I wish you to know it. Your hand and Style, are clear enough to Shew that you may easily make them manly and beautifull, and when a habit is got, all is easy.
I See your Travells have been expensive, as I expected they would be: but I hope your Improvements have been worth the Money. Have you kept a regular Journal?2 If you have not, you will be likely to forget most of the Observations you have made. If you have omitted this Usefull Exercise, let me advise you to recommence it, immediately. Let it be your Amusement, to minute every day, whatever you may have seen or heard worth Notice. One contracts a Fondness of Writing by Use. We learn to write readily, and what is of more importance We think, and improve our Judgments, by committing our Thoughts to Paper.
Your Exercises in Latin and Greek must not be omitted a Single day, and you should turn your Mind, a little to Mathematicks. There is among my Books a Fennings Algebra. Begin it immediately and go through it, by a Small Portion every day. You will find it as entertaining as an Arabean Tale. The Vulgar Fractions3 with which it begins, is the best extant, and you should make yourself quite familiar with it.
A regular Distribution of your Time, is of great Importance. You 161must measure out your Hours, for Study, Meals, Amusements, Exercise and Sleep, and suffer nothing to divert you, at least from those devoted to study.
But above all Things, my son, take Care of your Behaviour and preserve the Character you have acquired, for Prudence and Solidity. Remember your tender Years and treat all the World with Modesty, Decency and Respect.
The Advantage you have in Mr. Dumas's Attention to you is a very prescious one. He is himself a Walking Library, and so great a Master of Languages ancient and modern is very rarely Seen. The Art of asking Questions is the most essential to one who wants to learn. Never be too wise to ask a Question.4
Be as frugal as possible, in your Expences.
Write to your Mamma Sister and Brothers, as often as you have opportunity. It will be a Grief to me to loose a Spring Passage home, but although I have my fears I dont yet despair.
Every Body gives me a very flattering Character of your Sister, and I am well pleased with what I hear of you: The principal Satisfaction I can expect in Life, in future will be in your good Behaviour and that of my other Children. My Hopes from all of you are very agreable. God grant, I may not be dissappointed.
JQA's letter of the 6th has two words crossed out and two others written over. JA had repeatedly criticized JQA's hand in 1780; see vol. 3:309, 315–316, and illustrations 10 and 11 following p. 212; and vol. 4:47.
JQA's Diary entries, brief but fairly numerous during his stay in Russia (JQA, Diary
, 1:101–153), varied greatly in length on his return journey through Sweden, Nov. 1782 to Feb. 1783 (same, 1:154–173), and then virtually ceased for the remainder of his journey through Denmark, Germany, and Holland (same, 1:174–175).
That is, common fractions, although in this case the numerators and denominators were algebraic expressions rather than numbers (
OED
, under “Fraction”). The book is Daniel Fenning, The Young Algebraist's Companion, or, A New and Easy Guide to Algebra, 2d edn., London, 1751 (
Catalogue of JA's Library
).
This sentence appears to have been inserted after the next one-line paragraph was written.
1783-05-18
You may well Suppose that I am not very easy when you are informed that We have no News from America, and that the definitive Treaty is neither Signed, or likely to be Signed very Soon. Mr. Hartley it is true is here and is well disposed to finish, with Liberality and 162with dispatch: but he must wait for orders at every Step, and his principals are either not firm in their Places or not decided in their System: So that it is impossible to foresee, when the End will be. I hope the first Ships will bring me, my Quietus. If my Resignation is accepted, I do not yet despair of embarking in the Month of June. If it is not, I must wait for a Fall Passage, which will be much less agreable. I am at Sea and must wait the Motions of Winds and currents.
What I most dread is, that my Resignation will not be accepted, in which Case I shall be necessitated either to go home without Leave, or Stay in Europe in a ridiculous state of Torture. This last I will not long submit too. I have already contracted in Holland, Disorders which will perhaps never leave me, and the poisonous Steams of that Country, are utterly inconsistent with my Health, besides it is a Place where I can do no good; for which Reasons I am unalterably determined not to remain there.
To send another to England and oblige me to remain in Holland would be a Piece of Tyranny; and a Slight and an affront to me which I will not bear at all Events. To take the Conduct of a publick affair from a Man who has, made Voyages and Journeys run Risques and made Sacrifices, in the discharge of his Duty and brought it almost to a Conclusion, is regarded by every Man, who knows any Thing of human Feelings, as a most invidious Injustice. And whoever is the sordid Crawler to swallow it, I am not.
Our Son is at the Hague in good health, and pursuing his Studies. I hope, our other Children are well. I hear Coffin is arrived and I hope what he had for you and my other Nabby were satisfactory.1
“Other” is inserted above the line. For Coffin's cargo, see JA to AA, 7 April and note 3, above.
1783-05-19
I am glad to learn, by your Favour of the 12th, that you have begun to translate Suetonius. This is a very proper book to teach you to love your Country and her Laws. Do you translate it into French or English?
You Should always have a Book of Amusement, to read, along with 163your Severe Studies and laborious Exercises. I should not advise you to take these Books always from the shelf of Plays and Romances, nor yet from that of History. I Should recommend to you Books of Morals, as the most constant Companions, of your Hours of Relaxation, through the whole Course of your Life. There is in Barbeyrac's Writings, an History of the Rise and Progress of the science of Morality which I would have you read with Care, early in Life. It is printed with his Puffendorf I think in English.1
The Writings of Clark, Cudworth, Hutchinson, Butler, Woolaston,2 and many Sermons, upon Morals subjects will be worth your Attention, as well as Cicero Seneca &c.
I cannot enlarge, because the Post is on the Point of departing.
Jean Barbeyrac, An Historical and Critical Account of the Science of Morality . . ., transl. by “Mr. Carew of Lincoln's Inn,” appeared as a preface to Samuel Pufendorf 's Of the Law of Nature and Nations, London, 1729, which Barbeyrac annotated (
Catalogue of JA's Library
).
All of these writers based morality on reasoning, whether psychological or philosophical. Samuel Clarke, Francis Hutcheson, and Joseph Butler are extracted or cited in JA's Literary Commonplace Book of 1755–1756 (JA, Papers
, 1:9, 10). Ralph Cudworth, a seventeenth-century professor of Hebrew and one of the Cambridge Platonists, is best known for his The True Intellectual System of the Universe: wherein All the Reason and Philosophy of Atheism Is Confuted, and Its Impossibility Demonstrated (1678). William Wollaston became famous for his Religion and Nature Delineated (1724), which sold ten thousand copies soon after its publication. Wollaston offered an intellectual basis for morality by deducing it “from logical necessity.” All of these writers appear in
DNB
, and all except Wollaston are represented in JA's library, although the edition of Clarke is of a later date than this letter (
Catalogue of JA's Library
).
1783-05-20
No News yet from America!1 We Yesterday, exchanged Full Powers with Mr. Hartley, and have agreed to meet at my House, every Evening at Six o Clock, untill We Shall have finished.2 This looks as if We were under Weigh, and I hope We shall reach Port. But cannot guess, how Soon.
My Residence in Holland has given me many faithfull Remembrancers, and among the Rest the Scurvy. I walk every day, never less than a League and some days two or three. I am as carefull of my Diet, Rest &c. as possible: but all is not enough. I shall never get rid 164of the Rests of that Fever and the damp Chills and Sour putrid Steams of the Low Countries.
Their Records are full of me, and my Veins are full of their Stagnant Water, they send me Medals too to perpetuate the Remembrance. Three different Medals have been sent me Since I have been in Paris, one in Commemoration of the Resolution of the States of Friesland, in Feb. 1782 to receive me, another of that of the states General of 19th. of April 1782, and a third of the signature of the Treaty 8 Oct. 1782.3
I hope a Voyage home, and a little Repose may restore me to health or at least give me some Relief.
I wonder of what Materials, Congress think I am made? When they found it necessary to recall that honest Steady, persevereing virtuous Patriot and Citizen Mr. Silas Deane, they were anxious to Save his Reputation, and covered up his Faults by a pretence that they wanted to consult with him about their foreign Affairs. When, at the Instigation of French Finesse, they took from me Authorities, in the Execution of which I had gone so far, and which french Finesse wanted taken from me for no other Reason but because it knew I should execute it too faithfully, they never thought of assigning any Reason at all. Stat pro ratione Voluntas.4 And Posterity are left to accuse or suspect me if they can. Thank God they can accuse, nor suspect me of any Thing, but an Integrity of full Proof in all Tryals. But Posterity can think very meanly of those Members of Congress, who voted for those Sordid Resolutions.
JA writes this sentence in unusually large characters.
These medals are now in the MHi. The second of those mentioned here appears as an illustration in JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:x, and opposite p. 65. All three medals, and two others, are illustrated in Celeste Walker, John Adams & a “signal Tryumph”: The Begining of 200 Years of American-Dutch Friendship, Massachusetts Historical Society, Picturebook, Boston, 1982, illustration 24.
Will stands for reason. JA also writes this well-known maxim, adapted from Juvenal (Satire VI, 223), in exceptionally large characters.
1783-05-24
Last Tuesday I went to pay a visit to Mr. van Berkel and when I return'd I receiv'd your favours of the 13 and 14th. instants in which you say, you expect not to be here so soon as you wish, on account 165of the Signature of the definitive Treaty. Unless you were present I could not be better plac'd than as I am at present; as Mr. Dumas is so good as to direct and assist me in my Studies. For an amusement I have begun to read Virgil, and Mr. Dumas has advis'd me to begin with the 4th. Eneid. He reads it with me; and explains me every thing which regards the ancient rites; and ceremonies. We commonly read about 100. verses at a time and when we have done I read to Mr. Dumas Dryden's translation1 of the same.
Please to present my best respects to Messrs. Thaxter and Storer.
At some point JQA acquired John Dryden's translation of Virgil's Works in four volumes, London, 1782; it is now in MQA.
1783-05-28
I have had the pleasure of recieving your favor of the 20th. instant.1 With regard to the Miniature of Genl. Washington, which Mr. D
I am as anxious to take You by the Hand, as you can possibly be to see me. I hope we shall meet soon. But I presume not to say when, as Business is not as yet tout-à fait finished. Tis impossible to foresee, exactly when the whole Web will be completed. 'Tis a spinning Negociation.
You will not take it amiss, that I have still so much of the Pedagogue about me, as to recommend very seriously to You a strict Attention to the Latin and Greek Languages, while You remain at the Hague, and You will suffer me also to press You to avail yourself of the classical Knowledge and good Disposition of Mr. Dumas as much as possible. He is an excellent Linguist, and I am too well convinced of your turn for Study, to doubt a Moment of a steady Application to this important Branch of Education. You will recieve the above as the Hints of a Friend, and not as the officious Intermedlings of one who loves to interfere in every Body's Business.
We are a long time without News from Boston. We are in daily Expectation of some Arrivals. But Patience is almost worn out.
Mr. Storer returns Compliments to You. Please to present his and my Respects to the Family You are in.
Not found.
The editors can throw little light upon the Washington miniature and its failure to arrive in St. Petersburg. In a letter of 28 March 1782 O.S. (Adams Papers), Francis Dana requested that JA send a copy of it, and JA replied on 17 Sept. that he had “sent Repertorium der diplomatischen Vertreter aller Länder
, 3:268).
1783-05-29
It gives me great Pleasure to find, that your Situation is agreable to you. An abler Instructor than Mr. Dumas is not to be found. Is not an 100 Verses at a Time too long a Lesson?1 Are you familiar enough with the Latin to comprehend So many Verses at once? You have Ainsworths Dictionary2 I presume. Let no Word escape you, without being understood.
Drydens is a good translation, but it is not Virgil. You will do well to Study the Difference. There is another English Translation of Virgil. It is in blank Verse, done by Dr. Trapp.3 This is thought by Some to be better than Dryden's, but I am not of that opinion. It is worth your while however to have it if you can get it.
I dont know but the Book of Games would be more proper for your young head, than the History of Dido.4
You translate Suetonius in Writing, I hope, and preserve your Translation as you did that of Phaedrus.5 I Should advise you to make a compleat Translation of Suetonius, in order to make yourself Master of the Work.
See JQA to JA, 24 May, above, for JQA's reading of Virgil, and for Dryden's translation of Virgil, to which JA refers below.
Robert Ainsworth, Dictionary, English and Latin, London, 1773 (
Catalogue of JA's Library
).
Joseph Trapp, Aeneis of Virgil, Translated into Blank Verse, 2 vols., London, 1718–20. At 167some point JQA acquired Virgil's complete Works in Trapp's blank verse translation (4th edn., 3 vols., London, 1755; now in MQA).
The romance of Queen Dido of Carthage and the Trojan leader Aeneas is the subject of Virgil, Aeneid, book IV, which JQA was reading (to JA, 24 May, above). Book V of the same work, the “Book of Games,” describes the athletic contests held by the Trojans in Sicily after their departure from Carthage.
See JQA to JA, 12 May, note 2, above. JQA had studied the Latin fabulist Phaedrus in Paris in 1780 and in Leyden in 1781, but the French translation that he copied out in Leyden was the work of his language teacher, not his own (see vols. 3:307, and note 4; 4:xvi, 113, 118, and note 1).
1783-05-30
Here I am, out of all Patience. Not a Word from America. The British Ministry, lingering on. Mr. Hartley uncertain what to do. No Regulation of Commerce agreed on. No definitive Treaty of Peace, Signed, nor likely to be Signed very Soon. My Spring Passage home lost. To embark in July or August, would be the worst Season of the whole Year—on Account of Heat and Calms. I dont See a Possibility of embarking before September or October.
The total Idleness, the perpetual Uncertainty We are in, is the most insipid and at the Same Time disgusting and provoking Situation imaginable. I had rather be employed in carting Street Dust and Marsh Mud.
Neither do I know how or where, I shall get a Passage. I could now go with Mr. Van Berckel in a fine new 68 Gun ship. In the Fall, I suppose I shall be obliged to step on board a Merchant ship loaded down to the Brim. But whether from Holland, or from Some Port in France I know not. So many Vessells will run away to England, that I fear it will be difficult to find a Passage from France or Holland.
But We must bear it all, if We can.
Our Son is at the Hague pursuing his Studies with great Ardour. They give him a good Character wherever he has been, and I hope he will make a good Man.
It is unaccountable that not one Vessell should have arrived from any Part of New England, Since the Peace nor for so long a Time before. But all is Mystery. Pray write me. Dont omit to write, untill I arrive home, direct to the Care of Mr. Dumas a L'hotel des Etats Unis D'Amerique, at the Hague, or to the Care of Mr. Jay, at Paris. These Gentlemen will take Care of your Letters, if I should be gone.
1783-06-06
I receiv'd last Tuesday your favour of the 29th of last month. As Mr. Dumas is so good as to read Virgil with me; 100 verses at a time is not too much at a Time. I have not Ainsworth's Dictionnary, but I have Lyttleton's,1 and several French one's. I don't think I shall be able to find Trapp's translation of Virgil here; but I have enough with that of Dryden. I had already began to translate Suetonius in writing. I have began it in French, as it is more convenient to me and to Mr. Dumas who corrects the translation. I have began with the Life of Caligula.
I have heard nothing about the finishing the Peace for some time; it was said here, near a fortnight agone that all was over; but at present I hear nothing said about it.
Adam Littleton, Latin Dictionary, 6th edn., London, 1735, is in MQA; it has JQA's signature and “1781” on the titlepage.
1783-06-09
Paris
What would I not give for an Arrival from America? or for certain Advice from London of the Appointment of a Ministry, or for the Arrival here of a Minister to Sign the definitive Treaty?1
What would I not give for an Arrival from America or for Advice from London what the Ministry intend to do? Mr. Hartley is now here but We advance slowly to the definitive Treaty. I can now have no hopes of Seeing you before late in the Fall. If the Acceptance of my Resignation arrives, as I expect, and We finish the Peace, as soon as I can reasonably hope, I shall not now be able to embark before October. The Affairs of the World have little Complaisance for my Happiness, or yours, but it is not worth our while to be impatient, because it will do us no good. I am astonished however that We have nothing from Congress nor from you.
169If you and your Daughter were with me, I could keep up my Spirits, but idly and insipidly as I pass my time, I am weary, worn and disgusted to death. I had rather chop Wood, dig Ditches, and make fence upon my poor little farm. Alass! poor Farm and poorer Family what have you lost, that your Country might be free and that others might catch fish and hunt Deers and Bevers at their Ease?2
There will be as few of the “Tears of Gratitude” or “the Smiles of Admiration,” or the “Sighs of Pity” for Us, as for the Army. But all this should not hinder me from going over the same Scaenes again upon the Same Occasion, Scaenes which I would not encounter for all the Wealth Pomp and Powers of the World.
Boys! if you ever Say one Word, or utter one Complaint, I will disinherit you. Work you Rogues and be free. You will never have so hard Work to do as Papa has had.
Daughter! Get you an honest Man for a Husband, and keep him honest. No matter whether he is rich, provided he be independent. Regard the Honour and moral Character of the Man more than all other Circumstances. Think of no other Greatness but that of the soul, no other Riches but those of the Heart. An honest, Sensible humane Man, above all the Littlenesses of Vanity, and Extravagances of Imagination, labouring to do good rather than be rich, to be usefull rather than make a show, living in a modest Simplicity clearly within his Means and free from Debts or Obligations, is really the most respectable Man in Society, makes himself and all about him the most happy.
I long to see my dear John, as much as the Rest, but he is well at the Hague and I cannot go to him nor do I think it prudent to bring him to Paris.
I have accomplished a Correspondence between the Royal society of Medicine here, and the Republican one at Boston at the Desire of Dr. Tufts3 but have not yet found a carefull Hand to send the Diploma.
The reason for JA's failure to complete this letter in April is not known to the editors. In the two months following this date, JA wrote at least six letters to AA; all are printed above. But with the similarity between his April and June opening sentences JA underscores how little his situation had changed.
Compare JA to Richard Cranch, 15 Dec. 1782, above, and note 1 there.
JA had visited the Académie Royale de Chirurgie on 19 Dec. 1782, and about 20 Dec. had written to the Société Royale de Médecine to propose a correspondence between them and the Massachusetts Medical Society, founded in 1781. Members of these and other French medical societies soon 170wrote to JA, accepting his proposal. Copies of eight letters in this correspondence are in Lb/JA/22 (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 110), dated from Diary and Autobiography
, 3:97, and note 1, 98, and note 1).
1783-06-10
Day after day, Week after Week, Month after Month, roll away and bring Us no News. I am So weary of this idle useless Time, that I dont know what to do with myself. I dont wonder that People who have So much more of Such Time, than has fallen to my Share, have recourse to Play for dissipation.
I find myself in the Same Situation with my Lord Chesterfield who Says in one of his Letters, that he had a dangerous Fever in Holland, that after his Recovery the febrific humour fell into his Legs which Swelled to Such a degree as to be very troublesome to himself and all who came near him. That upon his Return to England he consulted Mead, Broxholme and Arbuthnot who were ignorant of his Disorder and did him no good but on the contrary increased the Swelling by improper Applications of Poultices &c. That he then consulted a surgeon who told him his Evil proceeded from a Relaxation of the skin and that he must bath his Legs, every Morning in Brine from the Salters in which Meat had been pickled, as warm as he could bear it. He followed this Advice and in three Weeks all his Symptoms disappeared and never returned.1
My Swelling has never been So violent, but it is not yet cured. If I increase my Exercise, beyond the usual degree, it returns in
It is now 3 Months Since Barney arrived in Philadelphia and We have no answers to any of our Letters. What is the Meaning of it?
JA is paraphrasing Lord Chesterfield's letter to his son of 15 Nov. 1766 (Letters of Philip Dormer Stanhope, 4th Earl of Chesterfield, ed. Bonamy Dobrée, London, 1711932, 6:2778–2780). Chesterfield's illness occurred in 1732 while he was the British ambassador at The Hague. Dr. Richard Mead was a physician to royalty and author of notable treatises on poisons and on the control of the plague; Dr. Noel Broxholme was sometime physician to Queen Caroline, and to Frederick, Prince of Wales, son of George II; and Dr. John Arbuthnot was a favorite physician to Queen Anne (all in
DNB
).
1783-06-10
It would give me great Satisfaction to have it in my power to reply to any Letter from you since October last. But that pleasure is denied me. I feel that I am deprived of one Source of Instruction and Entertainment, in being deprived of your excellent Letters. And I support the Privation with little Philosophy. I am thoroughly tired of this cold Consolation, “wait with Patience.” Tis oftentimes the Counsel of the deepest, tho' disguised, Impatience. With this opinion I quit it, or I shall soon fall into a violent fit of fretting, unless I go and pass an Hour with my fair Nun,1 whose Countenance and Language are Contentment. I have seen her several times of late. On my last Visit, She was doing Penance, and it was with the utmost difficulty I could obtain Leave to speak to her, as in that Season they are not allowed to speak to any Visitant but upon a very pressing Occasion. I was happy enough to succeed, and to introduce Mr. Codman2 who delivered her a Letter from her Mother, which was some kind of Atonement for withdrawing her even but for a Moment from the good work of Penance. Why She was in this State, I know not. I had concieved that the Life of a Nun was an eternal Series of Acts of Penance, and was much surprized to find that certain portions of time are allotted to this pious business. What offences the Spouses of Jesus Christ can be capable or guilty of, I am not enough in the Secrets of a Convent to determine. So that I am left to Conjectures, which perhaps may be ill founded and injurious, and therefore very proper to remain where they originated.
Two Nuns have lately taken the Veil. As I had an Invitation to the Ceremony, I conducted a married Lady of my Acquaintance to see it. The Ceremony was much the same as that I formerly gave you an Account of.3 The Sermon was decidedly in favor of that kind of life, as freest from the Evils, Vices and Embarrassments of the World; assuring that it was the only State of Happiness this side of Heaven. He really gave his Audience a severe Lecture, and represented them as in a doubtful State. He did not say, that they would all perish finally, but lashed them without Mercy in speaking of the World at 172large. If he had been a little spare meagre Abby with one foot in the Grave, he might pardonably have painted the World in hideous Colours and bid it a sour Adieu. But the contrary was the fact. Our Orator was in the Bloom of Life and a Picture of Health, but an Abby, condemned by his State to Batchelorism. He made but few Proselytes, if even he himself gave full Credit to his own Doctrine. The married Ladies and Widows deny his System, and are angry enough with him to blanket him.4 And indeed I would inlist as a Volunteer in their Service in so laudable an Undertaking. But the World is full of Contradictions and Absurdities, and the Sermon was only a small Addition to the great Mass.
I have lately met with the Life of Eloise and Abeilard5 in French, as well as the Letters that passed between them. I have bought them, and read them through. 'Tis an interesting Story to Lovers I believe, and I think at 19. I should have read it with more Goût than at present. My Season is over. And for a Year past I have philosophized so much upon Love and Matrimony, that the Sentiment of the former is extinguished to its due degree, and an Inclination for the latter entirely lost. Therefore if I can now read the History of the unfortunate Pair without the ordinary Marks of Sensibility, it must be esteemed rather as a proof of Philosophy than a want of a proper feeling. No one is to be deemed callous whose Sensibility does not instantly melt into Tears on reading or hearing an affecting History or Anecdote. Passions operate differently on different Subjects—more or less violently. Who knows the Sufferings and convulsive Agitations of one who shews few external Marks of them? A Tear is often an equivocal proof of Sensibility.
However notwithstanding my smart Philosophy, I have a strange Inclination to go to Paraclete,6 the Convent built by Abeilard, and of which Eloise was the Superior. I feel a kind of Veneration for the Place, and I believe that kind of Curiosity which leads People to visit particular celebrated Spots of Earth will carry me there, with Pope's Translation of Eloise's Letter. As I have made up my Mind about Matrimony and am in no danger of becoming Love sick I may go in safety. If I should take the Journey, as it is only a day's ride, you may depend on a particular Description from me.
Please to remember me affectionately to your Family, particularly to Miss A. at her nuptial Ceremony as an old Acquaintance I may claim an Invitation. Respects to all Friends.
Miss Maroni.
Probably Stephen Codman of Boston; see vol. 4:218, and note 1, and John Jay to the president of Congress, 6 Feb. 1782 (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 5:150).
In Thaxter to AA, 21 Aug. 1780 (vol. 3:398–399).
Probably to toss him in the air, using a blanket; possibly to cover up (stifle) him (
OED
).
The twelfth-century theologian Pierre Abélard seduced his pupil Héloise, and when he learned that she was pregnant, secretly married her. But Héloise's uncle, upon discovering Abélard's deception, had him castrated. Héloise then retired to a convent, and Abélard entered a monastic order. This medieval love story, told in a long correspondence attributed to the two lovers, held a powerful appeal in the eighteenth century. Thaxter's interest in the tale may have been sparked by Pope's “Eloisa to Abelard,” a poem to which he refers, below, as “Pope's Translation of Eloise's Letter.”
Le Paraclet, which Thaxter locates, below, as “only a day's ride” from Paris, is near Nogent-sur-Seine, over sixty miles southeast of Paris.
1783-06-12
The Bearer of this Letter, Eliphalet Fitch Esqr., a Gentleman of large Fortune and high in office in Jamaica, is a Grandson of Dr. Boylston and consequently your Relation.1
You will wait upon him and his Lady, and do yourself the honor to shew them all the Attention and Respect in your Power, while they stay at the Hague.
Eliphalet Fitch was receiver general and a judge of the supreme court of Jamaica. He was born in Boston in 1740, the son of Benjamin Fitch and Jerusha Boylston, the daughter of Dr. Zabdiel Boylston, who introduced innoculation for smallpox into America. Dr. Zabdiel Boylston was the brother of JA's grandfather, Peter Boylston; thus Fitch and JA were second cousins. See JA to C. W. F. Dumas, 12 June (Adams Papers);
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 7:335–336;
DAB
(Zabdiel Boylston).
1783-06-14
I had thoughts of writing to you before I received my last Letters from abroad, because you have frequently flatterd me with an assurance that my advise is not unacceptable to you.1 I thought I had some hints to drop to you which might Serve your interest. I feel an additional motive to take my pen, and communicate to you a passage from my Last Letter.2
“My dear daughters happiness employs my Thoughts Night and 174day. Do not let her form any connection with any one who is not devoted intirely to Study and to Buisness—To honour and to virtue. If there is a Trait of Frivolity and dissapation left I pray that She may renounce it forever; I ask not Fortune nor favour for mine, But prudence Talents and Labour—She may go with my consent whereever She can find enough of these.”
You have before you sentiments and principals which your Reason must assent to, and your judgment approve, as the only solid foundation upon which a youth can Build: who is entering into Life, with satisfaction to his own mind, or a prospect of happiness for his connections. Talants are not wanting, shall they lack Labour for improvement, or industery for cultivation?
Honour and virtue, are they not inmates and companions? Is their a Trait of Frivolity and dissapation left? Examine your own Heart with candour, let it not deceive you. These are the Rocks and quick Sands. Dissapation enervates the Man, dissolves every good purpose and resolution, it excuses a thousand ways his deviations from the path of Rectitude, and in the end becomes his distroyer. It puts on like a mere Proteous a thousand different forms, and too frequently calls itself Relaxation. The one is necessary the other ruinous. To draw the line requires both skill and judgment; perhaps there is no more certain cure for dissapation, than method, and order, and were I to advise any one liable to this infirmity, it would be to portion out the Day, and appropriate a certain Number of Hours to Study, or to Buisness. With a determined Resolution to be inflexable against every temptation which might allure them from their purpose; untill fixed habits were formed which could not be easily shaken.
Perhaps more industery and application, are necessary, in the profession of the Law, in order to become Eminent; than in either phisick, or divinity; if it is, as I realy believe, in the power of my young Friend, to become so; it is also a duty incumbent upon him. Doubling the Talant of him, who possesst but one, would have obtaind him the Eulogy of a Faithfull Servant, but if he to whom ten was committed had gained only one, how neglegent and Sothfull would he have been deemed?3
Have you not Ambition, let it warm you to Emulation, let it fire you to rise to a Superiour height; to be well accomplished in your profession, I have heard a Friend of mine4 observe that it was indispensably necessary to have a perfect knowledge of the Theory of Goverment, and foundations of society, to study Humane Nature not 175to disguise, but to present Truth in her Native Loveliness. Shall I not See you become an honour to your profession in the excersise of a generous candour; an inflexable integrity; strict punctuality, and exact decision, virtues which are by no means incompatable with your profession, notwithstanding the Sarcastick reflexions it is daily liable to. If you can find within your own breast any additional motives, let them serve to enforce my Recommendations. I have so far interested myself in your advancement in Life, as to feel a peculiar satisfaction in your increasing Buisness. I shall rejoice in your success, and in the consistancy of your Character. Much depends upon a uniformity of conduct. There is a strenght of mind, a firmness and intrepidity which we look for in a masculine character—an April countanance, now Sunshine and then cloudy, can only be excused in a Baby faced girl—in your sex, it has not the appearence of Nature, who is our best guide.——Be assured you have my best wishes that you may merit and obtain whatever may conduce to your happiness, for I am most Sincerely a Friend to Your Fame; and a Lover of your Virtues. Adieu—
The period is supplied.
See Matthew 25:14–30.
Probably JA.
1783-06-14
You wish me to devote half an hour to you in your absence; you requested and I comply, to shew you that I have a disposition to oblige, but I am very unequal to the task you have assigned as I have no Herculian properties, but can say with Gays Shepard
I study her as my surest safest guide, for our actions must not only be right, but expedient, they must not only be agreable to virtue but to prudence. It was upon this principal that my late advise2 was founded. You differd so widely from me in sentiment, that I determined never again to tender an opinion unaskd—yet I did not wish you any further influenced by it than appeard to me, to conduce to your own happiness.
Horace has in some of his Epistles this sentiment better one thorn pluct out than all remain, Humane nature is represented by an english poet as a wild where weeds and flowers promiscuous shoot
Let it be our study to cultivate the flowers, and root out the weeds, to nourish with a softening care and attention those tender Blossoms, that they may be neither blasted in their prime nor witherd in their bloom but as the blossom falls may the fruit encrease yet green . . . to a perfect ripen into maturity untill the Beauty of its appearence, shall tempt some Fair hand to pluck it from its native soil and transplant it in one still more beneficial conducive to its perfection.
Sternses observation may be just, but King Richards was a more independant one. God says, he helps those who help themselves.3 Advise is of little avail unless it is reduced to practise nor ought we implicitly to give upon our judgement to any one what ever may be our regard or esteem for them untill we have weighed and canvassed that advise with our reason and judgment—then if it is right agreable to virtue expedient and prudent we ought strictly to adhere to it—a mutability of temper and inconsistency with ourselves is the greatest weakness of Humane Nature, and will render us little and contemtable in the Eyes of the World. There are certain principal which ought to become unchangeable in us justice temperance fortitude hold the first rank—he who possesses these will soon have all others added unto him.
I have not been alone to day. My Weymouth Friends dined with me together with my sister and cousins. You was kindly enquired after, and the vacant Chair lookt solitary. The provision too was not carved with that dexterity and allertness which your hand is accustomed to.4 This evening—I know you think of your solitary Friend—whilst the lightning plays from cloud to cloud and threatens a tempestous Night. You wish yourself at hand to read me some amuseing or entertaining subject, or to beguile the hour with the incidents of the past day, or converse upon some literary subject, but my little slumbering Guests are all locked in the Arms of sleep. My candle and my pen are all my companions. I send my thoughts across the broad Atlantick in serch of my associate and rejoice that thought and immagination are not confined like my person to the small spot on which I exist.
The editors have redated this letter, originally filed and filmed at
See AA to Royall Tyler, 14 June, above.
This may be AA's joke, since one source of this saying, which appears as early as AEsop's fables, is Benjamin Franklin's Maxims Prefixed to Poor Richard's Almanac (1757). See also AA to Dr. Thomas Welsh,
See AA's reference to the carving abilities of “Mr. T—r” in her letter to Elizabeth Cranch, 8 March 1785, below.
1783-06-19
The Legion of Lauzun has arrived,1 and We hope has brought the Orders of Congress, for Us, but We have not yet received them, and are as much at a Loss as ever. I know not whether my Resignation is accepted, and consequently can give you no Conjecture, when I Shall be able to get away. As the Spring and Summer Passage is lost, I cannot now embark before September or October, or November. Whether I Shall embark from France, Holland or England I dont know. It will be according as I shall hear of a convenient Passage. Write me by all these Ways. I have received no Line from you, dated Since December.
The definitive Treaty may be Signed in three Weeks: and it may as probably be trained2 on till Christmas. In the last Case, provided the Acceptance of my Resignation Should not arrive, it may be Spring before I can embark. In this State of Suspense and Perplexity you may well Suppose I do not Sleep upon a bed of Roses, especially, as the Public Affairs are as uncertain as our private ones.
I Should like very well, to take a Short Tour to London before my Return, for the Sake of taking a look at that Country, and Seeing Some Personages there, because if I waive this Opportunity, it is not likely I Shall ever have another. Once more at home, it is not probable, I Shall again go abroad. Indeed it is more for the Sake of Mr. John than my own, that I wish to see England, at all.
I was at Versailles, the day before Yesterday and paid my Respects to the King and Queen, Monsieur and Madame his Lady, the Comte D'Artois, Madame Elizabeth and the Mesdames of France Adelaide and Victoire.3 As the Weather was more like a Spring Equinox than a Summer Solstice, the Number of Ambassadors was Smaller than 178usual, and the Attendant Croud less, So that I had a better Opportunity, of viewing the Royal Family at Leisure, then ever I had before.
I dined and breakfasted in deed, with the Ambassadors and found them universally more Sociable, than ever they were before. They begin now universally to consider and treat Us, as Members of their Body.4
It is forbidden I Suppose to Princes and Princesses upon these Occasions, to utter a Sentiment least they Should betray a Secret of State or Say something which might lead a Sagacious Ambassador to political Consequences. According No one Word is ever Said, except asking a Question about some common Thing, as the Weather, the Spectacles, or have you come from Paris to day.
I know an Ambassador who has been fourteen Years at a Court, who has attended regularly once a Week, who says that a Prince has never failed to ask him the Same question, every Time. “Did you come from home to day”—and never any other. This Ambassador too, is of the highest Rank.
Among all the Officers, who come in Play upon these Occasions Such as Introducers of Ambassadors, Secretary of the Presentations of Ambassadors &c., there ought I think to be one, Praeceptor to teach the Princes and Princesses, the Art of asking Questions and making Observations upon these Occasions.
The Prince of Orange's Court is a Miniature of that of Versailles. The Ceremonials, and the Conversation of Princes and Princesses is much the Same. The English Gentlemen here particularly Mr. Hartley tells me, I must be presented at Court, if I should go to London only for a Visit, in my publick Character as a Minister at the Peace. This is rather a discouraging Circumstance, as I should wish to go incog. as much as possible, and my Appearance at Court would make more Talk than I wish. I should be Stared at, as a Sight. I Should be treated however complaisantly enough, I doubt not. The Case is altered. I had rather make my Court to my Princesses at5 Pens Hill, than to all the others in the World. This Honour I hope for but cannot promise myself so soon, as I wish.
The French forces commanded by the Duc de Lauzun, the last major unit of the Comte de Rochambeau's army to return to France, were formally released from service by George Washington on 23 April, and thanked by Congress on 1 May, shortly before their departure (Howard C. Rice Jr. and Anne S. K. Brown, eds., The American Campaigns of Rochambeau's Army 1780, 1781, 1782, 1783, Princeton and Providence, 1972, 1:76, 168; Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 6:397–398;
JCC
, 24:317–318).
Dragged, now obsolete (
OED
).
“Monsieur” was the Comte de Provence, 179brother of the king, who later became Louis XVIII; the Comte d'Artois, youngest brother of the king, later became Charles X; Elisabeth was the king's sister; Adélaïde and Victoire were sisters of the king's father, the late Louis Dauphin (see JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:137, and note 2; Dorothy Moulton Mayer, Marie Antoinette: The Tragic Queen, N.Y., 1969, p. 20, 23, 366).
JA gives a detailed account of his conversation with several of these diplomats in his Diary entry for 17 June (
Diary and Autobiography
, 3:137–138).
Here JA thoroughly crossed out two or three words, rendering them illegible.
1783-06-20
If I was certain I should welcome you to your native Land in the course of the summer, I should not regret Mr. Smiths going abroad without me. Should it be otherways, should you still be detained abroad—I must submit, satisfied that you judge best, and that you would not subject me to so heavy a dissapointment, or yourself to so severe a mortification as I flatter myself it would be, but for the general good: a European life would, you say, be the ruin of our Children. If so, I should be as loth as you, to hazard their embibeing sentiments and opinions which might make them unhappy in a sphere of Life which tis probable they must fill, not by indulging in luxuries for which tis more than possible they might contract a taste and inclination, but in studious and labourious persuits.
You have before this day, received the joint commission for forming a commercial treaty with Britain.2 I am at a loss to determine whether you will consider yourself so bound by it, as to tarry longer abroad. Perhaps there has been no juncture in the publick affairs of our country; not even in the hour, of our deepest distress, when able statesmen and wise Counsellors were more wanted than at the present day. Peace abroad leaves us at leisure to look into our own domestick affairs. Altho upon an Estimate of our National debt, it appears but as the Small Dust of the balance, when compared to the object we have obtained, and the benifits we have secured, yet the Restless spirit of man will not be restrained; and we have reason to fear that Domestick Jars and confusions, will take place, of foreign contentions and devastations. Congress have commuted with the Army by engageing to them 5 years pay, in lieu of half pay for Life. With Security for this they will disband contented. But our wise Legislators are about disputing the power of Congress to do either;3 without considering their hands in the mouth of the Lion, and if the just and necessary food is not supplied, the outragious animal may become so ferocious as to spread horrour, and devastation, or an 180other Theseus may arise who by his reputation, and exploits of valour, whose personal character and universal popularity, may distroy our Amphictinik system and subjugate our infant republicks to Monarchical domination.4
Our House of Representitives is this Year composed of more than a hundred New Members, some of whom no doubt are good Men. Near all the able and skillfull Members who composed the last House have lost their Seats, by voting for the return of Mr. Brattle; notwithstanding the strongest evidence in his favour, and the many proofs which were produced of his Friendly conduct towards America. For this crime, our worthy Friend Mr. Cranch was droped by this Town.5 The Senate is a loser this year by the resignation of some excellent Members.6 We have in this state an impost of 5 per cent, and an excise act,7 whilst the Neighbouring states have neither. Foreigners finding this the case, cary their Cargoes to other states. At this the Merchant grumbles, the Farmer groans with his taxes, and the Mechanick for want of employ. Heaven Avert that like the Greek Republicks we should by civil discension weaken our power, and crush our rising greatness; that the Blood of our citizens, should be shed in vain: and the labour, and toil, of our statesmen; be finally bafled; through niggardly parsimony; Lavish prodigality; or Ignorance of our real Interest. We want a Soloman in wisdom, to guide and conduct this great people: at this critical aere, when the counsels which are taken, and the measures which are persued; will mark our future Character either with honour, and Fame, or disgrace, and infamy; in adversity, we have conducted with prudence and magninimity. Heaven forbid, that we should grow giddy with prosperity, or the height to which we have soared, render a fall conspicuously fatal.
Thus far I had written when your welcome favour of March 28th reached me;8 I was not dissapointed in finding you uncertain with regard to the Time of your return; should the appointment which I fear; and you have hinted at; take place, it would indeed be a dull day to me. I have not a wish to join in a scene of Life so different from that in which I have been educated; and in which my early and I must suppose, happier days, have been Spent; curiosity satisfied and I should sigh for tranquil Scenes,
181Well orderd home is my chief delight, and the affectionate domestick wife with the Relative duties which accompany that character my highest ambition. It was the disinterested wish of sacrificeing my personal feelings to the publick utility, which first led me to think of unprotectedly hazarding a voyage. I say unprotectedly for so I consider every lady who is not accompanied by her Husband. This objection could only be surmounted by the earnest wish I had to soften those toils which were not to be dispenced with, and if the publick welfare required your Labours and exertions abroad, I flatterd myself, that if I could be with you, it might be in my power to contribute to your happiness and pleasure, but the day is now arrived, when with honour and well earned Fame, you may return to your native land—when I cannot any longer consider it as my duty to submit to a further Seperation, and when it appears necessary that those abilities which have crownd you with Laurels abroad, should be exerted at home for the publick Safety.
I do not wish you to accept an Embassy to England, should you be appointed. This little Cottage has more Heart felt Satisfaction for you than the most Brilliant Court can afford,9 the pure and undiminished tenderness of weded Love, the filial affection of a daughter who will never act contrary to the advise of a Father, or give pain to the Maternal Heart. Be assured that she will never make a choice without your approbation which I know she considers as Essential to her happiness. That she has a partiality I know, and believe, but that she has submitted her opinion to the advise of her Friends, and relinquished the Idea of a connection upon principals of prudence and duty, I can with equal truth assure you. Yet nothing unbecomeing the Character which I first entertaind has ever appeard in this young Gentleman since his residence in this Town, and he now visits in this family with the freedom of an acquaintance, tho not with the intimacy of a nearer connection. It was the request of Emelia who has conducted with the greatest prudence, that she might be permitted to see and treat this Gentleman as an acquaintance whom she valued. “Why said she should I treat a Gentleman who has done nothing to forfeit my Esteem, with neglect or contempt, merely because the world have said, that he entertained a preferable regard for me? If his foibles are to be treated with more severity than the vices of others, and I submit my judgment and opinion to the disapprobation of others in a point which so nearly concerns me, I wish to be left at liberty to act in other respects with becomeing decency.” And she 182does and has conducted so as to meet with the approbation of all her Friends. She has conquerd herself. An extract from a little poetick peice which Some months ago fell into my Hands10 may give you some Idea of the Situation of this Matter. You will tell me you do not want a poet,11 but if there is a mind otherways well furnished, you would have no objection to its being a mere amusement. You ask me if this Gentleman is a speaker at the Bar. He attends Plimouth Court and has spoke there. He is not yet sworn in to the Superiour Court, but is proposed to be sworn in the Next court, with his cotemporaries. I cannot say what he will make, but those who most intimately know him, say he has talants to make what he pleases, and fluency to become a good Speaker. His buisness encreases here, and I know nothing but what he is well esteemed. His temper and disposition appear to be good. The family in which he boards12 find no fault with his conduct. He is Regular in his liveing, keeps no company with Gay companions, seeks no amusement but in the society of two or 3 families in Town, never goes to Boston but when Buisness calls him there. If he has been the Gay thoughtless young fellow which he is said to have been and which I believe he was, he has at least practised one year of reformation. Many more will be necessary to Establish him in the world, whether he will make the man of worth and steadiness time must determine.
Our two sons are placed under the care, and in the family of Mr. Shaw. They have been near 3 months absent from me. This week with my daughter and Mr. Smith to accompany us I go to see them. My dear John, where is he?13 I long to see him. I have been very anxious about him. Such a winter journey. I hope he is with you. I want to receive a Letter from him. If you should continue abroad untill fall I should be glad you would make me a small remittance, goods will not answer. We are glutted with them. I do not wish for any thing more, than I want for my family use. In this way a few peices of Irish linnen and a peice of Russia sheeting together with 2 green silk umbrellas I should be glad of as soon as convenient. If you should have an opportunity from France to send me 3 Marsels cotton and silk quilts I should be very glad; they are like the Jacket patterns you sent me by Charles. I want a white, a Blew and a pink. Mr. Dana sent 3 to Mrs. Dana; I think she said Mr. Bonfeild procured them. I mentiond in a former Letter a few other articles.14 I am going to marry one of my family to a young fellow whom you liberated from jail, a son of Capt. Newcombs, to the Jane Glover who has lived 7 years with me and as she never would receive any wages from me I think 183myself obligated to find her necessaries for house keeping.15 I have been buying land, and my last adventure came to so poor a market, that I am quite broke. My letter is an unreasonable long one, yet I may take an other sheet of paper—not to night however. I will bid you good night by.16 I seal this least Mr. Smith should sail before I return. Mean to write more. Have a Letter for Mr. T
This letter was probably begun before 14 June, and substantially finished before 20 June; see note 8.
AA's information was incorrect. On 1 May a congressional committee had reported on a letter from JA to the secretary for foreign affairs, R. R. Livingston, dated 5 Feb. in which he strongly recommended that steps be taken to negotiate a treaty of commerce with Great Britain. Struggling to control his distress at Congress' earlier decision (July 1781) to revoke his 1779 commission to negotiate a commercial treaty with Britain, but nonetheless taking the opportunity to wonder about the reason for that loss, JA discussed extensively how such a treaty might be initiated, who might undertake the task, and what the advantages of a treaty would be (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 6:242–247). The committee responded by recommending that JA, Franklin, and Jay be authorized to enter into a commercial treaty (
JCC
, 24:320–321, 405, note 1), and JA received a copy of the committee's resolution from Franklin on 7 Sept., which he recorded verbatim in his Diary, and in two different Letterbooks. But Congress never implemented this resolution, and in the fall of 1783 they initiated new measures to settle their diplomatic establishment, which they did not complete until May 1784. See JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:141–142, and note 2.
For a thorough discussion of the effect upon Massachusetts factions of Congress' commutation of officers' pay, see Van Beck Hall, Politics without Parties: Massachusetts, 1780–1791, Pittsburgh, 1972, p. 152–158.
The Amphictionic League of city-states in central Greece existed throughout the classical period and centered on the temple of Apollo at Delphi. At first primarily religious in nature, the League occasionally exercised real political power. As a confederation of representatives from several sovereign states, however, the League was never able to sustain its unity or power over long periods. Theseus, from a much earlier period of Greek history, was the presumably mythical hero who united the several communities of Attica into the powerful city-state of Athens.
Oxford Classical Dictionary
.
This passage is the first extant expression of AA's concern that if the states did not support Congress' settlement with the recently disbanded Continental Army (“the Lion”), a “Theseus” (George Washington or another military leader) might lead the discontented forces to destroy the American confederation of free sovereign states. Other expressions of fear and distrust of the Army, and particularly of its officers, appear in letters by AA and JA beginning in 1784, below. In those letters the immediate object of the Adams' criticisms was the newly formed Society of the Cincinnati.
In 1779 Thomas Brattle, who had left Massachusetts in 1775, returned from Europe to New York and then to Rhode Island, but was denied permission to return to his home in Massachusetts on the grounds that he was a loyalist refugee, even though JA had written a letter on his behalf (to Oliver Wendell, 14 Nov. 1779, JA, Papers
, 8:289). Staying in Rhode Island, he gave evidence of his patriotism by serving on the staff of Gen. James M. Varnum and by performing services for the French forces. In the spring of 1783 Brattle once more sought permission to return to his home state, but Massachusetts' House of Representatives rejected his petition by a vote of 52 to 51 (see John Thaxter to JA, 12 Aug., Adams Papers). Brattle finally won back his citizenship and property through court action.
The new House of Representatives that assembled at the end of May 1783, considerably larger than its predecessor, had 135 new faces. Of the 51 representatives that had voted for Brattle, 28 were replaced or resigned, while 37 of the 52 who voted against Brattle returned to office. While AA exaggerates the connection between the vote on Brattle and 184the membership of the new House, she may have thought that several of the 28 who voted for Brattle and were replaced were particularly “able and skillful Members” of the legislature. Independent Chronicle, 6 March 1783;
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 14:568–572; membership lists for 1782–1783 and 1783–1784, Records of the States, Microfilm, Mass. A.1b, Reel No. 10, Unit 3, p. 1–9; Reel No. 11, Unit 1, p. 1–9).
Eight of the thirty nine senators elected in 1782 were not listed in the records of the 1783 election. One other senator, Caleb Strong of Northampton, declined to serve after being elected (Records of the States, A.1a, Reel 16, Unit 1, p. 4–11; Unit 2, p. 5–9, 20).
On Massachusetts' impost and excise taxes, see Hall, Politics without Parties, p. 111–112 and references there.
This sentence indicates that the foregoing paragraphs were written before 14 June, when AA wrote to Royall Tyler, above, and quoted JA's letter of 28 March, also above.
In all of his editions of AA's Letters (1840, 1841, 1848), CFA omitted virtually the entire text after this point, up to the close: “I will bid you good night.” The only material that he included, in any editions, is marked at note 13.
See AA to JA, 30 Dec. 1782, above.
See JA to AA, 22 Jan., above.
Royall Tyler boarded with Richard and Mary Cranch, AA's brother-in-law and sister.
In his 1841 and 1848 editions of AA's Letters, CFA included the passage from “My dear John” to “I want to receive a Letter from him.” He omitted this passage from AA, Letters, 1840.
Bryant Newcomb and Jane Glover formally announced their intention to marry on 2 Aug. (
Braintree Town Records
, p. 885). On JA's role in freeing Bryant Newcomb from Mill Prison in Plymouth, England, where he and other Braintree residents were being held as prisoners of war, see vol. 4:257, 259–261, note 3.
The remainder of the text was written in the margin.
1783-06-24
I receiv'd some days agone two setts of the 3d. and 4th. volumes of the Politique Hollandais, from Mr. Cerisier.1 I suppose your intention is to have them bound in the same manner as the 2. first, and shall therefore have it done.
I have been obliged to borrow a Suetonius. Please to let me know if you chuse I should Purchase one. There is an edition with the Commentaries of Ernesti which I believe would be the best.2
We have had no news about the Peace this long while: it seems it goes on but slowly. Tis said hostilities have commenced between the Russians and the Turks. Mr. van Berkel left Rotterdam, yesterday was a week and will probably sail within these two or three Days.
My best respects if you please to Messrs. Thaxter and Storer.
Antoine Marie Cerisier was publisher of Le politique hollandais, a pro-American journal that appeared weekly in Amsterdam. Four bound volumes are preserved in JA's library (
Catalogue of JA's Library
).
Probably Suetonius, Opera ex recensione et cum animadversionibus, ed. J. A. Ernesti, 2d edn. rev., Leipzig, 1775. This work is in MQA.
1783-06-26
No Letters from you Since last December. Write by the Way of England Holland, France Spain all the Winds of Heaven. You may desire Mr. Storer to inclose your Letters to the Care of his Connections in London.1 Letters come now by that Way very well.
I know not when I shall see you. I begin to fear it will not be, till next year. Yet I am in constant hopes every Moment of receiving from Congress my Quietus. If it comes I shall embark in September, October or November. But whether from France, Holland or England I know not. The Uncertainty in which We are left is cruel. We have no Information of the sentiments of Congress upon the Peace, nor any Intimation of their Pleasure for the future.
My dear Daughter and my brave Boys, what would I give to see them and how much more their Mamma. John is translating Suetonius and Virgil into French at the Hague. He says very gravely it is more convenient to him to turn them into French than English. This is not pleasing to me, who still love the English Language better than the French.
We dont yet know whether you are angry with Us for making Peace, or what you think of Us.
Probably Ebenezer Storer's daughter Elizabeth and her husband, John Atkinson, whom the Adamses would see often in London in 1785.
1783-06-26
Your most esteemed Favour of the 15th. of December came safe to hand, for which I heartily thank you. I have also been favour'd with the sight of several of your other Letters, particularly one to Uncle Smith about the Fishery;1 and I got liberty from him to let some of your Essex Friends have a sight of it, particularly your Friend and Class-mate Mr. Dalton (the Speaker) and some other Members of the Fishing Towns.2 They are very highly gratified with the Honour you do them in saying that “for the rest of your Days you shall consider your self as a Marblehead or Cape-Ann Man.” I am perswaded that something higher than the “Freedom of their Cities in 186a Box of Heart of Oak, or the Quintal of dumb Fish” that you humourously mention for your Lady, is very seriously tho't of by them; and, as I think, by the People at large. I think it is the general Wish that He whose great Talents in Negotiation (under God) have given us Peace, and whose unshaken Firmness has caused our “Independance to be Independant,” should be our first Magistrate. Holland in the American Scale, and in consequence thereof a Treaty enter'd on. An unrestrained Fishery obtained. Boundaries of Territory so ample, that we could scarcely in Idea comprehend their Extent and future Advantages. All these and a thousand other publick Benefits, we think ourselves indebted for, to your Virtue, great Abilities and indefatigable Application in favour of your Country.
But the Tories—there's the Pinch. The Spirit runs very high here at present against letting any one of the Absentees return. I wish to be informed by you whether any of the Articles of Novr. 30th. 1782 respecting those Persons were understood by the contracting Parties as being any thing more than meerly recommendatory, and which of them (if any such there be) are to be considered by the States as absolutely binding. I will endeavour to explain my self. If, for instance, the Estate of A (an Absentee) had bean confiscated and sold before the Treaty was Signed; the Restitution of such an Estate to the former Owner, would rest only on the Recommendation of Congress, according to the 5th. Article,3 which Recommendation, I conceive, may or may not be comply'd with by the State where the Estate lies; and therefore it would be uncertain to A whether his Estate should ever be restored to him or not. But if B, another Absentee in the same Predicament as the former, has been so lucky as not to have had his Estate libelled or prosecution commenced against it until after the signing of the Treaty; He, if the 6th. Article4 be considered as absolutely binding on the States, seems to me to be secured from any future Prosecution or Confiscation of his Property. So that A may loose his Estate, because the Restitution of it, according to the 5th. Article, is meerly recommendatory, and may not be comply'd with by the Government of the State where the Estate lies: while B, on the contrary will be secure from loosing his Estate because by the 6th Article (if that is absolutely binding on the several States) it is stipulated that no further Prosecutions shall commence against any Person on account of the Part he has taken in the War. These are difficulties that we would wish to have solved, and we should be glad to know from you in what latitude we are to take the sense of the 1875th. and 6th. Articles respecting the Restitution of the Absentee's Estates, their Return &c.
Our very worthy Friend, the Honble. Cotton Tufts Esqr., is of the Senate this Year, and is now here (the General Court being sitting). I expect he will write to You and Mr. Thaxter more fully on Publick Affairs, and to his Letters I must referr you. We shall send the present Pacquet by Cousin William Smith who will sail in a few Days for London, and I hope he will have the happiness of seeing you and our worthy Friends Thaxter and Storer before he returns; and particularly our young Northern Envoy, who before this time, I hope, is happily return'd to you. We all long to see and embrace him here.
Our dear Boys, Charles Tommy and Billy, are all at Haverhill at present under the Tuition of Brother Shaw, who, with our excellent Sister, will take the best Care both of their Learning and Morals. Your Lady and Daughter and my Betsy are gone to pay them a Visit. I heard from them last Saturday, when they were all well.
We have lately heard from N: Hampshire of the Death of your aged and truly venerable Uncle the Revd. Mr. Adams of Newington.5 I have been informed that the last Sermon he ever preach'd was a Thanksgiving Sermon on the Peace, in which he express'd his great satisfaction at having lived to see that great Event take place (he being then, if I mistake not; about 96 or 97 Years of age) and more especially on considering the firm and decisive Part that One of his own Blood and Family had born in bringing about that glorious Period.
Your Mother and Brother and his Children are well. Uncle Quincy is not very well. Father Smith, Coll. Thaxter and Family, and all our near Connections are as well as usual. Poor Mr. Crosby the Preacher is dead: he died lately of a Consumption, his Wife died about a Year ago and his Infant Child. There is only one Child, a little Girl, remaining.6
We are all longing for the happy Day when the great Publick will so far release you as to give your particular Friends and Relatives an Oportunity of personally congratulating the Father of their Country and the Friend of Mankind. In which no one will join with more sincerity or warmer Gratitude than your ever affectionate
P.S. My dear Wife and Children join with me in our best Wishes for your Health and Safety, beging that you would present our kindest Regards to your amiable Son, if return'd, and to our worthy and very 188esteemed Friends Thaxter and Storer. I intend to write to Mr. Thaxter by this Oportunity if possible.
JA to Isaac Smith Sr., 15 Dec. 1782 (MHi: Cranch Family Papers).
Tristram Dalton represented his native town, Newburyport (
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 13:569–578).
See AA to JA, 28 April, note 7, above.
Art. 6 begins, “That there shall be no future Confiscations made, nor any prosecutions commenced against any Person or Persons, for or by reason of the Part which he or they may have taken in the present War” (Miller, ed., Treaties
, 2:99).
Rev. Joseph Adams, older brother of JA's father, who died on 20 May at the age of ninety-five (A. N. Adams, Geneal. Hist. of Henry Adams of Braintree
, p. 394).
Joseph Crosby, Harvard 1772, son of Maj. Joseph Crosby of Braintree, and brother-in-law of Peter Boylston Adams, JA's brother, died on 28 May. His wife Betsey had died on 28 July 1782. His surviving daughter, Elizabeth Anne, later married Boylston Adams, JA's nephew and her first cousin (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:52; 3:277; MH-Ar; Pattee, Old Braintree and Quincy
, p. 156; New York Genealogical and Biographical Record, 30:8).
1783-06-30
I wrote you a Letter a fortnight ago1 to send per this opportunity, but meeting with the Consul in Boston,2 he informd me, that the America would sail in a few days. I gave it to him and hope it has reachd you as he promised a particular attention to it. Mr. Smith will be the Bearer of this; I need not ask your particular attention to him. He is most worthy and Good, Benevolent and kind, Generous to his Friends and connections who stand in need of his assistance; he has been industerous and successfull in Buisness, and is untainted by the vices of the age. Yet with all these virtues and accomplishments he has not found Success among the Fair. Why? Because he has not address.3 I know not any other reason. He can inform you of our little excursion to Haverhill where he was kind enough to accompany me, on a visit to my sister and our two dear Boys, whom I found well pleased with their Situation. I tarried with them 8 days. Whilst I was there, Charles whose constitution is exceedingly delicate was seazd with a pluratick disorder. Giving him an Emetick and attending immediately to him, he so far recoverd as to be able to ride home with me, to which the doctor advised. And it was of so much service to him, that I hope he will be able to return to his studies in a week or ten days. The weather was so extreemly hot, and the fatigue of my journey, has so enfeabled me that I scarcly know how to hold my pen.
The Country looks well, and the season is promising, tho rather 189dry. But I never shall take a journey which will be truly pleasent to me, unaccompanied by my Friend. And yet how few in the course of 19 years that we have been connected, have we taken together? Tho your life has been one continued Scene of journeying, in the early part of my Life, Maternal duties prevented my accompanying you, and in the Later the Stormy Scenes of war. Few persons who so well Love demestick Life as my Friend; have been calld, for so long a period, to relinquish the enjoyment of it; yet like the needle to the pole, you invariably turn towards it, as the only point where you have fixed your happiness. It is this belief which has supported me thus far through the voyage, but alass how often have I felt the want of my pilot, obliged “to act my little part alone.” I cannot say with Dyanthe4 that I wished not for my associate. And is the time near at hand, when Heaven will again bless us in the Society of each other? I would fain flatter myself that it is. O! May we taste, may we drink of the cup of happiness without one alloy, and be as blest as we can bear, “all Various Nature pressing on the Heart.” Thus let us retire into ourselves, and rejoice in the purity of our affections, the simplicity of our manners and the Rectitude of our Hearts, for without an ostentatious boast we may claim them all.
But from this picture of domestick felicity shall I reverse the Medal and shew you a political state of discontent, jealousy, and rangling. The Stormy Scenes of war have subsided—but in lieu of them, what have we—a Legislature composed of wise Heads, and skillfull hands—by their deeds shall ye know them.
By the best information I can obtain few of these superiour parts are like to become troublesome to our Legislators the present year. In my last I gave you some account of them, and the principal upon which many of them were Elected. Last week came on the choice of 190delegates for Congress, and every Member who composed the last,7 was left out. They even went so far, as to propose recalling them immediately; and voting that they should never be again chosen. Here I believe they exceeded the bounds of the constitution, and the limits of Reason. So high does the spirit run against commutation to the Army. Connecticut I hear has voted their Army one years pay, and Road Island were doing something of the kind.8 All seem determined to act contrary to the Resolve of Congress. The Army are disbanding fast, without a six pence to bear their expences home; and live upon the kindness of the people. The New Members chosen for Congress are our Friend Mr. Gerry, who is gone on, Mr. Dalton your old Friend, Mr. Partridge, Mr. Danilson, Judge Sullivan. I have engaged our Friend Dr. Tufts to write you fully upon political matters.9 He will give you much better information than I am able to; yet I cautiond him not to coulour even to the Life, least you should reluct at the Idea of a return to us. Yet no one has experienced a larger share of the turbulent scenes of political Life than my Friend, or steared through them with more honour and reputation. I heed not the little sarcastick reflextions of Reviewers, Magazine writers or News paper scriblers and rather consider it as a compliment, than a reflextion, that they should have nothing to offer against my Friend, but that he was not nobly descended. Mean are those arts indeed which would derogate from the Merit of a Man, upon account of the honest occupation of his parents. The truly noble mind spurns the Idea.
I hope my dear John is with you. I long to hear from him, much more to see him. I shall expect you by September. Do not delay it till late in the year. I shall continue writing to you untill you tell me You are about to embark. Continue to Frank your letters, if they catch one without they make me pay enormously. I Sent per the America a little invoice of a few articles.11 As there is little hazard of the loss of the Letter, I do not think it worth repeating. Our Friends are all well and desire to be affectionately rememberd to you. I call upon Nabby to write you and suppose she will. Adieu—and believe me most sincerely when I echo back, the most pleasing attestation of my Friend, Yours entirely and forever,
That of 20 June, above, which was probably largely written well before that date (see note 8 to that letter).
Philippe André Joseph de Létombe, French consul general to the United States, 1781–1792 (Abraham P. Nasatir and Gary Elwyn Monell, French Consuls in the United States, Washington, 1967, p. 563).
Either a dutiful and courteous approach in courtship or a general presentation or bearing (
OED
).
Perhaps the Roman goddess Diana, usually thought of as virginal.
Alexander Pope, An Essay on Man, epistle IV, lines 167–168.
Same, lines 259–266.
Those dropped were Nathaniel Gorham, Samuel Osgood, Stephen Higginson, and Samuel Holten, all of whom voted for commutation (
JCC
, 24:210). In the first vote for new congressmen on 27 June, Elbridge Gerry received by far the highest number of votes cast jointly by the two legislative houses—141 out of 145—and 101 legislators supported Tristram Dalton. No other candidates won a majority of the votes on this first day. The next day, George Partridge, James Sullivan, and Timothy Danielson were chosen, but only after the first tallies were rejected for irregularities. Dalton declined his election, and Samuel Osgood was chosen on 9 July by a vote of 79 out of 142, a rather slim majority. Sullivan never attended Congress and resigned in Feb. 1784, to be replaced by Francis Dana, who was elected unanimously. Records of the States, Microfilm, Mass., A.1b, Reel 11, Unit 1, p. 130, 132–133, 161, 341, 375; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 7:lxviii, lxix.
See Cotton Tufts to JA, 26 June (Adams Papers).
Same.
Pope, Essay on Man, epistle IV, lines 193–194 and 215–216.
No separate “invoice” enclosed with AA to JA, 20 June, above, has been found, but see the items that AA lists in that letter.
1783-07-01
Mr. Smith is at last about to leave us. I cannot in conscience omit so good an opportunity of writing, altho I hope you will be here almost as soon as he arrives abroad. He expects to sail the Next day after tomorrow which will be the 3d. of july. He went from here this morning, not a little dissapointed that he was to go abroad without me, as he politely expresst the pleasure he had anticipated in accompanying my Ladyship and daughter abroad. Few young Gentlemen have gone from hence with a worthyer character than Mr. Smith possesses, and he will do honour to his Country, where ever he resides. If he has not all those Brilliant accomplishments which distinguish some who are favorites of the Fair, he has all those virtues of the Heart which endear him to his Friends, and will render him respectable among the worthy of every Country. He “that commends an other,” Says the Spectator, “engages so much of his own Reputation as he gives to the person commended.”1 I can safely trust mine upon the Established character of this Gentleman. He can inform you of every thing respecting us, which you wish to know. He can 192tell you that your Fair American, and many other Fair Americans, are still Single, tho he has made some efforts to lesson the Number, but in spight of him, they will continue blind to their own Interest.
I scarcly know what to entertain you with, in return for the many kind, and repeated favours You have of late obliged me with. Politicks—I think you must be surfeited with them. Shall I talk of my self and contrast my simple manners; and republican stile of Life, with the pagentry, Splendour, and courtly Life you are necessatated to endure. As a novelty, it may please for a time, but I dare say you have seen enough of the painted greatness to discern the daubing, and to prefer the Native Beauties, and comparitively Simple, Rustick, and plain manners of America, to the more Luxurious and refined Manners of European Courts.
You have drawn a very agreable picture of your American party.2 I should have been happy to have made one of the number, but now think it improbable that I shall ever visit Europe. I sometimes think the pleasentest days of my life are past, I have slided on in the absence of my Friend, with few enviers, because I stept not out of the path in which I had been accustomed to walk, nor sought to vie with the Beau Mond. I mixed not with the frequenters of the Ball or assembly room, and I extended not my acquaintance amongst the polite and fashionable circle of the present day, but convinced that the Honour, and Reputation of a Lady in the absence of her Husband, was necessaryly connected with retirement, I followed my own inclination, and gratified my taste; by associateing only with a seele
I presume he meant to except Lovers, who you know are all the World to each other, and to whom the company of a third person is dissagreable, or if it is not it is seldom fit that a third person should be witness, to what they cannot be actors in, for if I recollect aright, there are a thousand little tendernesses, which pass between persons of this character, which can make no one but themselves happy.
But to return to my subject, I foresee a different scene of Life opening before me, I see my Friend still connected with publick life in his own Country, and probably in a situation which will create envy 193in the Breasts of some and Calumny in the mouths of thousands, himself his wife his children will all be scrutinized with an Eye of jealousy. I shall become a spectator of a thousand anxious cares, and tormenting perplexities, of which I have heitherto only heard—at least there is a strong probability that this may be the case. I have no reason to think that my Friend would be permitted to retire from publick life, whilst his active powers can be of any service to his Country. A State of inactivity was never meant for Man; Love and the desire of glory as they are the most natural, are capable of being refined into the most delicate and rational passions.4 That Ambition which in the mind of Alexander became a scourge to mankind, in an Alfred and Augustus would have been employed for the benifit of their fellow Mortals.5
Remember me kindly to Mr. Storer, tell him I mark him as one of those Genious'es capable of being eminently serviceable to mankind. There is a large tax upon his merit I expect he always pays, in solid coin, even without alloy. Accept my kindest wishes for your Health and prosperity. And believe that no one is more sincerely Interested in the safety of your return to your native Land, than Your Sincerely affectionate
Joseph Addison and Richard Steele, The Spectator, No. 188, 5 Oct. 1711.
Thaxter's letter to AA of 19 Nov. 1782, above.
That is, between three (the Graces) and nine (the Muses).
The passage following the semi-colon, to the end of the sentence, was substituted for this long passage in the draft:
“. . . and he is truly unhappy who has nothing further to hope. If mankind were divested of those two great active principals hope and fear, an unmanly indolence and security would unfit him for all the social and relative duties of life. “'Strength of mind is exercise not rest' (Pope,
An Essay on Man, epistle II, line 104). It is storied of Domitian that after he had possessd him self of the Roman empire, his desires turned upon catching flies. Tho this was a more laudible less criminal persuit than many in which he had been engaged, those Qualities which made him a conquerer might have been more honorably employed.”
The draft concludes as follows: “He is the truly noble minded man whose enlarged 194soul can embrace the whole Humane Race, who is charmed alone with that applause which is the Fair attendant of virtue.
“But whither does my fancy lead me? If I had Eugenio
Pope, Essay on Man, epistle II, lines 197–202.
1783-07-01
Every moment of my time has been employd since we got home,1 in writing to my friends abroad, to forward by Mr. Smith who sails a thursday—that I have not had any opportunity to give you my dear Eliza an account of our return home. Twas disagreeable enough I assure you—the day was very warm. However we got to Wymans to dine.2 There we stay'd till five in the afternoon. Went to Mr. Brooks3 and drank tea—and intented to have lodged at Mrs. Danas. When we got there we found that Mrs. D. was gone to Hingam and no body to see us at home. There was too many to go to Mrs. Winthrops,4 and twas not best to go back to Mr. Broone a clock in the morning—as tired as I ever wish to be. Charles bore the fatigue of the day as well as any of us. We are all alive and well after it.
You will perceive that a few days have elapsed since I began this and that I have changed my place of residence. Thursday ever so great, that I cannot withstand my inclination to intrude upon your patience a very long letter. This disquallifying speach will answer for the Whole, will it not?—or must I make more apologyes for the liberty I am going to take.
Mr. Smith went on board this afternoon—ah—he looked a kind 195farewell to me. It has comforted me all this warm afternoon. I prevailed upon myself to go to meeting—least my absence should be noticed. However I sincerely wish him an agreeable voyage and a safe return with an amiable agreeable Wife—as good a wish as ever existed in the most benevolent mind—say, is it not.
How does my Dear Aunt Shaw—does she not intend to write to me. I should esteem it as a particular favour—assure her.—A peice of news Miss Betsy Cranch—Mr. Hary Otis7 is very sorry Miss Cranch is not to be at commencement. He expressed his disappointment in a very striking manner—my words will not do it justice.
A sweet letter from Sally Bromfeild8—containing more sentiment than I ever wrote in my life.—After trifling so long permit me to inquire after the health and happiness of my Cousin—each I hope attend you. May you long continue to experience the happy affects of their presense—is the sincere and ardent wish of your friend and Cousin.
Another hour shall not pass my Dear Eliza ere I close a letter to you, some little engagements have prevented me since sunday, or rather I have not felt in a disposition to write. Not one idea has passt my mind that would appear well upon paper. I past the afternoon yesterday with Betsy Mayhew.9 She has a most strange facinating power over me—I cannot account for it. I only know by experience that it is most true, and, I lament it. I was not so happy as to see the little Dr.10 I spent an agreeable afternoon. I must conclude a very dull letter—and if it will give you pleasure, assure you that I will attempt to say something that may afford you entertainment in my next,—if it is possibly in my power. Make my respects and love acceptable to all who remember with regard esteem and affection your friend
Your pappa came to town yesterday and is well.
AA2 and AA had been visiting the Shaws in Haverhill. They brought the ailing CA home to Braintree for a brief vacation.
“Wymans” has not been identified, but may have been a tavern in Woburn, a town on the route from Haverhill to Cambridge. Wymans were numerous in Woburn, where they had intermarried with the Fowles, to whom AA was related. See
NEHGR
, indexes.
Thomas Brooks of Medford, whose second wife was Mercy Tufts, sister of Dr. Cotton Tufts (
NEHGR
, 51:303 [July 1897]).
Hannah Winthrop of Cambridge, widow of Prof. John Winthrop who had died in 1779 (
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 9:262–263).
John Warren, An Oration, Delivered July 4th, 1783, at the Request of the Inhabitants of the Town of Boston, Boston, 1783. Dr. John 196Warren was the youngest brother of Dr. Joseph Warren, the patriot. In 1783 Boston inaugurated the Independence Day address as a substitute for the annual oration commemorating the Boston Massacre, of which Dr. Joseph Warren had delivered the first, in 1772. The younger Dr. Warren's oration culminated in a paean to the preliminary peace concluded at Paris in November (
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 14:515–516; 17:666–667). For a comment on his performance, see Cotton Tufts to JA, 5 July (Adams Papers).
On AA2's attendance at Harvard commencement, see her letter to Elizabeth Cranch of 17 July (Adams Papers).
Harrison Gray Otis, a graduating senior.
Letter not found. The author was probably Sarah Bromfield, daughter of Margaret and Henry, who married Prof. Eliphalet Pearson in 1785 (
NEHGR
, 26:38–39 [Jan. 1872], 142 [Apr. 1872]).
AA2 first mentions Elizabeth, daughter of Elizabeth Clarke and Rev. Jonathan Mayhew, in Oct. 1779 (vol. 3:223), but she already knew her well and admired her. Elizabeth Mayhew later married Peter Wainwright (
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 11:469; Charles Edward Banks, The History of Martha's Vineyard, 3 vols., Boston and Edgartown, Mass., 1911–1925, 3:314).
“The little Dr.” has not been identified; see AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch, 20 Aug., below.
1783-07-01
On my return from a little excursion to Hingham some time since, I was presented with a letter from you.1 It pleased me and I felt quite in the spirit of answering it at the time, but there was no opportunity of conveyance, and I have so long delayed writing, that the genious which presided over my mind at that time, has fled and my thoughts have all wandered from my intention, my ideas are all afloat, twill take some time at least to collect them. When all this is necessary to be done, tis rather a task than a pleasure, to each, for letters wrote in this disposition of mind are rather dull and insipid, and cannot possibly give much pleasure. My pen is bar'd against apologizes, never again will it write one on any occation, you must not attribute any thing to the score of my vanity.
Mr. Smith sails for England next Thursday, I could not let so good an opportunity escape me. Of him you will have an opportunity of makeing very particular inquire's after all your friends in America. The Peace which I hoped would have forwarded the communication between America and Europe, seems to have retarded it and closed all prospects of hearing from you. Vessells dayly and almost hourly arrive, but we receive no letters. This is doubly mortifying. I have wrote you lately by every opportunity that has presented, I hope you will receive my letters as they will show you that I am very punctual.2 But I am almost discouraged for I receive no returns. I shall very soon exhaust all my writable subjects and necessity will oblige me to lay my pen aside.
We are anxiously waiting in expectation of hearing particularly 197from my Brother John. I hope he is with you long before this time. We are quite impatient to see him. It seems as if he was lost to his American friends, he is very deficient in writing to us. I fancy tis not the custom in Rusia to write letters.3 This is the best excuse that I can furnish him with, to be unmindfull of his nearest friends is unpardonable but I will not tax him too severely with inattention. I hope however that he will be induced to give us some proof of his remembrance.
Shall I tell you Sir that I have half a mind to be affronted with you. I rather think I shall defer the matter till you have an opportunity of explaining yourself. This is a method that I never have recource to unless I can reap some advantage, and indeed I do not see any that can occur in this case, so I'll defer the matter till I see you.
When are we to expect this pleasure? In your last letter you mention nothing of the matter. You have so often disappointed our expectations, I suppose you mean to take us by surprize, and so have avoided saying any thing about it. I think tis the best way. I dislike these premeditated partings or returns. They heighten our painfull sensations, and do not increase our pleasureable ones.
We hope to hear from you all soon. Do not cease to write me, but while you continue abroad permit me to ask you to continue to favour with your correspondence one who is ever happy to hear from you and who subscribes herself your friend
Paris”; endorsed: “Amelia 1. July 1783.”
Not found. Thaxter's only extant letter to AA2 is dated 25 Aug. 1781 (vol. 4:198–200).
AA2's most recent extant letter to Thaxter was that of 27 April, above.
JQA's most recent letters to Braintree, and his only extant letters sent to America from Russia, were to AA, 23 Oct. 1781, and to Elizabeth Cranch, 17 March 1782 (vol. 4:233–234, 297–299). See JQA to AA, 23 July, below.
1783-07-03
I can tell you nothing with Certainty when the Peace will be finished. I hope it will not be long.
You may purchase a Suetonius, provided you intend to make a good Use of it.1
I long to See you, but can as yet form no Judgment when I shall have that Pleasure. We have no News from Congress, a Neglect which is to the last degree astonishing and inexplicable.
198Do you find any Society at the Hague? The Family2 where you are is good Company but have you any other?
I want your Company very much, for the Time hangs heavily upon me very often. Your affectionate Father
See JQA to JA, 24 June, above.
Of C. W. F. Dumas.
1783-07-09
Not a Line from you since December. Congress has not cutt off our heads for making Peace, and that is some Comfort. I am not in health and dont expect to be, untill I can get home. But when will this be? We are all at as great Uncertainty as We have been these six Months. Yet one should think it cannot be long before the Treaty is finished. You must not cease to write to me, untill I arrive at your Door. Write by England Holland France. The Letters will find their Way. Write decently and then I dont care if they open your Letters, at present.
My Duty to my Mother and Father,1 Brothers and sisters, Unkles and Aunts, Sons and Daughter, Cousins and all the rest.
I am very angry with my Freinds in Mass. They neglect me most Shamefully. I wrote them a Multitude of Letters from the Hague last summer and again from Paris last Winter, and have no answer from any one, but a friendly Letter from Mr. Dalton of Newbury Port.2 I Suppose they are afraid to write me. Fine indeed. I should have excepted a Letter or two from Gen. Warren. I cant learn whether he is in Congress or not.3 He will receive some long Letters from me.4 Pray him to be very cautious of them. Neither they nor I can do any good in the present Circumstances.
Dr. Franklin gives out very seriously that he must return and he has been lately more than commonly Smooth and gracious. I know not what his Intentions are.
Receiving no Answers to publick or private Letters that We know have been received is very painfull. And the long Uncertainty about every thing is enough to kill one. All but me are pretty well. Adieu.
That is, JA's mother and AA's father. In the same way, JA uses “Brothers and sisters” to include AA's two brothers-in-law as well as his own brother, and AA's two sisters (he had no sister).
Tristram Dalton had written on 26 April 199(Adams Papers). Samuel Adams had last written to JA on
James Warren had written on 7 Oct., and 1 Nov. 1782, and, so far as the editors know, not again until 24 June 1783 (all in Adams Papers;
Warren-Adams Letters
, 2:178–179, 181–183, 217–220). Elected to Congress in Oct. 1782, Warren never attended and resigned his seat on 4 June (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 7:lxix). Without mentioning his resignation, Warren told JA in his 24 June letter that he had not attended because he had “been sick the whole Spring, and dare not Venture to go at this Season.” See AA to JA, 13 Nov. 1782, note 3, above.
JA had written unusually long letters on 20 and 21 March, and 13 April, and shorter ones on 9, 12, and 16 April, but in his letter to JA of 24 June (Adams Papers), Warren listed JA's letter of 15 Dec. 1782 as the last that he had received. All of these JA letters are in MHi: Warren-Adams Collection, except 9 April (MB), and are printed in
Warren-Adams Letters
, 2:190–199, 205–215 217–220, with that of 9 April printed from LbC, Adams Papers.
1783-07-13
We have had for a Fortnight or Three Weeks a Succession of Hot Weather, attended with an unusual Fog, that has been worse for me to bear than were ever the extreamest heats of Philadelphia. My Scorbutic1 Habit is very ill fitted to bear it.
But all this is not so tedious as the mournfull Silence of every Body in America. Not a Line from you or any Body near you Since Christmas. Congress have given Leave to Mr. Laurens and Mr. Dana to go home. My Congé is not yet arrived. Mr. Dana however will not get home this Year as he will have a Treaty to make.2 I am weary to death of the idle tasteless Life I lead. It would be more tolerable to be at the Hague.
At the Hague I should have my Books Papers and Conveniences about me; which would be some Comfort tho no Compensation for the seperation from my Family.
Pray let me know the History of the Affair you mentioned formerly.3 I hope there is an End of it. I hope never to be connected with Frivolity. Youths must Study to make any Thing at the Bar. The Law comes not by Inspiration. An Idler I despise. You will keep this to yourself but I dont like the Affair at all.
My Daughter is very dear to me and need not be in haste to form Frindships. Let her keep her Reserve I say. I wish her Mother had been more so than she has been upon this Occasion.4
My Duty to Father and Mother and Love to the Children. How cruelly I am tormented to be kept thus from you?
Of or related to scurvy (
OED
).
The congressional committee that recommended on 1 April that JA's resignation be accepted made the same recommendation for Henry Laurens and Francis Dana, although it said that Dana should stay if he were engaged in making a treaty with Russia. Congress accepted the report as it pertained to Laurens and Dana, but took no action on JA (
JCC
, 24:225–227; and see JA to AA, 4 Dec. 1782, note 1, above).
Royall Tyler's courtship of AA2; see AA's reply to JA, 19 Oct., below.
See JA to AA, 22 Jan., above.
1783-07-17
For these Two days my Dear Eliza, I have been in expectation of hearing from you. Mr. Shaw tells me he brought letters but I have not yet been so happy as to receive any. You see by the date of my letter that the publick occasion brought me to this place to gratify that degree of curiosity that is so universally attributed to our sex, but I do not think that the other sex are deficient by any means. Tis to me an interesting part of a persons character, when directed to proper objects. When it is not it is troublesome to every one.
Here we have had much company. If I had time I would give you a very particular account of myself and all that I have seen and heard for this week past, but at present it is not in my power. We came here a tuesday Eve.1 Mr. Lincoln2 accompanyd us wondrous sivil, Eliza. Yesterday Morn we went to meeting, an amaizeing croud of people, I am quite satisfied with commencement, for this year. I had but a tolerable seat, the company some of it was agreeable to me. Miss E. Q.3 and Miss Leonard. Dr. Dexter and Mr. Guild. But I must not nor can I pursue any other subject till I have given you some idea, if tis in my power, of the bright and blazeing star that has arrived from the South, and engaged the attention of all persons of every rank. She is beautifull as an angell of Light, and accomplishd beyond the description of Human pen. Immagination cannot paint her perfections. Methinks I hear you say what does all this mean, what are you after Amelia. Ill tell you Eliza, it is Miss Betsy Hunter from Newport. She has been in Boston a week, and had there an army of cupids graces and Loves, arrived from some prety castle such as immagination only can form any idea of, they would not been more the subject of admiration. I have heard a particular account of this Lady from Dr. Waterhouse. He does justice to her merit and accomplishments, and from him I have received an agreeable idea of her unbiassed by 201prejudice. And yesterday I had the happiness of being a silent spectator of her charms of person. She is tall and very genteel rather pale a very agreeable dark eye and dark hair beautifull mouth teeth and lips. In fine I think she is very handsome a sweetness in her countenance, which every person is engaged with. But the perfection of her mind are wonderfull, She speaks french and Italian, as well as her native tongue, translate each and writes poetry in both Languages. She has mortified the Boston Girls very much. It would divert you to hear them speak of her.
We dined at Mr. Storers a large company. This Eve Mr. Otis gives a Ball. Your friend is going to accept her invitation, a very general invitation is given. Twill not be in my power, to give you an account of it in this letter. Must defer it till I get setled down in the ould path at home.
I have received an invitation from Miss Dalton to spend a few weeks with them in the Country and Mr. D. is so very urgent that Mamma seems inclined that I should accept it. If I should I shall be in your neighbourhood, and shall wish to go to see you.4
What Eliza will you say to Betsy Lincoln5 after given the preference to a gentleman for near Two years, to doubt her affection. Ought she not to have considered that the whole sex would be stiled inconstant from her conduct, such general asser
Tis time to prepare for the entertainment and amusement of the evening. I do not expect happiness. Tis not a scene that my fancy paints happiness to proceed from by any means. A small circle of sincere friends will not bear a comparison. I very much fear that your letter will be lost. I have not heard of it since your sister gave it to Grandpappa. No secrets I hope Betsy. Adieu. Write me soon. My Love present to all who deserve it and believe me yours sincerely and affectionately
Haverhill”; endorsed: “July–17–83 AA.”
15 July.
Possibly Henry Lincoln of Hingham, Harvard 1786 (
History of Hingham
, 2:467).
Elizabeth Quincy, AA2's Braintree neighbor and distant cousin, who married Benjamin Guild in 1784.
“Miss Dalton” was probably Ruth, eldest daughter of Ruth Hooper and Tristram Dalton; she was about two years younger than AA2 (JQA to AA2, 1 Oct. 1785, note 10, 202below). Tristram Dalton's summer home, Spring Hill, was several miles west of Newburyport, on the Merrimac River, and just a few miles east of Haverhill, where Elizabeth Cranch was visiting the Shaws (
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 13:573; and see AA to JA, 21 July, below).
Betty, daughter of Elizabeth Whitcomb and Ezekiel Lincoln of Hingham, would marry Samuel Pratt in 1787; AA2 mentions her sister Sally and her only brother, Elisha, below (
History of Hingham
, 2:467).
1783-07-17
No Letter from you, yet. I believe I shall Set off Tomorrow or next day, for the Hague, and Shall bring John with me back to Paris in about 3 Weeks. There will be an Interval, before the Signature of the definitive Treaty, and Several publick Concerns oblige me to go to the Hague for a Short time.1 When I get my Son with me, I shall be ready to go to any Place, where I may embark for home, as soon as I get Leave.
I am weary beyond all Expression of waiting in this State of Uncertainty about every Thing. It is at this Moment as uncertain as it was six months ago when the definitive Treaty will be signed. Mr. Laurens and Mr. Dana have leave to go home. Mr. Danas is upon a Condition, however, which is not yet fullfilled so that he will not go home for some time. Dr. Franklin Says he is determined to go home, and Mr. Jay talks of going next Spring.
In Short it is a terrible Life We lead. It wearies out the Patience of Job, and affects the health of Us all.
Mr. Smith writes me2 that Charles and Thomas are gone or were going to Haverhill, under the Care of Mr. Shaw. I approve of this very much. They will learn no Evil there. With them at Haveril, yourself and Miss Nabby and Mr. John with me, I could bear to live in Europe another Year or two. But I cannot live much longer without my Wife and Daughter and I will not. I want two Nurses at least: and I wont have any, at least female ones but my Wife and Daughter.
I tremble too, least a Voyage and change of Climate should alter your health. I dare not wish you in Holland for there my Charles, Mr. Thaxter, My servants and myself were forever Sick. I am half a Mind to come home with the definitive Treaty, and then if Congress dismiss me, well—. If they send me back again I can take you and your Daughter with me. However I can determine upon nothing. I am now afraid We shall not meet till next Spring. I hear, by Word of Mouth that Congress will not determine upon my Resignation till they have received the definitive Treaty. Heaven know when this will 203be. It will be a Mercy to Us all, if they let me come home: for if you and your Daughter come to Europe you will get into your female Imaginations, fantastical Ideas that will never wear out, and will Spoil you both.3
The Question is whether it is possible for a Lady, to be once accustomed to the Dress, Shew &c. of Europe, without having her head turned by it? This is an awfull Problem. If you cannot be Mistress enough of yourself, and be answerable for your Daughter, that you can put on and put off these Fooleries like real Philosophers, I advise you never to come to your Europe, but order Your husband home, for this you may depend on, your Residence in Europe will be as uncertain as the Wind. It cannot be depended on for one Year no nor for Six Months. You have Seen two or three very Striking Instances of the Precariousness, of Congress Commissions, in my first, second and third. The Bread that is earned on a Farm is simple but sure. That which depends upon Politicks is as uncertain as they.
You know your Man. He will never be a Slave. He will never cringe. He will never accommodate his Principles, sentiments or Systems, to keep a Place, or to get a Place, no nor to please his Wife his Daughter, or his Wife. He will never depart from his Honour, his Duty, no nor his honest Pride for Coaches, Tables, Gold, Power or Glory. Take the Consequences then. Take a Voyage to Europe if the Case should so happen that I shall write to you to come live three Months. Let your Man See something in a different Light from his Masters, and give them offence, be recalled. You and he return back to the Blue Hills, to live upon a Farm. Very good. Let Lyars and slanderers without any of this, write Reports and nourish Factions behind his back, and the same effect is produced. I repeat it. It will be a Blessing to Us all, if I am permitted to return.
Be cautious my Friend, how you Speak upon these subjects. I know that Congress are bound, from regard to their own honour as well as mine, to send me to England, but it is the most difficult Mission in the Universe, and the most desperate, there is no Reputation to be got by it, but a great deal to be lost. It is the most expensive and extravagant Place in Europe, and all that would be allowed would not enable one to live, as a set of insolent Spendthrifts would demand. I am quite content to come home and go to Farming, be a select Man, and owe no Man any Thing but good Will. There I can get a little health and teach my Boys to be Lawyers.
I hope New York and Penobscot will be evacuated before this reaches you. That will be some Comfort. You must pray Mr. Storer 204or your Unkle Smith to send Your Letters to me, by Way of New York Philadelphia, London Bilbao, Holland France or any way. If they inclose them to any of their Friends in London they will get to me.
Thomas Barclay, the American consul general in France, had just told JA that he (Barclay) and Matthew Ridley, an agent for Maryland who was seeking a European loan, were authorized to adjust “all the accounts which the United States have in Europe.” JA explained to Barclay that he needed to obtain his papers at The Hague to render his accounts (JQA, Diary
, 1:181, and notes 2 and 3; Barclay to JA, 8 July, and JA to Barclay, 9 July, LbC, both Adams Papers). To Robert Livingston, JA explained that he was going to The Hague to improve his health and to “endeavor to assist the loan” sought by the United States from Holland (18 July, Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 6:560–562).
This letter, presumably from Isaac Smith Sr., has not been found.
This sentence was squeezed into the space before JA's original last paragraph (“I hope New York . . .”), and a mark following the inserted sentence indicates that the following three paragraphs, beginning “The Question is whether . . .,” although written below JA's close, were also intended to precede “I hope New York . . . .”
1783-07-18
The Bearer Mr. Benjamin Austin is a Son of the Honble. Benjamin Austin Esqr. of this Town, and Brother to Mr. Jona. Loring Austin who was lately in Europe.1 He expects to see France and Holland before he returns, and wishes that he may have an Oportunity of being made personally known to your Excellency. I am not very particularly acquainted with this young Gentleman, but the great Esteem that I have for his Father and Family makes me wish that you would take a friendly notice of him, not doubting but his Conduct will be such as to make him deserving of it.
I wrote you the 26th. ultimo by Cousin William Smith, who sail'd from hence the 7th. Instant, bound to London, on board Capt. Callahan. I then gave you an account of domestick matters, and that all our dear Connections were well. Nothing remarkable has taken place since. Our Honble. Friend Cotton Tufts Esqr. wrote you at the same time,2 giving you some account of our Publick Affairs. The General Court was adjourned the 11th. Instant to the 24th. of September. The two chief Objects of Debate this session have been the 5 Per Cent Duty recommended by Congress as a Fund for paying the Interest of the National Debt; and the Commutation with the Officers of the Army in lieu of the half Pay for life that Congress had promised them. The former was pass'd, but clog'd with such Condi-205tions as, I fear, will make a Difficulty.3 But the present Spirit of the House seems very averse to the Commutation, (how consistant with Justice and good Faith is yet to be shewn) so that nothing is done in that behalf; but a Remonstrance, on the contrary, has been agree'd upon to be sent to Congress to shew their disapprobation of the Conduct of Congress in making such a Promise to the Army. I now send you, by the care of the Bearer, a Collection of State Papers on the Subject, and among the rest the cellebrated Letter of his Excellency Genl. Washington on his quitting the publick Theater and retiring to his Farm and private Life; which he does with a Dignity that would do honour to a Roman General in the most virtuous Days of their Republick.4
Please to present my best Regards to your Son, if return'd, and to our very worthy Friends Thaxter and Storer; and believe me to be, with the highest Esteem, your affectionate Brother
I saw your Lady and Daughter, and Master Charles at Commencement yesterday, all well. They were at Mrs. Dana's who with her Family are all well. Master Tommy was well, the Day before Commencement, at Haverhill.
In 1780 the Massachusetts Council named Jonathan Loring Austin to negotiate a loan in Europe (vol. 3:262, note 6, and 263; Council to JA and Francis Dana, 13 Jan. 1780, JA, Papers
, 8:308–309, and notes).
Cotton Tufts to JA, 26 June (Adams Papers).
For Congress' action on the debt and its address to the people concerning it, see
JCC
, 24:257–261, 277–283. During this summer session the Massachusetts General Court did not in fact agree upon an impost bill for the benefit of the Confederation; but the legislative history is complicated, and Cranch, who was not in the legislature, could easily have been confused (Records of the States, Microfilm, Mass., A.1b, Reel No. 11, Unit 1, p. 148, 155, 157–159, 163, 165–167, 170; Mass. A.1a, Reel No. 16, Unit 2, p. 113). The impost was passed during the second session on 20 Oct., the measure repealing the impost of 4 May 1782. Again the legislative struggle was prolonged and sharp (Mass., Acts and Laws
, 1782–1783, p. 541–543; same, 1780–1781, p. 589–592; AA to JA, 27 Dec., note 9, below). The text of the final impost act heaped up conditions: violators were to be tried by jury only in Massachusetts with final appeal to the Supreme Judicial Court. Excessive fines and cruel punishments were forbidden. The state was to have an annual accounting of monies received and the amount for each imported item and an annual statement of receipts taken by Congress from each of the other states.
See also Cotton Tufts to JA, 26 June (Adams Papers). Washington's long circular letter, sent to each of the thirteen states, addressed several topics that the General deemed of the utmost importance, among them the commutation of the army's half-pay as recommended by Congress (The Writings of George Washington, ed. John C. Fitzpatrick, 39 vols., Washington, 1931–1944, vol. 26:483–496). On an order from the Massachusetts General Court, Washington's letter was printed along with earlier letters of his and of other army officers, and the related actions of Congress, as A Collection of Papers Relative to Half-Pay and Commutation thereof Granted by Congress . . ., Boston, 1783. The collection is similar to, but contains fewer 206documents than, that with a like title printed in Fishkill, New York, 1783, by Samuel Louden. The title of this collection ran, in part, Compiled, by Permission of General Washington, from the Original Papers in His Possession; although quite extensive, it omitted Washington's farewell to the states (Evans Nos. 18256 and 18255). Washington probably sent this larger collection with his farewell letter to Massachusetts, and the General Court chose to print several documents from it along with the farewell.
1783-07-18
The Pamphlets herewith inclosed, I send you by favour of Mr. Benjamin Austin, Merchant (Brother to Mr. Jonathan Loring Austin) by whome I have wrote you more at large. He proposes to sail tomorrow for London with Capt. Love. I wrote you also by Cousin William Smith1 who sailed for London the 7th. Instant with Capt. Callahan.
Last Wednesday I attended at the old Seat of the Muses, having not been at Commencement until now, ever since your Friend and Class Mate Doctr. Locke was President.2
A Republican form of Government has been observ'd to have been most productive of Oratory, and I think it is natural to suppose it; as in a popular Government an able Orator addressing the People on weighty Matters of State, must become a very important Personage. I could not help observing an alteration much for the better, as I think, in the more free easy address and manly manner in which our young Gentlemen now perform their Parts as publick Speakers than formerly; owing, probably, to that State of Freedom and Independance in which they feel themselves placed, and to that laudable Ambition which our free Constitution inspires by making every Freeman a Candidate for Places of trust and Honour in the Commonwealth. Mr. Henry Harrison Gray Otis (Son of Saml. Allen Otis Esqr.) and Mr. George Storer did themselves Honour by the Part they bore in the Publick Performances of the Day. Mr. President Willard conducted the Exercises with great Ability and Dignity. The Day was very fine and the Concourse of People from all Parts was numerous and Splendid. Your Lady and Daughter and Master Charles were present, but Master Tommy did not come from Haverhill where our three Boys3 are placed under the tuition of Brother Shaw. I left Sister Adams and Miss Nabby at Mrs. Dana's yesterday, who with Mrs. Dana and Family, are all well.
My dear Mrs. Cranch and Children join me in ardent Wishes for your Health and safety, and for your happy Return to your Country 207and Friends, among whome I hope you will always include your affectionate Brother
P.S. I had this Day the happiness of Receiving a Pacquet from Cousin Thaxter of the 20th. of April. Please to present my kind Regards and Thanks to him for it. It came too late for me to write to him by this Oportunity. His Friends are well.
Samuel Locke, a close college friend of JA's, served as the twelfth president of Harvard College, from Dec. 1769 to Dec. 1773. He resigned when it became known that, with an ill wife, he had begun a relationship with his housekeeper, who became pregnant (
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 13:625–626).
That is, CA, TBA, and William Cranch.
1783-07-20
Amid the numberless letters that you receive from your various and numerous correspondents, can a few lines from your friend afford you any pleasure. Tis perhaps vanity in me to suppose you can receive any satisfaction from my letters, but I assure you if I thought you did not I should not have resumed my pen.—You well know that Nature has given me pride enough to balance all my other qualities, whether tis an advantage or not I have never yet been able to determine.
I should have acknowledged the receipt of your letter by Mr. Shaw,2 ere this time, but the weather for this week past has been so extreme hot that I have not been capable of complying with my own wishes or intentions. Has it been as unfavourable with you, or have you been singularly favourd.
I do not intirly agree with you Eliza. I believe our happiness is in a great measure dependant upon external circumstances. At the same time I think that there are some persons—I hope they are few, that wan
Your letters to your friends since you have been at Haverhill, if I may judge from them, bespeak a tranquility of mind which I think is the result of an agreeable situation. I dare say you feel intirely happy. We are apt, perhaps too often, to judge of others by our own feelings. In this instance I acknowledge I do, from my own feelings when I visited my good Aunt, I know yours are not only pleased but happy.
You ask me to give you an account of commencement.3 Indeed my Dear I could wish to comply with all your requests, but I should not give you an agreeable idea of it should I make an attempt, so I think it is best to be silent. I saw many of my friends, and this circumstance pleased me, but such a scene of noise and confusion was no place for me to enjoy their presence. We had an elegent Ball, there was much company, too much to be agreeable and as much confusion as I ever wish to be witness to again, and yet it was executed as well as could be expected. The court house was not an agreeable place for the purpose of danceing. I think you will find out that I was not very much gratified, with my part of the evening. I came away at twelve, prudent Girl was I not, many of the company that I went with stayd till three. No one from Mrs. Danas family except Miss Lidia,4 was there, oweing to a little desinged affront from Mr. Otis. Mr. Hary I mean.
I hope and wish to hear from you soon, my friend. Do not let the multiplicity of your correspondence neglect, the first that you ever had. A tuesday there is to be a little party here. We shall miss you. The Miss Q
We have received no letters from Pappa since you left B
Your Cousin Betsy Palmer has become quite a rambler, goes to Boston every week. I am sincerely glad of it. I hope it will be of advantage to her health and spirits. She was at meeting to day in her quaker coulourd habit. I have not seen her since I came from Haverhill. Tis a strang circumstance. I have this instant recollected it. Present my respect and Love if it will be acceptable to Mr. Shaw and my Aunt. Love to Tommy, if I do not find time to write him. If you will take the trouble you may if you please present my compliments to Miss Peggy White.8—Here is I think a considerable long letter. I hope it will ensure me as long or a longer one in return. Adieu believe me your sincere friend
AA2 refers below to AA's receipt of a letter from John Thaxter “dated in April”; AA received that letter, dated 18 April (above), on 20 July (see AA to JA and to Thaxter, both 21 July, both below). AA2's remarks in the second paragraph below suggest that this letter was written several days, and perhaps a week, after her return from Cambridge and Boston to Braintree with AA, ca. 18–20 July.
In her letter of 17 July, above, AA2 complained that she had not yet received Elizabeth's letter by their uncle, John Shaw. She may have received this letter from Elizabeth upon her return to Braintree with AA (see AA to JA, 21 July, below).
On AA2's immediate reaction to Harvard commencement, and to the announcement of the Otis' ball, described in this paragraph, see her letter to Elizabeth Cranch, 17 July, above.
Lydia Dana, sister of Francis, who married Capt. John Hastings in December 1783 (Elizabeth Ellery Dana, The Dana Family in America, Cambridge, 1956, p. 474).
Probably Mary Otis, daughter of Ruth Cunningham and the patriot James Otis Jr. (
NEHGR
, 2:296 [July 1848]).
Perhaps a daughter of Moses Frazier, Newburyport merchant (JQA, Diary
, 2:337, and note 1). Mr. Head remains unidentified.
Dated 18 April, above.
The Whites were near neighbors of the Shaws in Haverhill; Peggy was the sister of Leonard, who later became a close friend of JQA's at Harvard (JQA, Diary
, 2:passim).
1783-07-21
I last evening received a Letter from Mr. Thaxter dated in April,1 and Mr. Storer received Letters from his Son, but not a line has yet come to hand from you. I Know not what to think. I should feel more anxious, but Mr. Thaxter mentiond you as well. I fancy you must feel impatient at the delay of your return. I fear you will compleat the four years2 before you reach America. Do not think of a winter voyage, I dread this coast in winter. From a state of our publick 210affairs, the knowledge of which will reach you, if your Friends have written as they promised you will feel, both a wish, and a reluctance at a speedy return.
A Gentleman observed to me the other day, that he believed you had served your Country almost long enough to be forgotten. But it will not be a forgetfulness that will diminish or depreciate your Services, but jealousy and envy of those abilities which have crowned you with Success; the insolence of wealth will endeavour to trample down what it cannot emulate. But it is an observation of Swifts, that persons of transcendent merit force their way in spight of all obsticals, but that those whose merit was of a second third or fourth rate, were seldom able to perform any thing; because the Knaves and dunces of the World, had all the impudence, assiduity, flattery, and servile, compliance, divided among them; which kept them continually in the Way; and engaged every body to become their Solicitors. Swifts observations generally carry a Sting with them—yet he had too much reason for his severity.
There is a position in Machiavel says a late elegant writer that a country should sometimes be without order, and over run with all sorts of calamities, that Men of great Genius may distinguish themselves by restoring it. We certainly see a country sufficiently disorderd, and embarrassed to satisfy any speculator in the utmost wantonness of his imagination. But where and to whom shall we look, for a restoration of internal peace and good order, so necessary for the preservation of that very freedom for which we have so long and so successfully contended.
Tis a long time since I heard from You.3 I flatterd myself that when there was no danger from enemies, that the communication would be much more frequent.
I know but little of the movements of Congress, the States are jealous of their assumeing too great power, and there are certain restless Spirits who keep up the Hue and cry, the impost will not go down in any shape, the treasury has no money, and was obliged to borrow of private persons to pay the last Sessions of the court, the most expensive that we ever had and the least performd. No money has ever been paid upon loan office certificates since France stoped payment.4 Taxes are Still enormous, what becomes of the money I cannot say. The Soldiers have no pay, and every department is crying out—give, give.
I was lately in conversation with Mr. Osgood upon our publick affairs. He told me that the British influence in Congress were all in 211your favour, and that he was certain, they wished to support you—that it was matter of great Speculation among the Gallicians,5 how your aged Colleigue was brought to coinside and act in concert with you. This same Mr. Osgood is a sensible modest Man. When he came from congress, I wished to see him, and he was introduced to me. I made some inquiry of him respecting the situation of my Friend. Ever since that time he has taken it into his head to be vastly civil to me. I told him I wished he would write you a state of publick affairs. He said he had not the honour of being personally known to you. I promised to introduce him to you, and he has promised to write you, if he goes again to Congress, of which he appears at present doubt-full. The House past a most pointed censure upon him by recalling all their Delegates at once, but when they cooled upon reflection, and when Mr. Dalton refused they chose Mr. Osgood again. I know I cannot recommend him more, than by saying, he appears to me a second Mr. Gerry.6 Mr. Dalton made me a visit in Boston the other day, told me he had been writing you, was vastly pleased with your Letter to him not long since.7 He became acquainted with Nabby at the assembly, the last winter, and has always been very polite to her. He visited me with a request from his daughter, an agreable young Lady of about 16 that I would let Nabby go and tarry a month with her at his country Seat where the family reside in the summer, and at the same time deliverd a Letter from his Daughter pressing the same request. She became acquainted with Nabby at Haverhill and then insisted upon her making this visit. Mr. Dalton was so polite as to insist upon sending for her when ever she could go. I promised him that as soon as my family got through the Measels which I daily expected them to have, she should go.
I think I feel a greater regard for those persons who Love me for your sake, than I should if they Esteemed me on my own account only. Where is my wanderer, is he not yet arrived. I do not forget him, but am anxious to hear from him. Mrs. Dana too, is desirious of hearing from her long absent Friend. I went to commencment this year at the pressing invitation of my Friends many of whom were there, but I have such unfashonable feelings that I cannot bear to go into publick assemblies. I always find some gentleman who is polite enough to tender me his service, yet I should be pained at receiving that particular attention which every Lady stands in need of when she goes into publick. Besides I have too so much pride, that if I cannot go by your side, and be introduced as your companion, I will not go at all.
Portia
Of 18 April, above.
Since JA's second departure for Europe, on 15 Nov. 1779.
AA had received JA's letter of 28 March by mid-June (AA to Royall Tyler, 14 June; AA to JA, 20 June, both above).
France stopped payment of interest on loan office certificates in the spring of 1782 (E. James Ferguson, The Power of the Purse, A History of American Public Finance, 1776–1790, Chapel Hill, 1961, p. 149).
Evidently AA's label for the Gallican, or pro-French, faction, composed either of congressmen or of Frenchmen and Americans lobbying Congress.
Samuel Osgood of Andover, Mass., like Elbridge Gerry an Essex County man, had entered Congress in June 1781 and was reelected to that body, for a third time, on 9 July (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 7:lxviii;
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 17:412–419).
Not found. The latest extant letter from JA to Tristram Dalton known to the editors is of 23 Feb. 1780 (JA, Papers
, 8:356). Dalton wrote to JA five times between May 1782 and July 1783
1783-07-21
I almost fear I shall be too late for the Vessel which is about to sail for England. I did not know of it untill a few days ago, and then I was absent from Home. I have been to Cambridge to visit my sister Dana. Mr. Storers and Mr. Allen Otis'es sons took their degree and made a large commencment as it is call'd. From both these families I received invitations. Emelia was urgent with me to go, and my Friend Mrs. Dana's repeated invitation, prevaild upon me to accept, accordingly I went. I attended the forenoon Service, it was said to be the largest the most splendid and Brilliant assembly which has appeard there for many years. The young Gentlemen who received their degrees exhibited to great acceptance. In a particular manner Mr. Gorge Storer who deliverd a lattin oration, and altho I could not understand the language, yet his voice and action did him Credit. Mr. Otis'es oration was in english, a Celebration of independance and peace, the freedom
Your obliging favour of April 18 reachd me last evening, unaccompanied by a single line from Mr. Adams, the reason of which I cannot define. Nor did you make any mention of my Wandering Son, of whose arrival at the Hague or Paris, I have not yet been informd. I have not received a line from him for 18 months,3 nor has Mrs. Dana heard from Petersburgh since Jan'y last. I have formed no expectations of the return of all my dear Friends untill fall of the year, I hope it will not be deferd untill late in the Season. From your last letter, I am happy to find, that you are still in a climate, more favorable to Health than Holland, and if my Friends must be detained abroad, I had rather hear of them at Paris than else where.
I hate to touch upon our publick affairs. Many of Mr. A's Friends have written largely to him upon the Subject, and to him I must refer you. I should feel easier if I could fully believe, an observation of a 214Gentleman who is acquainted with publick affairs tho not a present actor—the Ship is safe says he, but the pilots will have a tough time. I rejoice that they have obliged me to become only a passenger.
Your Friends at Hingham are all well. I shall not be able to acquaint them of this opportunity. Tis said your two youngest sisters are going to change their state, tho not both of them their Names.4
Remember me kindly to Mr. Storer. I wrote you by Mr. Smith who saild a fortnight ago. The young Gentlemen are very fond of a trip across the Atlantick. A dozen I am told are going
Portia
Joseph Willard, president of Harvard College from 1781 to 1804.
AA2 gives a brief account of the Otis ball in her letter to Elizabeth Cranch of
Lucy Thaxter married John Cushing in 1785; Anna Thaxter married Thomas Thaxter in 1786 (
History of Hingham
, 3:233).
1783-07-23
It is indeed a long time since I have receiv'd any Letters from my friends in America, and I must own I have been a little behind hand within these two years; in writing to them.1 However, I hope they will consider that I have been all that time, almost at the world's end, or to make the best of it, in such an out of the-way place, as made it very inconvenient for me to write: But I should think myself deficient in my duty, if I should let pass the present opportunity; without giving you some account of my travels, since I left Mr. Dana.
I Set off, from Petersbourg the 19/30 of last October,2 in company With Count Greco an Italian gentleman with whom I was acquainted, at that place: and on account of the badness of the roads and weather; and of our having a great number of considerable water passages, which had began to freeze over, did not arrive in Stockholm, the capital of Sweeden untill the 25th. of November. The distance is about 800 English Miles. I stay'd at Stockholm about 6 weeks and was much pleas'd with the polite manner in which the people of the
215 216Country treat strangers. Sweeden is the country in Europe which pleases me the most. That is; of those I have seen. Because their manners resemble more those of my own Country, than any I have seen. The King3 is a Man of great Abilities. In the Space of one day from being one of the most dependent, he rendered himself one of the most absolute Monarchs of Europe. But he is extremely popular, and has persuaded his people that they are free; and that he has only restor'd them their ancient constitution. They think they are free, and are therefore happy. However in the interior parts of the Kingdom he has lost a little of his Popularity because he has laid some heavy taxes upon Brandy, and some other articles.
I Left Stockholm the 31st. of December and was obliged to stop at a small town callmankind a whole people can place at the Head of their goverment such a Man as the king of Denmark because his father was a king. The hereditary prince it seems is at least possess'd of common sense, and is regarded in the Country as a prodigy, as he indeed is, if he is compared to his father.4
I arrived at Hamborough (which is about 300 English Miles from Copenhagen) a the 11th. of March. I stay'd there near a Month: it is a large city; quite commercial, and will I dare say, carry on hereafter a great deal of Trade with America. But its commerce is somewhat restrain'd because it is surrounded by the Dominions of the King of Denmark, and of the Elector of Hanover.5 The Danes have built a town, at about a quarter of a Mile from Hamborough, which is become now its rival in commerce, the Hamburgers have named this Place Al-te-na, which signifies, much too near as indeed it is for their commercial interests.
The Bremen which is another commercial Republic but the city is much smaller than Hamborough. It was anciently one of the Hanseatic league; and has been in a much more flourishing condition than it is at present. There are at Bremen some publick cellars, which are famous. I drank there some Rhenish wine about 160. Years old. I stay'd only four days at Bremen and arriv'd at Amsterdam the 15th. and at this Place the 21st. of April, and here I have been ever since.7 Hamborough is about 450 English Miles from this Place.
Last night, at about 11. o'clock, Pappa arrived here from Paris all alone, only accompanied by a Servant; he intends to return to Paris in about three weeks.
I hope, Charles, and Tommy are both well, and my dear Sister, who has been very obliging within these three years. I have receiv'd already from her two letters.8 I should take it as a great favour if she would favour me with some more; I have quite left off criticizing, especially upon faults in Language at least untill I shall be my self less faulty in this respect.
JQA's only extant letters to America written between his departure for Russia in July 1781 and his return to Holland in April 1783 were one to AA of 23 Oct. 1781, and one to Elizabeth Cranch of 17 March 1782 (vol. 4:233–234, 297–299); but see his statement about lost correspondence in his letter to AA of 30 July, below. His only regular correspondents during these two years were JA and John Thaxter.
Compare the following account of JQA's journey with JQA, Diary
, 1:153–174; and JQA to JA, 1 Feb., 20 Feb., 12 March, and 22 April, all above.
Gustavus III, King of Sweden from 1771 to 1792; the constitutional coup to which JQA refers below occurred over several days, 18–21 Aug. 1772, with the critical seizure of power on the 19th (Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale
).
Nouv. biog. générale
.
The Elector of Hanover was George III, King of England.
The text here was lost by the removal of the seal.
JQA had taken short trips to Rotterdam, Amsterdam, and Delft since his return to The Hague in April (
Diary
, 1:174–175).
That is, two letters since he had set out for Russia in 1781: those of 3 May 1782 (vol. 4:319–321), and of
1783-07-26
Last Saturday, I left Paris, and on Tuesday arrived, at the Hague. To Day I am come to this Town. I Shall return to Paris in a Fortnight. 218So as to make my whole Absence about three Weeks. Soon after my Return I expect the definitive Treaty will be Signed, but in this I may be mistaken. My Son is with me in good health. I had a tender Meeting with the dear Companion of my Voages and Journeys, and have been very happy with him, ever Since. He is grown a Man in Understanding as well as Stature. He gives a very intelligent and entertaining Account of his Travels to and from the North. I shall take him with me to Paris, and Shall make much of his Company.
I have no Letters from you this Year,1 and not knowing what to do with myself, I am in much Perplexity. I hope Soon to be informed of the orders of Congress. If they accept my Resignation, I may come home in October. If not, I know not what will become of me. To Stay another winter hung up between one Thing and another in suspence would be the most disagreable Thing that could happen to me. Patience however. If my Health was as good as it was two Years ago, before my great Sickness2 I could be patient. But continual ill health added to all the Perplexities that distract me, is too much for me. I want two Nurses, my Wife and my Daughter, and three gay Boys about Us to keep Us all in good humour. But this is too much. My Boys must have their Educations.
I am told a Vessell is just arrived from Boston and another, Cazneau expected. I hope for Letters by both.
A Letter from Mr. Dalton and a few Lines from Mr. Smith and Mr. Storer are all I have had from N. England an immense long Time. What have I done to be thus punished?
I am come here to See if any Thing can be done to get Money, to prevent Mr. Morris's Bills from being protested. I hope that Some thing may be done but am not very Sanguine.3
I wonder whether any body but you would believe me Sincere if I were to Say how much I love you, and wish to be with you and never to be Seperated more?
In late January, JA had received letters from AA dated in Oct., Nov., and Dec. 1782 (JA to AA, 22 and 29 Jan., above).
JA's first serious illness in Europe occurred in Amsterdam, from late August to early Oct. 1781 (see vol. 4:224, and note 3). Since that dismal event, JA periodically complained of poor health, especially when he was in Holland, and a fear of the return of his illness colored his statements that he was in good health (vol. 4:265, 272, 324, 337, 360, 369).
Robert Morris was Congress' superintendent of finance. JA's efforts to secure funds from Dutch bankers for Morris' bills of exchange, which America's Paris banker, Ferdinand Grand, could no longer cover with the funds remaining in America's account, and his efforts to advance the Dutch loan that he had earlier contracted for the United States, appear in the correspondence between JA, Robert Morris, R. R. Livingston, Benjamin 219Franklin, Thomas Barclay, and John Jay, between May and Nov. 1783, in Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, vol. 6; in Morris to JA, 12 May (Adams Papers); and in Morris to JA, 23 Oct. (DLC). Grand's letter of 12 May to the Peace Commissioners, announcing the depletion of America's funds, is also in Wharton, 6:420–421. Background documentation and commentary on America's fiscal crisis of 1783 appears in The Papers of Robert Morris, ed. John Catanzariti and others, vol. 7, Pittsburgh, 1988.
1783-07-29
Mr. Adams having taken a Journey to Holland for three or four Weeks, and there being nothing of consequence to do in his Absence, Mr. Storer and myself thought it an exceeding good opportunity of executing our Project of a Voyage to this place, for the sake of the Sea Bath. We arrived here on the 27th. instant, after a delightfully fatiguing Journey. We passed thro' the Province of Normandy, which is extremely fertile, producing Grains of all kinds in Abundance, Cyder &c. The People are very hardy and laborious, and the fine Crops on the Earth seemed to have amply rewarded their Labors. The Women in general are not handsome. And one sees no where in Europe the common Women so handsome and well made as in America. This Class of Women in Europe are much accustomed to all kinds of farming business from their Infancy almost, and are obliged to be out basking and baking in the Sun and employed in the severest parts of the Labors of a Farm. Whether this accounts for the difference, I know not, or what physical Reason there may be for it. That there is a difference every American, that travels with his Eyes open, must observe. They seemed contented and happy, which are the most principal Objects. There are some of them that are very smart, and parry rude questions with great dexterity. We had one in the Diligence (a travelling Carriage in this Country holding 6. or 8. persons), who was a mere Country Girl. As there were a Number of young fellows in the Carriage, and Miss looked very clean, neat and tidy, it was natural to ask her some questions. She behaved with vast propriety, was modest, sensible and reserved. Obliged often to answer questions, and as often to be silent. Her Repartees confounded a Gentleman in the Carriage to a great degree, tho' he did not feel them as a Man of Sensibility, and indeed if he had been one he would not have asked some questions that he put. I admired her Character very much, as a discreet prudent Girl, who spoke without fear, or Confusion, yet modestly. Most of the young Girls of our Country are timid, and frightened, if a Stranger interrogates them. In this Country, there 220is a confident Assurance and a possession of self without pertness, impertinence or impudence. I dont mean always, but the Country Girls in general have the former without the latter. I have mentioned our Miss as one Example. And I should have been very sorry to have lost her Company, if one of our rude Companions had been out of the Carriage. However She rode but a little ways with us, and then left us. I might as well have said nothing about the matter, as I have said nothing of the Conversation. But as it was rather curious and connected with what ought to be omitted, I may as well be silent. She was not handsome, but charming, and I shall always love and esteem her even upon so short an Acquaintance.
I write in great haste, and shall not have time to write to my other friends, if I have any, as I very much doubt; and perhaps this may be an unwelcome Letter to your Ladyship.
Mr. Storer has Packet after Packet, but I am either forgotten or neglected.
You will please to forward the inclosed Letters. My Sister is well catechised in my Letter, if She takes it seriously.1
My Respects to all Friends if you please, and particular Regards to your Family.
Letter not found, but “My Sister” must be Celia Thaxter, John Thaxter's oldest sister (1749–1829), to whom he wrote at least twelve extant letters from Europe, 1780–1783, and another twelve from Haverhill, 1784–1791. He also addressed three extant letters to his sisters collectively. MHi: Thaxter Papers;
History of Hingham
, 3:232–233.
1783-07-30
Altho' I have already written you by Mr. Brush who will probably deliver this to you; yet I cannot help writing a few more Lines to justify myself with you, from a reproach; the Idea of which I cannot bear. If the Northern Regions have frozen up that Quick and Lively Imagination, which you are please to say, used to be agreeable to my Friends, they have most certainly not chilled my affection, but have if possible augmented my Love for my Friends, and my reverence for the dearest and most honoured, of mothers. I must beg your pardon for having scratch'd out of your letter these words, to be forgotten by my Son,1 for I could not bear to think that such an Idea should ever 221have entered the mind of my ever honoured Mamma. I should certainly have written oftener to you while I was in Russia than I did. But there were no vessels which sail'd from there, directly for America, and we had very few private opportunities to forward letters here; so we were obliged to send them by the post which was not only a very expensive manner; but the letters would have been all opened for in that Country, not a letter passes, the Contents of which, are not known at the Post Office, and they take so little pains to hide it, that I have receiv'd several Letters, the seals of which were broken, and the Letters open. If you complain, they will tell you that they know nothing about it, and that they suppose the rubbing of the letters have broken the seals: and one does not Love to have the Letters he writes seen by every body. But I used to write you by every private opportunity: I suppose the greatest part of my Letters failed, for I wrote several times to you, and to my other friends, and you mentioned having receiv'd but one letter from me since I left Amsterdam.
See AA to JQA, 13 Nov. 1782, note 2, above.
1783-08-14
I have received your two favours of 7 May and 20 June.1 I had received no Letter from you for so long an Interval that these were really inestimable. I always learn more of Politicks from your Letters, than any others. I have lost all my Correspondents in Congress. I wrote to Mr. Jackson and Gen. Warren2 Supposing they were Members. Mr. Gerry is there now, to my Great Joy. Beg of him to write to me, if I stay in Europe.
I learn with great Satisfaction the Wisdom of my Daughter, whom I long to see. What is to be my Fate I know not. We have not received any joint Commission to make a Treaty of Commerce with Great Britain. I hate to force my self home without Leave, and Congress have not given me Leave as Mr. Lee gave you Reason to expect.3 My Son is with me, at present, and you will be as proud of him as I shall be of my Daughter, when I see her. He is grown up a Man, and his Steadiness and Sobriety, with all his Spirits are much to his honour. I will make of him my Secretary while I Stay.
222I like the Situation of Charles and Tom.
Your Purchase of Land tho of only the Value of 200 Dollars4 gives me more Pleasure than you are aware. I wish you had described it. I Suppose it to be that fine Grove which I have loved and admired from my Cradle. If it is, I would not part with it, for Gold. If you know of any Woodland or salt Marsh to be sold, purchase them and draw upon me for the Money. Your Bills shall be paid upon Sight. Direct the Bills to be presented if I should be returned home, to Messrs. Wilhem and Jan Willink Merchants Amsterdam, who will accept and pay them for the Honour of the Drawer. Pray dont let a Single Tree be cutt upon that Spot. I expect, very soon, to be a private Man, and to have no other Resource for my Family but my Farm, and therefore it is my Intention when I come home to sell my House in Boston and to collect together all the Debts due to me and all other little Things that I can convert into Money and lay it out in Lands in the Neighbourhood of our Chaumiere.5 The whole will not will make a large but a Small Farm, Yet it will be large enough for my Desires if my Children are content. You Speak of a high Office.6 In Gods Name, banish every Idea of such a Thing. It is the Place of the Greatest slavery and Drudgery in the World. It would only introduce me to endless Squabbles and Disputes, and expose me to eternal obloquy and Envy. I wish that all Parties would unite in the present one who has the Hearts of that People and will keep them. The Opposition will only weaken and distress his Administration, and if another were chosen in his Place, the Administration of that other would be weakened and distressed by a Similar Opposition. I have not health to go through the Business, nor have I Patience to endure the Smart. I beg that neither You nor yours would ever encourage in yourselves or others such a Thought. If I return home If after my Return home, the state should think proper to send me to Congress and you will go with me, I will go, for a short time, but not a long one. After that if I should be chosen into the senate or House, I should be willing to contribute my Mite, to the publick service in that Way. At home, upon my Farm and among my Books assisting in the Education of my Children, and endeavouring to introduce them into Business to get their Bread and do some service in the World, I wish to pass the feeble Remnant of my Days. But I am too much hurt, by those Exertions to which the Times have called me, to wish or to be capable of any great active Employment whatsoever. You know not how much your Friend is altered. The Fever burnt up half his Memory and more than half his Spirits, and has left him, with scorbutic 223Disorders about him that are very troublesome. Without Repose, if with it, he can never hope to get the better of them. This is said to you my friend in Confidence and is to be communicated to no one else. Adieu After having seen so many of my friends, thro Life fall Victims to the great Contest, I think my self very happy to have got through it, in no worse a Condition. Adieu.
JA had also received AA's letter of 28 April, above (see JA to AA2, 14 Aug., below).
JA had last written Jonathan Jackson on 17 Nov. 1782 (MHi: Misc. Coll.); Jackson's next extant letter to JA was dated 27 April 1784 (Adams Papers). Jackson resigned from Congress on 5 Nov. 1782 (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 6:xlvi). On JA's correspondence with James Warren, see JA to AA, 9 July, notes 3 and 4, above.
See Arthur Lee to AA, 23 April, above.
See AA to JA, 7 May, note 8, above.
Thatched cottage. AA also referred to the Adams' modest home in Braintree as a cottage (to JA, 20 June, above), and even as “our own Republican cottage” (to JA, 28 April, above).
See AA to JA, 7 May, above, for the oblique reference to the governorship of Massachusetts, which some opponents of John Hancock thought JA might fill if he returned.
1783-08-14
I have received your affectionate letter of the 10th of May, with great pleasure, and another from your mother of the 28th and 29th of April, which by mistake I omitted to mention in my letter to her to-day. Your education and your welfare, my dear child, are very near my heart; and nothing in this life would contribute so much to my happiness, next to the company of your mother, as yours. I have reason to say this by the experience I have had of the society of your brother, whom I brought with me from the Hague. He is grown to be a man, and the world says they should take him for my younger brother, if they did not know him to be my son. I have great satisfaction in his behaviour, as well as in the improvements he has made in his travels, and the reputation he has left behind him wherever he has been. He is very studious and delights in nothing but books, which alarms me for his health; because, like me, he is naturally inclined to be fat. His knowledge and his judgment are so far beyond his years, as to be admired by all who have conversed with him. I lament, however, that he could not have his education at Harvard College, where his brothers shall have theirs, if Providence shall afford me the means of supporting the expense of it. If my superiors shall permit me to come home, I hope it will be soon; if they mean I should stay abroad, I am not able to say what I shall do, until I 224know in what capacity. One thing is certain, that I will not live long without my family, and another is equally so, that I can never consent to see my wife and children croaking with me like frogs in the Fens of Holland, and burning and shivering alternately with fevers, as Mr. Tha
You have reason to wish for a taste for history, which is as entertaining and instructive to the female as to the male sex. My advice to you would be to read the history of your own country, which although it may not afford so splendid objects as some others, before the commencement of the late war, yet since that period, it is the most interesting chapter in the history of the world, and before that period is intensely affecting to every native American. You will find among your own ancestors, by your mother's side at least, characters which deserve your attention. It is by the female world, that the greatest and best characters among men are formed. I have long been of this opinion to such a degree, that when I hear of an extraordinary man, good or bad, I naturally, or habitually inquire who was his mother? There can be nothing in life more honourable for a woman, than to contribute by her virtues, her advice, her example, or her address, to the formation of an husband, a brother, or a son, to be useful to the world.
Heaven has blessed you, my daughter, with an understanding and a consideration, that is not found every day among young women, and with a mother who is an ornament to her sex. You will take care that you preserve your own character, and that you persevere in a course of conduct, worthy of the example that is every day before you. With the most fervent wishes for your happiness, I am your affectionate father,
Jour. and Corr.
, 1:202–204.)
The date is corrected from JA to AA, 14 Aug., above (see the opening sentence of the present letter).
1783-08-20
1783-08-29
Why my Dear Eliza have I not had the pleasure of hearing from you but once in an absence of two months. Is this right Betsy? I have been half of a mind to believe that you had ceaced to wish to hear 225from me—the idea has given me pain. Surely you received a letter by Mr. Shaw at commencement, and I have wrote you since.1 I cannot say that you have certainly received that but methinks you might have devoted one hour, even had it have been 'the sixth' to your friend.
I must acknowledge that at times I have felt greived by your inattention—perhaps you thought me void of those feelings that would create unpleasing sensations by a neglect of friendship.
We have had such a profusion of folks here for these some weeks that it has been absolutely out of my power to write at all. Betsy Otis spent a forghtnight with me. Polly is here at present. Mrs. Dana and Miss Elery2 spend this week with us. We have all passed this afternoon with your Mamma and sister. We all regreted the absence of my Cousin. This Eve we have had a disagreeable scene. It has thundered and lightened exceedingly. You know my natureal insensibility or from some cause quite simular, I am not at all affected by it. Nancy Elery is much affected. Poor Polly Otis feels from it severely. She is a girl of sensibility gentleness and softness natureally, and affliction has increased her amiability. The scenes of this Eve, have recalled to her mind that period, which time has not so far effaced as to permit her to reflect upon without very painfull sensations, it is a painfull remembrance and she must often be called to the reflections by causes unavoidable.3
The little Dr.4 who seems to be the subject of many of your late letters, has I fancy by the charms of musick quite enchanted my friend.
Dont you know Eliza that tis daingerous to give way to such enchantment—and do you recollect that Haverhill is a fortunate situation for Laidys, who declare they risk to be connected before two and twenty.
The first part of this letter Elisa was wrote almost a forghtnight passt. No opportunity of conveyance has presented, and I have been in hopes that I should have it soon in my power to acknowledge the receipt of at least a line from you. I hear dayly of your letters to various persons, but have the mortifycation not to hear of any for myself. I came over here to spend a week with Polly Otis, before she goes into town.6 Charles and Harry are both gone to reside in Boston. We feel their absence—as you may well suppose. Harry comes a 226saturdays and spends the sunday with us. He retains his sprightliness, and has increasd in volubility greatly I assure you. His spirits are raised by his prospect of business and he can scarce contain himself. Charles has been gone but a week. He is a more sedate young Man. You know they are both good amiable and agreeable at all times—tho I must confess I am more pleased with the dignity, and delicacy, of Charles, than with all the sprightliness and airryness of his Brother Harry. Winslow is hourly expected to return. When he arrives we shall see an extrordinary.
At last my friend I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of a letter from you7—a pleasure I have long and ardently wished. Last Eve on my return from Milton, your letter was handed me. From your own feelings, you may judge of the pleasure that I received from this event. Indeed my Dear after so long a silence once more to receive the product of your pen was a pleasure, that I cannot pretend to describe. You may see by various dates of my letter that I have not been unmindfull of you. Charles sets out tomorow. He is all impatience to return to his studys and discovers a disposition that will ever be of advantage through life to him.
You have drawn a sweet picture Eliza of your visit, but to whom it was, you thought it was unnecessary for me to know, I suppose. If the agreeable couple are not indebted to your imagination for the embellishment of the scene, I imagine they are happy.
Have you concluded to spend the next winter in your present situation, or do you think of favouring your friends in this part of the World with your presence. I assure you we are almost impatient to see you, and flater ourselvs with the prospect.
Let me hear from you soon. Remember me to all who think of me. Present my love regards and respects to Uncle and Aunt Shaw. My Love to Tommy and Billy. And believe me your affectionate Cousin and friend
Nancy Ellery, sister of Elizabeth Ellery Dana (AA to JA, 24 Aug., below).
Mary (Polly) Otis was the younger daughter of the patriot orator James Otis Jr., who had been struck dead by lightning on 23 May (see John Thaxter to JA, 12 Aug., Adams Papers;
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 11:277–286).
Not identified; see AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch, 1 July, above.
Alexander Pope, “Ode for Music on St. Cecilia's Day,” lines 118–119; Pope has “grief” 227in line 118, and “Fate's,” not “pains,” in line 119.
Polly Otis was visiting her aunt, Mercy Otis Warren, and her cousins Charles and Henry (Harry) Warren, and eagerly awaited the return of her cousin Winslow Warren from Europe.
Not found.
1783-08-20
This will be convey'd to you by the Honble. Natl. Gorham Esqr. our late Speaker, who return'd this Summer from Congress in which he has Serv'd this Commonwealth as a Delegate, with great Ability and Honour. I hope he will, if possible, have a personal Interview with you, as he can doubtless throw much Light on many of the Transactions of that Body. The special Purpose for which Mr. Gorham now goes to Europe, is, to solicit Donations for the distressed Inhabitants of his native Town of Charlestown. You are well acquainted with the uncommon Sufferings that worthy Community has undergone by having all their Houses burnt, and a great part of their Moveables, by the British Army; and then forced to retire almost naked, and destitute, to every part of the State where any Provision could be made for their Support, either by private Charity, or by the Publick permitting them to be entertained for the present as the Poor of the Towns to which they were sent.1
In this unhappy Condition most of the Inhabitants of Charlestown have remained ever since the time when that wanton Violence took place. Some of the former Inhabitants of that Town who yet retain some Property, have formed the laudable design of assisting in rebuilding the Town on a much more regular and elegant Plan than it stood on before it was burnt. An Act of the General Court has pass'd to enable them to lay out the new Streets commodiously and regularly, according to a Plan exhibited to the Legislature.2 The Honble. Mr. James Russell is among the foremost (notwithstanding his great Age)3 to bring forward the Rebuilding of the Town, and has earnestly requested his old Friend, our Father Smith, to write to you on the Subject. Father says he cannot write to you at present but wishes me to write.4 He says his Friend Mr. Russell is so engaged in raising up Charlestown (like the Phoenix from its Ashes) that he has scarce another Object on Earth for which he wishes to live.
The Plan, therefore, on which the Honble. Mr. Gorham now comes to Europe, is, to solicit Benefactions from the Rich and Generous, to assist the Poor of Charlestown (many of whome yet retain the 228small Spots of Ground on which their former Houses stood) in erecting such necessary Buildings, in the room of those that were burnt, as may enable them to return to their native Place, and enjoy with some degree of Independence, the common Blessings of Providence.
The manner in which you may best give Assistance in the prosecution of such a Plan, must be left entirely to your Prudence and Wisdom: But it is thought that the high Character you have so deservedly acquired both in Europe and America, would give great weight and encouragement to the Undertaking if it should meet with your approbation.
You know the Interest that Father Smith and the whole Family take in the Rebuilding of their native Town—it would be peculiarly pleasing to them if any thing of this sort should take place.
I wrote you the 26th. of June by Cousin Wm. Smith, who sail'd for London in Capt. Callahan; and two Letters of the 18th. of July, by Mr. Ben. Austin, who sail'd for London in Capt. Love, by him I sent you two Pamphlets containing some late Transactions of Congress—which I hope are come to hand. Your Mother and your Lady and Family are all well. Master Charles is just got well of the Meazels, he has had them favourably. Master Tommy was not at home, so that he has not catch'd them. The Ladies Adams, Dana, Warren, Quincy &c. drank Tea at our
Please to present my kindest Regards to your Son and to our worthy Friends Thaxter and Storer, and let them know that their Friends are all well. Your Lady has received your Letters of the 20th. and 30th. of May.
The Ship Lady Ann, Capt. Richard Chapman arriv'd here last Saturday Night, by which I rec'd a Letter from Mr. Eyma fils of Amsterdam, by which I perceive that he has sent me a considerable Consignment thro' your recommendation, for which I thank you. You may please to inform him that I shall take the utmost care of his Interest, and make Sale of them as quick as possible. The Goods are not yet come on shore. I shall write him very particularly as soon as I have examined the Goods. Adieu.
The burning of Charlestown occurred during the Battle of Bunker Hill on 17 June 1775. Only a few buildings escaped the flames; estimates placed the number of houses destroyed at 400 and property loss at over £115,000. After the British evacuated Boston, the residents began slowly to return, but rebuilding did not begin in earnest until 1783. Nathaniel Gorham had been involved in relief efforts for Charlestown since 1777, when he had presented a petition to Congress for that purpose. See vol. 2:214, and note 1, 240; JA, Papers
, 5:198–199; Richard Frothingham Jr., The History of Charlestown, Massachusetts, Boston, 1845, p. 367–368; Souvenir of the 50th Anniversary of the Dedication of the Bunker Hill Monument, Charlestown, 1893, p. 8–9.
This act was dated 30 Oct. 1781 (Private and Special Statutes of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts from . . . 1780 to 1805, 3 vols., Boston, 1805, 1:21–24).
James Russell, age sixty-eight in 1783, was a representative from 1746 to 1759, a member of the Council, 1759–1771, and a superior court justice from 1771 until the Revolution (Thomas Bellows Wyman, The Genealogies and Estates of Charlestown, Boston, 1879, 2:831, 832; William Davis, History of the Judiciary of Massachusetts, Boston, 1900, p. 141).
Rev. William Smith, AA's father, was born in Charlestown in 1707, and joined the First Church there before graduating from Harvard in 1725 (
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 7:588). It may have been failing health that prevented Smith from writing to JA; he would die on 17 Sept. (AA to JA, 20 Sept., below).
1783-08-24
By Capt. Freeman who Sails on Sunday for England I embrace the opportunity of writing you a few lines. Mr. Goreham is gone to Portsmouth to embark from thence, impowerd by the Town of Charlstown to solicit Charity for them. I have not the best opinion of his errant; nor of his politeness, or I should have Supposed that as he means to apply to you for assistance; he would have Supposed imagined that a Letter from your family would not have been unacceptable, but he moved off, without giving me any notice. I do not regret it much as Capt. Freeman will be so kind as to take this, and carefully forward it. I have written frequently, written by way of England Since the Peace, and hope you have received my Letters. I have not heard so frequently from you as I wish; your last date was the 30 of May. I hope it was not long after that date, that you remaind in the dissagreable suspence which you then appeard to be in, and that your publick dispatches were agreable to your mind and that you will not be delayed by them. Every Letter which reaches me places your return at a further remove; I pray that it may not exceed November as I have a dread of our coast. I fear for your Health, and hope a voyage will prove benificial. When I reflect upon the many perplexing scenes, and difficulties through which you have passt in 230the last ten years, I conceive them sufficient, to batter down a stronger building than the Fabrick you occupy. It is however a pleasing consolation that the Deity which inhabits it, is formed for a duration, beyond the brittle tennament, and is capable of extending its views to an existance more suitable to its nature and capacity—and where I trust it will meet with a due regard for that Benevolence and good will which upon all occasions, has been exerted for the benifit of Mankind.
To the blessings of Peace, we have, that of plenty added. The Earth yealds in abundance, Ceres flourishes with her sheaves and her cornicopia. Pomona cannot boast of being so richly laiden, Boreas committed a Robbery upon her in her Infancy which she is not like to recover, and the plague of Eygipt followed him.1
Our son Charles is just recoverd from the Measles, and is going again to Haverhill. I wish his Brother Tom, had been here to have had them with him, my Neice2 too has had them and recoverd, tho it has proved very mortal in Boston. Tis said 300 children have been buried since last March. Our Friends are all well, your Mother dined with me to day, and desires to be rememberd to you. I think she enjoys better health than she did a Year ago. I am going with Genll. Warrens family, and a small party of Friends to dine with my Father. How happy would it make the good old gentleman could you be one of the party; alass the Sons his Daughters have given him, are those only in which he can rejoice. How often have I heard him both with pain and pleasure, say, when reflecting upon his misfortune, I desire to bless God, I have three comforts to one affliction—and he might have added four, for his Daughter in Law is to him, like an own child in kindness and attention, to be otherways she must be a monster of ingratitude for to her he has supplied the place of Father Mother and husband. There are Six fine children as you would wish to see—all without a Father, or what is worse.3 My little Neice who has lived 6 years with me is a sweet Girl, tho she is no Stranger to her unhappy lot. She never speaks a word upon the Subject, all that she ever said was the other day, a stranger had askd who she was. She came with tears in her Eyes and said she wished nobody would ask who she was, or whether she had a Father. She frequently asks whether I think you will let her live with me when you return.
Mrs. Dana and sister have been with me this week. She is very anxious to hear from Mr. Dana, her last letter was dated 7 months ago. She hopes you will not come without him. I know not how to realize that I shall see you soon. Hope and Fear have been the two 231ruling passions of a large portion of my Life, and I have been banded from one to the other like a tennis Ball. We are waiting with a degree of impatience for the definitive Treaty. There is nothing New in the political World—cheating is an old story, even from the Days of Jacob. Inclosed is a little poetical performance.4 You will be at no loss to comprehend it—it has too much Truth for its basis.
I hope Master John will find his pen once more, his Brother's and Sister desire to be affectionately rememberd. I shall write to him if the vessel does not Sail immediately. Uncle Quincy desires to be rememberd to you. Let Mr. Thaxter know his Friends were all well this week—are so sanguine with regard to his speedy return that they do not think it worth while to write again.
Portia
Ceres was the ancient Italian goddess of grain; Pomona the Roman goddess of fruit. Boreas was the north wind in Greek lore. Jehovah visited Egypt with several plagues in Exodus, chaps. 7–10.
Louisa Catharine Smith, whose situation AA descibes so affectingly below.
AA refers to her father's grief over his prodigal son William, who had abandoned his family by 1783 (Elizabeth Shaw to Mary Cranch, 20 Jan., [DLC: Shaw Family Papers]). His children, by Catharine Louisa Salmon, were Elizabeth, later Mrs. James H. Foster, Louisa Catharine, who lived with AA, William, Mary, Charles, and Isaac.
Not found.
1783-09-01
I have not received my Letters of Recall from Holland and therefore must disappoint you and my self. I have requested them anew1 and Suppose I shall receive them about Christmas, but whether I do or not, I shall come home, at latest in the first Spring ships, unless I should receive Some new Commission in Europe, which is not likely. I am unalterably determined not to stay in Holland where I never have any tollerable Health. To break away and come home without Leave, would neither be civil to Congress nor to the states General nor to the statholder, I hope I shall not be obliged to do it, but if I cannot obtain Leave, I must take it. I propose a Tour of three Weeks to England and shall take my son with me, whose Company is the greatest Pleasure of my Life. His Behaviour and close Attention to his studies are very pleasing to me, and promise to produce, a worthy Character.
232I have received Several, very agreable Letters from my Daughter, which I shall answer if I can, as well as yours,2 which always afford me more Intelligence, than I get from any other American source. You may continue to write me under Cover. I am much pleased with your Purchase, and with the Boys Shool and Preceptor.3
Mr. Dana is embarked as I suppose from Petersbourg, and will be soon in Boston, defeated in his Endeavours to serve his Country, by jesuitical Schemes from Passy and other sources,4 from whence have Sprung so many obstacles to the publick Good. Never was a Country, more imposed on by Finesse. Our late Minister of foreign affairs5 appears to have been a mere Puppet danced upon French Wires electrified from Passy. I hope there will be, an End of this Philosophical and political Conjuration, if not, I am determined to get out of its striking Distance. Hitherto, altho it has tossed and tormented me, and prevented me from doing a great Part of the Good I meditated, and am Sure should have accomplished without it: yet it has not totally defeated me. Yet it has defeated me in so many Things and others in so many more, that it is high time to break it up.
I thank the Dr. and Mr. Cranch for their very friendly Letters, but their Speculations into futurity, are not well grounded.6 Give Us Peace in our Day, for there is none that fightest for Us but thou O God, is a Prayer of the Church of England which no son of the Church has a better right to offer up than I—and none can make it more sincerely.7
See JA to the president of Congress (Elias Boudinot), 1 Sept. (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 6:668–669).
The only extant previous AA2 letter to JA is that of 10 May, above; AA's letter was that of 30 June, also above.
See AA to JA, 7 May, on AA's purchase of land; AA to JA, 7 April, on the education of CA and TBA; and JA's reply of 14 Aug., all above.
Francis Dana left St. Petersburg on 3 Sept. and arrived in Boston on 12 Dec. (W. P. Cresson, Francis Dana: A Puritan Diplomat at the Court of Catherine the Great, N.Y., 1930, p. 317–318; AA to JA, 7 Dec., below). JA's charge that Benjamin Franklin intrigued against Dana's mission is unfounded, although Vergennes did instruct the French minister to Russia not to support Dana's moves. A number of reasons have been given for Dana's failure to secure recognition of American independence and a commercial treaty with Russia. As an absolute monarch, Catherine II did not look favorably upon a republican revolution against a monarchy. Moreover, Catherine, who was attempting to mediate an end to the war, could hardly as a mediator sign a treaty with the United States. American inexperience in diplomacy hampered Dana. He sought recognition of independence through admission to the League of Armed Neutrality, but membership was not likely to be accorded to a belligerent. Further, Dana resorted to moral arguments rather than to appeals to Russia's self-interest. Finally, he chose to ignore the court tradition of 233distributing bribes. Had Dana followed the practices current at the Russian court and used the greatest skill, he still would have had little chance of success, given Russia's conception of its national interests. See H. W. L. Dana, The Dana Saga, Cambridge, 1941, p. 25–28; Cresson, Francis Dana, p. 183–184; Samuel Flagg Bemis, The Diplomacy of the American Revolution: The Foundations of American Foreign Policy, 1775–1783, N.Y., 1935, p. 164–166; and David M. Griffiths, “American Commercial Diplomacy in Russia, 1780–1783,”
WMQ
, 3d Ser., 27:379–410 (July 1970).
Robert. R. Livingston had left office in June.
Dr. Cotton Tufts' letters of 26 June and 5 July (both Adams Papers), and Richard Cranch's letter of 26 June, above. JA refers to Cranch's speculation that Massachusetts would reward JA's labors by electing him governor.
Book of Common Prayer, Morning Prayer, Versicles.
1783-09-04
I have the Satisfaction to inform you that the definitive Treaties were all Signed yesterday, and the Preliminaries with Holland were Signed the day before.1 Ours is a Simple Repetition of the provisional Treaty. So We have negotiated here, these Six Months for nothing. We could do no better Situated as We were. To day We dined with Mr. Hartley and drank Tea with the Duchess of Manchester. Thus you see We are very good Friends, quite free, easy and Social.
Now I dont Know what to do with my self. I wish I knew more of the Intentions of Congress. The Leave to come home which Mr. Lee promised you is not arrived, and I cannot go with Decorum without Leave, and the Loan, an important matter would Suffer.2 I believe upon the whole I Shall wait, untill We hear from Congress of their Reception of the definitive Treaty, when no doubt they will Send me their Orders. I Shall have a gloomy Winter at the Hague, but a Tour to London of two or three Weeks and the Company of my Friend your Son, will relieve me a good deal. This Boy is a cordial to me.
I Suppose that our foreign affairs will be wholly new modelled, on the Receipt of the definitive Treaty. Some Say We shall all be recalled, and Consuls only appointed. Others Think that Ministers will be continued, or new ones Sent to Versailles, London, the Hague and Madrid. Others that Ministers will be sent to the two Empires. But all is uncertain.
I Shall make you a Small Remittance by Mr. Thaxter. I Shall make Mr. John, my Secretary. He has acted in that Capacity, some Weeks and done very well.3
I Shall not be able to find Time to write to many of my Friends by this opportunity although it is so good a one.
Mr. Dana will be home before me. I envy him. But he will do great 234good. He is a thoroughly Sensible Man, and entirely well principled. No Man knows our foreign affairs, and difficulties better than he. I have no Patience at the insidious Manoeuvres by which he has been defeated.
Dr. Franklin has fallen down again with the Gout and Gravel.4 He is better, and has been to Versailles and Paris, but he breaks visibly. Mr. Laurens, has a Brother declining, So that he will go to the south of France, untill he knows his Brother's Fate.5 I Shall go to Holland and Stay some time. I may be called to Paris again, and may take a Tour to England. Write me, prudently, by any Way. If my Health was firm, I could bear the Uncertainties of Life better. Tell Mrs. Warren I am already quite enough exhausted to retire. If I could, perfectly obey the Precept, “Fret not thy self, because of evil Doers,”6 I might wear a little longer. But I forget it sometimes. Mr. Jay has been my Comforter. We have compared Notes, and they agree. I love him so well that I know not what I should do in Europe without him: Yet how many times have I disputed Sharply with him in Congress!7 I always thought him however an honest Man. He is a virtuous and religious Man. He has a Conscience, and has been persecuted, accordingly, as all conscientious Men are. Dont suspect me of Cant. I am not addicted to it. He and I have Tales to tell, dismal Tales: But it will be most for his Happiness and mine to forget them. So let them be forgotten. If the publick Good should not absolutely require them to be told.
But I am wandering from my favourite Point which is the Recollection of my fervent affection for my Dearest Friend and the Dear Pledges of her Love.
These were the peace treaties between the United States and Great Britain, between France and Great Britain, and between Spain and Great Britain, all 3 Sept., and the preliminary treaty between the Netherlands and Great Britain, 2 September. The Anglo-American treaty was signed at Paris; all the others were signed at Versailles.
JA interlined “and the Loan . . . would Suffer.”
Visible urinary crystals or painful urination (
OED
).
Henry Laurens, still in England as late as 16 Sept., would soon visit his younger brother, James, who had suffered from poor health for a number of years. James died in Feb. 1784 in Vigan, France. Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 6:693, 699; David Duncan Wallace, The Life of Henry Laurens, N.Y., 1915, p. 226, 418.
Psalms 37:1.
JA's congressional disagreements with John Jay ran back to 1774, when Jay favored Joseph Galloway's Plan of Union and urged the colonies to pay the British East India Company for the property destroyed in the Boston Tea Party, but the two were often in agreement, especially concerning independence in 1776. See JA, Papers
, 2:149; 4:71, 99–100, 219, 238; and JA, Diary and Autobiography
, vol. 4.
1783-09-04
I should deserve, all the reproaches which my friends in America have made me if I neglected writing, by so good an Opportunity as the one that presents itself at this time. Mr. Thaxter who will deliver you this expects to sail for New-York in the course of this Month. He will probably carry the Definitive Treaty, (which was at last signed yesterday,) to Congress.1 So you will not receive this so soon as if, it went directly, but, I suppose, he will not stay long to the South-ward. I suppose we shall soon leave this Place, and return to the Hague, as the business which called my Father here is now all finished, the Treaties having been signed yesterday on all sides. The Dutch signed their preliminary articles with Great-Britain the day before Yesterday. It seems they have ceded Negapatnam,2 or rather have left the matter to be decided in their Definitive Treaty so that
But, how long it will last, no body knows; it is feared not long; for it is thought almost universally that the affair between the two European Empires and the Turkish one, will not be arranged without some blood-shed. They have been for these 9 months in the Situation of a couple of Dogs, growling at one another, yet each afraid to touch the other; however, they will probably get at it, before they have done.4
I suppose you will see Mr. Dana before this reaches you. He left Petersbourgh, in a yacht which sailed directly for Boston. Mr. Allen I believe is gone with him. Mr. Storer is expected here every day, he wrote Mr. Thaxter that he intended to leave London the first or second of this month.
Thaxter sailed from the Ile de Groix, off Lorient, on 26 Sept., landed at New York, and reached Philadelphia with the treaty on 22 November (see Thaxter to JA, 18 and 22 Sept., Adams Papers; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:143; and Elbridge Gerry to AA, 24 Nov., below).
Negapatam, a seaport on the southeastern coast of India and principal Dutch settlement in India, was captured by the British in 1781, and was ceded to them in the definitive peace (Piers Mackesy, War for America, Cambridge, 1965, p. 495–496, 509).
Alexander Pope, “Messiah,” line 19; also quoted in AA to JA, 28 April, at note 3, above.
In 1783 Catherine II took over the Crimea from the Turks, who for the moment had to accept what they could not prevent. Actual war between Russia and the Ottoman empire did not break out until 1787; Austria entered on Russia's side the next year (
Cambridge Modern Hist.
, 6:674–676).
1783-09-07
This Morning for the first Time, was delivered me the Resolution of Congress of the first of May, that a Commission and Instructions Should be made Out, to Me, Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jay to make a Treaty of Commerce with Great Britain.1 If this Intelligence had been Sent Us by Barney, who Sailed from Philadelphia a Month after, the 1st of May, and has now been Sailed from hence on his return home above a Month2 it would have Saved me and others much Anxiety. I am now even at a Loss. It is of great Importance that Such a Treaty Should be well made. The Loan in Holland must be attended to, and when the present one is full, another must be opened, which cannot be done but by me or my Successor. There are other Things too to be done in Europe of great Importance. Mr. Laurens has Leave to go home, and Mr. Dana is gone so that there remain in service only Mr. Franklin Mr. Jay and my self. In these Circumstances I must stay another Winter. I cannot justify going home. But what Shall I do for Want of my Family. By what I hear, I think Congress will give Us all Leave to come home in the Spring. Will you come to me this fall and go home with me in the Spring? If you will, come with my dear Nabby, leaving the two Boys at Mr. Shaws, and the House and Place under the Care of your Father Uncle Quincy or Dr. Tufts, or Mr. Cranch. This Letter may reach you by the first of middle of October,3 and in November you may embark, and a Passage in November, or all December will be a good Season. You may embark for London, Amsterdam, or any Port of France. On your Arrival, you will find Friends enough.4 The Moment I hear of it, I will fly with Post Horses to receive you at least, and if the Ballon, Should be carried to such Perfection in the mean time as to give Mankind the safe navigation of the Air, I will fly in one of them at the Rate of thirty Knots an hour.5 This is my Sincere Wish, although the Expence will be considerable, the Trouble to you great and you will probably have to return with me in the Spring. I am So unhappy without you that I wish you would come at all Events. You must bring with you at least one Maid and one Man servant.
I must however leave it with your Judgment, you know better than I the real Intentions at Philadelphia, and can determine better than I whether it will be more prudent to wait untill the Spring. I am determind to be with you in America or have you with me in Europe, 237as soon as it can be accomplished consistent with private Prudence and the publick Good. I am told that Congress intend to recall Us all, as soon as a few Affairs are finished. If this should be the Case, all will be well. I shall go home with infinite Pleasure. But it may be longer than you think of, before all their necessary Affairs will be dispatched. The Treaty of Commerce with G. B. must take Time. A Treaty will be wanted with Portugal and Denmark if not with the Emperor and Empress.6 If you come to Europe this Fall, in my Opinion you will be glad to go home in the Spring. If you come in the spring you will wish to return the next fall. I am sure I shall, but Six months of your Company is worth to me, all the Expences and Trouble of the Voyage.
This Resolution of Congress deserves my Gratitude; it is highly honourable to me, and restores me, my Feelings, which a former Proceeding had taken away.7 I am now perfectly content to be recalled whenever they think fit, or to Stay in Europe, untill this Business is finished, provided you will come and live with me. We may Spend our Time together in Paris London or the Hague, for 6 or 12 Months as the Public Business may call me and then return to our Cottage, with contented Minds. It would be more agreable to my Inclinations to get home and endeavour to get my self and Children into a Settled Way, but I think it is more necessary for the Publick that I should stay in Europe, untill this Piece of Business is finished. You dont probably know the Circumstances which attended this Proceeding of Congress. They are so honourable to me, that I cannot in Gratitude or Decency refuse.
I must Submit your Voyage to your Discretion and the Advice of your Friends, my most earnest Wishes are to see you but if the Uncertainties are such as to discourage you, I know it will be upon reasonable Considerations and must submit. But if you postpone the Voyage for this Fall, I shall insist on your coming in the Spring, unless there is a certainty of my going home to you. Congress are at such grievous Expences, that I Shall have no other Secretary than my son. He however is a very good one.8 He writes a good hand very fast, and is very Steady, to his Pen and his Books. Write me by every Ship to Spain France Holland or England, that I may know. You give me more public Intelligence than any body. The only hint in Europe of this Commission was from you to yours forever
This resolution was Congress' response to a committee report on JA's letter of 5 February. In that letter JA subtly protested Congress' July 1781 revocation of his commis-238sion to negotiate a commercial treaty with Britain while making the case for America's need for such a treaty. The new commission for the three diplomats, however, was never issued, the necessary instructions were never drafted, and Congress did not again consider its foreign assignments until October, and did not complete those assignments until May 1784. JA to AA, 29 Jan., note 1, above; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:142–143, note 2.
See John Thaxter to JA, 4 Aug. (Adams Papers).
On 20 Nov., AA wrote to JA, below, that she had just received one of JA's two letters of 10 Sept. (one below; the other Adams Papers), which gave the same information and exhortation as the present letter. In her letter to JQA of 20 Nov., below, she says that she received JA's “Letters of 10 September.” This letter of the 7th went to America with John Thaxter, who traveled to New York and Philadelphia before reaching Braintee on 14 December (AA to JA, 15 Dec., below).
See Charles Storer to AA, 8 Nov. 1782, note 2, above.
Joseph Michel and Jacques Etienne Montgolfier developed the first hot-air balloons in 1782–1783; the first public launching occurred in June of the latter year. The Montgolfiers' balloon immediately caught the fancy of the French, and Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette witnessed the first attempt to send animals aloft from Versailles. Pilâtre de Rozier made the first free manned flight in November. JQA's great interest in the Montgolfiers' balloon in Aug.–Sept. is evident in his Diary entries (
Diary
, 1:187–190,
192–194).
Joseph II, of Austria; and Catherine II, of Russia.
That is, the loss of his earlier commission to negotiate a commercial treaty with Great Britain (see note 1).
With John Thaxter's departure for America on 14 Sept., JQA fully assumed the role of JA's secretary. He had begun making copies for his father, however, from the moment of JA's arrival at The Hague; over a dozen JA letters are in JQA's hand from 23 July to 13 Sept., the day before Thaxter's departure. This was a new role for JQA, although he had made copies of two JA letters in 1778: to
AA
18 Dec., vol. 3:138; and to Mercy Warren, 18 Dec., JA, Papers
, 7:281–284. See also JA to Richard Cranch, 10 Sept., descriptive note, below.
1783-09-10
We have received from Congress a Resolution by which We are to be impowered to negotiate a Treaty of Commerce with G. B. My self Mr. Franklin and Mr. Jay. This will detain me in Europe this Winter. If this Letter arrives in Season, that you can come to me this Fall with Miss Nabby, I shall be Supreamly happy to see you. But Still Things are so unsettled in Congress that you may expect to return with me in the Spring. You may come to London Amsterdam or L'Orient, to either of which Places I will soon go to receive you after hearing of your Arrival.
It is however attended with so many Inconveniences that I must submit it to your Discretion with the Advice of your Friends whether to come this Fall, or stay till Spring and then come in Case Things should not be so altered as to oblige me to came home then to you.2 I have written more fully by Mr. Thaxter who sails the 20 of this Month from L'Orient, in the French Packet to New York. If you come 239Leave the Boys at their School, bring a Maid and a Man servant. Leave the Place in the Care of Dr. Tufts or yr father.3 John is well.
JA wrote AA another letter of this date, also in the Adams Papers, with virtually the same content. Neither letter is addressed or endorsed. Both evidently went directly to Boston, perhaps in the same ship. It is likely that JA included one with his letter to Richard Cranch, and the other with his letter to Cotton Tufts (both of this date, below). AA received at least one, and probably both, on 20 Nov. (see AA to JA , and AA to JQA , both 20 Nov., below).
JA concludes his other letter of this date with the sentence: “If Affairs should require my stay another Summer in Europe I shall insist upon your coming at least in the Spring.”
In his other letter of this date, JA instructs: “Leave . . . the Farm in the Care of your Uncle Quincy, Dr. Tufts, your Father Mr. Cranch or other good Fr
1783-09-10
I have received with very great Pleasure, your favours of June 26 and July 18. If my Townsmen of Marblehead, Salem, Cape Anne, Plymouth &c. are pleased with the Peace, I am very glad:2 But We have yet to Secure, if We can, the Right to carry Some of their Fish to market. This and other Things is like to detain me longer here than I expected. I do not regret this, on Account of what you Say is meditated,3 because I have not the qualifications necessary to give Satisfaction in Such a Station, which no Man can obtain with
I regret the Articles concerning the Tories, even for their sakes as well as ours. I thought and Still think it would have been better to have Said nothing about them. But What was done, was insisted on and could not be avoided.
The Treaty must Speak for itself. I do not Think myself qualified for a Commentator, nor should I think myself at Liberty to comment if I knew how. From the Treaty itself, the Stipulations may be easily distinguished from the Recommendations. The former should be Sacred and the latter coolly considered, at least. It will never do to quote me in Explanation of the Treaty: Your ministers have Said, and will Say in their Letters to Congress as much as they think proper upon the subject, and such Parts as Congress think fit to communi-240cate you will have from them. All I can Say is I wish the real Sense and Spirit of the Treaty may be complied with, and would recommend to all a dispassionate Consideration of it. If there are any Serious Things among Men such a Treaty is one of them.
I am much obliged to you for your particular Account of my Friends and particularly of the Death of my Aged Uncle5 for whom I had a great Regard, and am much affected with his kind Remembrance of me in his last Days. When I shall be released and see you I know not. We must finish off, in Europe, if Such is the Will of Congress, which may take Us a Year, and may be done sooner, or may require longer time. I should hope to finish all in a Year. I have written to my dear Partner to come to me, this Fall if she can, but have Small hopes that my Letters will reach her soon enough and I would not have her Think of a Winter Passage. It is a cruel Punishment to me to live without her, but I should choose this for 6 months longer rather than expose her health, to a turbulent Winter Passage without me. My kind Regards to sister and the Children and all our Friends.
JA probably began to write the date of one of Cranch's letters to him, 26 June, above.
Responding to Cranch's letter of 26 June, above, JA is clearly pleased by the reaction of Massachusetts' fishermen to the rights gained under the Anglo-American peace treaty, but is also concerned over the need for commercial treaties to insure that American ships could carry the fish to market.
That JA should be chosen governor of Massachusetts; see Cranch to JA, 26 June, above.
This word, mutilated on the worn right margin, is completed from the LbC.
Rev. Joseph Adams.
1783-09-10
I thank you for your Favours of
I am more anxious about the Settlement of the Question between Congress and the States. The Public Debts must be paid, Yet you must take Care who raises the Money. At this distance, not hearing the Arguments I am not competent to decide for myself. But who shall govern foreign Commerce? Who shall preserve an Uniformity of Duties and Prohibitions? Can We preserve our Union without Such Uniformity? Can We defend our Sea Coast? Can We preserve the Respect of foreign Nations? But there is so much Sense among you and you have Such Resources that you will soon get over these difficulties, I hope.2
I was lately in hopes of joining and assisting in the discussion of these Matters, but Congress have sent me a new Business or a Revival of an old one,3 which will detain me this Winter at least. Pray Advise Mrs. Adams, whether to come to me or not. I have written to her to come, but it will be so late, before she receives the Letters, and Things are so unsettled in Congress respecting foreign affairs, that I am full of Doubt and Fears, whether it would not be more prudent to postpone it untill next Spring. If Things should not be arranged by my Masters so
Both Adams Papers.
This paragraph, like the one preceding it, is in response to Tufts' letter of 26 June (Adams Papers). As JA well understands here, the manner in which Congress raised money to pay off its debts would determine whether the United States would develop a strong central government or remain a collection of sovereign states. Those who favored the first course wanted Congress to have the power to levy taxes and to appoint and control its own tax collectors. Their opponents preferred either to divide the national debt among the states or to have the states collect the money and turn it over to Congress as payment of their share of the cost of government. In April Congress offered the states a number of proposals, packaged as one, that would give Congress power to levy duties on foreign imports for twenty-five years in order to pay the interest and principal of the national debt, and to levy an additional tax of $1,500,000 annually, apportioned among the states, also for twenty-five years; that would have all states cede their western land claims in accordance with the congressional resolu-242tions of 1780; and that would offer the states an amendment to the Articles of Confederation changing the proportion of assessments on the states from one based on land values to one based on population, with three-fifths of the slaves being counted. Aside from their dislike of the different effects that duties and taxes would have in different regions, opponents of the package of proposals feared that the new duties and taxes would create too powerful a central government, one dangerous to liberty.
JCC
, 24:170–174, 223–224, 256–262; Jensen, The New Nation
, p. 400, 407–419.
Negotiating a commercial treaty with Great Britain.
1783-09-10
As you have ordered me in a Letter which I have Lately receiv'd1 to give you my own Observations on the Countries thro' which I have travelled, the following are some upon Russia; but I must previously beg you will remember, that you Say in your Letter that you expect neither the precision of a Robertson, nor the Elegance of a Voltaire, therefore you must take them as they are.2
The government of Russia is entirely despotical. The Sovereign is absolute, in all the extent of the word. The persons, the Estates, the fortunes of the Nobility depend entirely upon his Caprice. And the nobility have the same power over the people, that the Sovereign has over them. The Nation is wholly composed of Nobles and Serfs, or in other words, of Masters and Slaves. The Countryman is attached to the Land in which he is born; if the Land is sold he is sold with it; and he is obliged to give to his Landlord the portion of his time, which he chuses to demand. It is commonly two days in the week, I think. Others make them pay a sort of tax, of two or three Roubles a year (N.B. that a Rouble is 4 shillings sterling or thereabouts).3 This makes a large Revenue for the Landlords if they have a great Number of Serfs. And there are some of the Nobles who have an amazing Quantity of them: out of each five hundred they are obliged to furnish one to the Empress every year, and this forms her Army. I have been assured from good Authority that there is one Nobleman who furnishes 1300 men a year to the Empress, according to that the number of his Slaves would be 650,000. Supposing each of these Slaves pay him a Rouble a year his revenue will be more than 100,000 £ Sterling per annum.
This form of Government is disadvantageous to the Sovereign to the Nobles and to the People; for first, it Exposes the Sovereign every Moment to Revolutions of which there have been already four in the Course of this Century vizt: when Anne, Dutchess of Courland4 was set upon the throne, which was the right of Elizabeth, daughter of 243Peter the first. This was done by some Noblemen who wanted to limit the prerogatives of the Sovereign, and be more powerful themselves. And they thought, they would find Anne more ready to agree to their Stipulations than Elizabeth because she had no right to the Crown. But she soon overturned all their Schemes; for as soon as she found herself well seated upon the throne, she rendered herself Absolute, by reinstating the Ancient form of Government; and banished all those who had made those restrictions, this was the second Revolution. The third was when Elizabeth dethroned Iwan an infant of 6 months old, and had him shut up in a Tower where he lived 20 years and was then murdered in it. And the 4th. when Peter the third was dethroned by the present Empress: this I think is sufficient proof that the Government is disadvantageous for the Sovereign. Secondly, As the Nobles all depend wholly upon the Sovereign they are always in danger, of their estates being confiscated, and themselves sent into Siberia. It is commonly the fate of the favourites. Menzicoff, the Dolgoroucki's, Biron, Bestucheff, Osterman, L'Estocg,5 all these have been the sport of Fortune. For some time the favourites of the Emperors and then sent to Siberia into exile, there to live in Misery. The History of Menzicoff is the most extraordinary, and he did not deserve his fate. He was born at Moscow, he was of low extraction, and used to Carry about the Streets, while a Child, pies, and sing ballads. Peter the first, saw him several times, and asked him several Questions; his answers pleased him so much that he took him to the Palace, and by degrees he became the favourite of the Emperor, who gave him the title of Prince and made him general of his Army &ca. At the battle of Pultowa, he saved the Empire, because
AA's letter of 13 Nov. 1782, above, was addressed to St. Petersburg.
The account of Russia that follows is nearly identical to the first four pages of JQA's seven-page, incomplete essay on Russia, which is now among his miscellaneous MSS (M/JQA/43.13). The essay is probably little more than a long extract or set of extracts from published sources (see note 9). It is not known whether JQA began or completed this essay in St. Petersburg, the Netherlands, or Paris. The letter appears to be a fair copy of the essay.
The clause in parentheses appears in the essay on p. 4, coming after “thus a Common man costs but 80 or 100 Roubles at most.” The position of the explanation in the letter is more logical, coming as it does after the first mention of rubles.
The relationships and reigns of the rulers named in the following passage are, in the order given: Anne, niece of Peter I, 1730–1740; Elizabeth, 1741–1761; Peter I (the Great), 1682–1725; Ivan VI, great nephew of Anne, 1740–1741 (d. 1764); Peter III, nephew of Elizabeth, 1761–1762; and “the present Empress,” Catherine II (the Great), widow of Peter III, 1762–1796.
Alexander Menshikov; the Dolgoroukis (Yuri, Ivan, and Vassili were active between 1680 and 1746); Ernst Johann Biren (or Biron), Duke of Courland; Michael Bestoujef; Heinrich Johann, Count Osterman; and Johann Herman, Count L'Estocq.
“By” is interlined in the essay.
Catherine I, 1725–1727, the widow of Peter I.
The grandson of Peter I; he reigned, 1727–1730.
The earliest edition of Christof Hermann von Manstein's Memoirs of Russia . . . from the year 1727 to 1744 was translated from the original French MS, edited by David Hume, and published in London in 1770. French and German editions appeared in 1771. JQA purchased the Paris edition of 1771 in St. Petersburg on 7 March 1782, according to his notation on p. iii of the volume, which is now in MQA. Manstein's Memoirs; Voltaire's Histoire de l'empire de Russie sous Pierre le grand (1759–1763), which JQA bought in July 1781, either in Germany or in Holland (vol. 4:234, note 2; JQA, Diary
, 1:94–95); and JQA's observations were the sources for his descriptions of Russia. See JQA to AA, 23 Oct. 1781 (vol. 4:233–234).
The clause after the colon is not included in the essay.
1783-09-12
In the Name of God Amen, I William Smith of Weymouth in the County of Suffolk and Commonwealth of Massachusetts in New England Clerk,1 being of a sound disposing Mind and Memory do make and ordain this my last will and testament as follows—
Imprimis—
My will is that my farm at Lincoln in the County of Middlesex and Commonwealth aforesaid with the Stock and Utensils thereto belonging and the household stuff in the dwelling house on said farm contained in a bill of Sale given me by my Son William, also a wood lot in Concord in the County of Middlesex aforesaid bought of one Minot shall all be possessed by my Executors herein named during the natural life of my Son William and the profits thereof by them applied according to their discretion to the seperate maintenance and comfort of Catharine Louisa the present wife of my said son William and her children and after the death of my said son William I give the use of my said farm, stock, utensils and household stuff and wood lot to my Daughter in law Catharine Louisa the present wife of my said Son William for her maintenance and support and the maintenance and support of her children by my son William. And my will further is that after the decease of my said daughter in Law, the said farm, stock, utensils, household stuff and wood lot shall go to her children by my said son to be equally divided between them, their respective heirs and assigns forever as tenants in common and not as joint tenants. And in case my Executors should die before my said Son William my desire is that the Honorable the Judge of Probate appoint an Administrator cum testamento Annexo to manage my said farm, stock, utensils, household stuff and wood lot and apply the profits of them, for the support and comfort of my said daughter and her children during the life of my said Son.
Item—
My Will is that all and every part or parcel of Land in said Lincoln with the buildings thereon mentioned and described in a quit claim given to me by William Dodge bearing date August the fifteenth Anno Domini one thousand seven hundred and eighty shall all be possessed by my Executors hereafter named during the continuance of my right in or to any of the said lands and buildings and the profits arising therefrom shall be applied as my Executors shall see fit either to the
246 247support and benefit of my said Son William or to the support and benefit of his present wife Catharine Louisa and her children by my said Son.
Item—
I do give unto my Son William all my wearing apparel and whatever shall be due from him to me on Notes, Bonds or Accompt at my decease.
Item—
I do give unto my Daughter Mary Cranch, wife of Richard Cranch of Braintree in the County of Suffolk Esquire to her, her heirs and Assigns forever all my lands, buildings and real estate in Weymouth aforesaid with the Stock and Utensils thereto belonging.
Item—
I do give my farm in Medford and my Salt marsh in Malden both in the County of Middlesex aforesaid with all the buildings, stock and utensils thereto belonging unto my daughter Abigail Adams wife of the Honorable John Adams Esquire of Braintree aforesaid and unto my daughter Elisabeth Shaw wife of the Reverend John Shaw of Haverhill in the County of Essex and Commonwealth aforesaid Clerk, to be to them, their heirs and Assigns for ever, to be equally divided to and among them or their heirs respectively.
Item—
I do give unto my Said Daughter Abigail Adams my Silver Tankard.
Item—
I do give unto my said Daughter Elisabeth Shaw all my real estate in Hingham in the County of Suffolk aforesaid, to her, her heirs and Assigns forever.
Item—
I give unto my Negro Woman Phoebe her freedom, in case she should chuse it; but if she should not chuse it I do then give the said Phoebe unto either of my Daughters Mary Cranch, Abigail Adams or Elisabeth Shaw, viz, unto such one of them as she shall within three months from my decease manifest to my Executors her desire to live and dwell with; And it is my will that one hundred pounds be retained out of my estate, and that to such my daughter with whom the said Phoebe shall live, the annual interest thereof shall be paid so long as she shall live with her if by sickness, or age the said Phoebe shall become a charge to her; or otherwise my Executors shall have full liberty to apply the said one hundred pounds or any part thereof for the comfortable maintenance and support of said Phoebe if they shall 248judge it necessary and expedient. And if it should so happen that the aforesaid one hundred pounds or any part thereof should not be expended for the purposes aforesaid, the same shall be divided among my residuary legatees.2
Item—
I do give unto my Grand Daughter Elizabeth Smith Sixty six pounds, thirteen shillings and four pence to be improved by my Executors for the use and benefit of my said Grand Daughter untill she shall arrive at the age of eighteen years or untill her Marriage.
Item—
I do give unto each of my Executors hereafter named the sum of thirty pounds. And my will is that they discharge my just debts, funeral charges and legacies out of my personal estate, such of them as are ordered to be paid in money.
Item—
I do give and devise the remainder of my estate both real and personal, not before disposed off, unto my aforesaid Daughters Mary Cranch, Abigail Adams and Elisabeth Shaw, to be to them their heirs and Assigns forever to be equally divided to and among them or their heirs respectively.
I do constitute and appoint Cotton Tufts of Weymouth aforesaid Esquire and Richard Cranch of Braintree aforesaid Esquire Executors of this my last will and testament, confirming and declaring this and no other to be my last will and testament. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this twelvth day of September Anno Domini one thousand seven hundred and eighty three.
Suffolk ss. The within Will being presented for Probate by the Executors therein named Daniel Shute Junr. and Cotton Tufts junr. made Oath that they saw William Smith the Subscriber to this Instrument sign and Seal and also heard him publish and declare the same to be his last Will and Testament and that when he so did he was of sound disposing mind and memory according to these Depo-249nents best Discerning and that they together with Jonathan Darby junr. now absent set to their Hands as Witnesses thereof in said Testators presence.
That is, a member of the clergy.
It is interesting to note that Rev. Smith made this manumission provision shortly after Chief Justice William Cushing of the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court, in a charge to the jury in the case of Commonwealth vs. Jennison (April 1783), argued that slavery was illegal under the Massachusetts Constitution of 1780. The jury evidently concurred, and their decision in favor of Quock Walker, who charged his former master, Nathaniel Jennison, with assault and battery, ended two years of judicial controversy, involving six cases, that came to center on the question of whether slavery was legal in the Commonwealth. Other evidence involving Jennison and his other slaves, however, suggests that slavery did not entirely cease in Massachusetts with the final disposition of these cases. See John D. Cushing, “The Cushing Court and the Abolition of Slavery in Massachusetts: More Notes on the 'Quock Walker Case,'” American Journal of Legal History, 5:118–144 (April 1961).
A survey of the two inventories and the final statement of the settlement of the estate suggests that Rev. Smith disposed of his possessions according to his perception of his several heirs' financial needs. The final statement, presented by the executors, Richard Cranch and Dr. Cotton Tufts, to the heirs on 20 May 1784, and agreed to by them on that day, distributed the estate as follows:
To Mary Smith Cranch: 18 acres of land, with buildings, tools, and household goods, all in Weymouth, all valued at £513.2.7.
To AA: a one-half share in 86 acres of land, with buildings and tools, in Medford and Malden, and a silver tankard, all valued at £439.12.10.
To Elizabeth Smith Shaw: a one-half share in 86 acres of land, with buildings and tools, in Medford and Malden, and 46 1/2 acres of land in Hingham, all valued at £685.13.0.
To Louisa Catharine Salmon Smith: the use, under the supervision of the executors, of over 261 acres of land, with buildings, tools, and household goods, in Lincoln and Concord, all valued at £761.0.7.
To William Smith Jr., who had abandoned his family: only his apparel, valued at £21.13.4, and the forgiveness of all debts (not evaluated).
These provisions appear to reflect the fact that Mary Cranch's husband was not prosperous, but that her three children were nearly grown by 1783; that AA's husband was prosperous, and her two oldest children nearly grown; that Elizabeth Shaw's husband was a country parson, probably of modest means, and that her two children were quite young; and that Louisa Catharine Salmon Smith had six children, many still quite young, and no means of support beyond the farm that Rev. Smith owned in Lincoln, on which she lived.
Of interest in understanding AA's early education is that part of the inventory of Rev. Smith's Weymouth possessions that accounted for his library. It listed, usually in large groups with only a few major titles specifically identified, over 430 volumes, of which 85 were in French.
See “An Inventory of the real & personal Estate whereof the Revd. William Smith late of Weymouth died seized and possessed of . . . .” 9 April 1784, submitted to the judge of probate, 6 August 1784; “Inventory of Rev. William Smith's Real and Personal Property at Concord and Lincoln”; and “Dr. Cotton Tufts & Richard Cranch Executors of the last Will of the Revd. Willm. Smith late of Weymouth deceased,” 20 May 1784, also submitted to the judge of probate, 6 August 1784. All documents are in M-Ar.
1783-09-17
It will not be in my power to get Beaf. Bisquit I can procure, I shall prepaire a dinner here and stop all our Boston Friends with me, in order to save you as much trouble as I can.1 Cannot you get
I do not wonder that the unhappy House looks desolate and mourns. Desolate indeed will it ever look to us. But the House not made with hands, is the mansion I trust where our dear parents are, and there may all their children meet them, is the prayer of your ever affectionate
AA is consulting with her sister about mourning arrangements for their father, who died on 17 Sept.; Elizabeth Shaw and her family had traveled to Weymouth to be present with the Cranches and the Adamses during the Rev. William Smith's final days (AA to JA, 20 Sept., below).
1783-09-18
I embrace the Oppertunity by Mr. Guild, of informing You, that Mr. Adams was well the 27th. of July,1 and that by a Letter to the Minister of France of the 29th,2 the Dutch Negotiation with the British was finished, by which one great Obstacle to the definitive Treaty is removed.
Inclosed is an Extract of an official Letter from Doctor F—to Mr. Livingston Secretary of foreign affairs dated July 22d., which is calculated to give a private Stab to the Reputation of our Friend; at least it appears so to me.3 By the Doctors Observation that by writing the Letter “he hazzarded a mortal Enmity,” I think it evident, he did not intend the Letter should be seen by Mr. Adams's particular Friends, 251but that Mr. Livingston should make a prudent Use of it to multiply Mr. Adams' Enemies. Mr. L. could easily do this, by not communicating to Congress the paragraph: but being now out of Office,4 the Doctor's Craft is apparent. You will please to keep the Matter a profound Secret, excepting to Mr. Adams, General Warren and Lady; and let the Channel of Communication be likewise a secret. My Compliments to Miss Adams, and all our Friends in your Quarter, and be assured I remain with the highest Esteem Madam your very hum ser
Gerry may be referring to the letter of 27 July from Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, and Henry Laurens to R. R. Livingston that described the progress of the definitive peace treaty and noted that JA had “gone to Holland for three weeks” (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 6:600). Gerry was a member of a committee to consider that and other letters from American diplomats in Europe, but there is no mention of the letter of the 27th until 25 Sept. (
JCC
, 25:617).
The preceding three words were interlined and an alternative reading of the date is the “27th,” but no letter of either the “27th” or the “29th” to the Chevalier de La Luzerne has been identified. Elbridge Gerry, however was a member of a committee appointed on 18 Sept. to meet with La Luzerne. At the meeting, probably on the 18th, the French minister related the contents of a letter from the Comte de Vergennes of 21 July, in which the foreign minister commented on the progress of the various peace treaties, including that between Britain and the Netherlands. Not mentioned by Gerry was Vergennes' criticism of the American negotiators for pursuing tactics which he believed had delayed the definitive treaty (
JCC
, 25:588–589).
AA received this letter, with the extract from Franklin's letter, before 15 Oct. (AA to Gerry, below), but she did not send a copy of the extract to JA until she wrote him on 15 Dec., below. In her December letter she explains her delay.
Congress accepted Livingston's resignation as secretary of foreign affairs on 4 June (
JCC
, 24:382). Gerry read Franklin's 22 July letter because he was one of five congressmen appointed to report on the dispatches of America's foreign ministers (
JCC
, 25:587–588).
1783-07-22
After declaring that neither the Letter from Mr. Marbois nor the conversation respecting the Fishery, Boundaries, Royalists and recommending Moderation in our Demands, are of Weight sufficient to fix in his Mind an opinion, that the Court of France wishes to restrain us in obtaining any Degree of Advantage We could prevail on our Enemies to accord to, the Doctor goes on—
“I ought not however to conceal from You, that one of my Collegues is of a very different Opinion from me in these Matters. He thinks the french Minister one of the greatest Enemies of our Country; that he would have straitned our Boundaries to prevent the Growth of our people; contracted our Fishery to obstruct the Increase of our Seamen; and retained the Royalists amongst Us to keep us divided—that he privately opposes all our Negotiations with foreign Courts, and afforded us during the War the Assistance We received, only to keep it alive that We might be so much the more weakened by it. That to think of Gratitude to France, is the greatest of Follies, and that to be influenced by it, would ruin us. He makes no Secret of his having these opinions, expresses them publickly, sometimes in presence of the english Minister, and speaks of hundreds of Instances which he could produce in proof of them. None however have yet appeard to me, unless the Conversation and Letter above mentioned2 are reckoned such. If I were not convinced of the real Inability of the Court to furnish the farther Supplies We asked, I should suspect these Discourses of a person in his station, might have influenced the Refusal; but I think they have gone no farther than to occasion 252a Suspicion that We have a considerable party of Antigalicans in America, who are not Tories, and consequently to produce some Doubts of the Continuance of our Friendship. As such Doubts may hereafter have a bad Effect, I think We cannot take too much Care to remove them: and it is therefore I write this to put you on your Guard (beleiving it to be my Duty, tho I know that I hazzard by it a mortal Enmity) and to caution You respecting the Insinuations of this Gentleman against the Court, and the Instances he supposes of their Ill Will to us, which I take to be as imaginary as I know his Fancies to be that the Count de V
The content of all or some notes that appeared on this page in the printed volume has been moved to the end of the preceding document.
The full text of Franklin's letter appears in Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 6:580–588.
That is, the letter by Barbé-Marbois, intercepted by the British and given to the Americans, and certain conversations “respecting the Fishery, Boundaries, Royalists and recommending Moderation in our Demands,” mentioned above, which Franklin does not identify any further than does Gerry.
Othello, III, iii, 322–324: “Trifles light as air/Are to the jealous confirmations strong/As proofs of holy writ.”
1783-09-20
Dearer if possible than ever; for all the parental props which once sustaind and supported me are fallen! My Father, my Father, where is he? With Humble confidence I can say; he is with the spirits of just Men made perfect, become an inhabitant of that Country, from whose Bourn no traveller returns.1
In my last Letter to you,2 I recollect to have particularly mentiond both our dear and venerable parents. My Father then appeard to sustain his age, with fewer of the infirmities of it, than most aged persons are subject to, his Health, his spirits, and his activity were remarkable. He sat out upon a visit to my sister at Haverhill, and with an intention of carrying our son Charles, who had just recoverd from the Measles: he reachd here for the Night, and tho he complaind of having felt rather unwell for a few days, he spent as pleasent and cheerfull an evening as I had known him for many Years. About midnight, I waked with his calling a servant, and desireing him to rise, upon which I rose, and went into his Chamber, I found him in great distress with the strangery;3 I made every application which I could think of untill morning, but his pain increasing he could neither lie nor set, he insisted upon being carried home. It was with great difficulty to himself, that he reachd his own House, where for 15 days he lived in most exquisite distress, during which time no medicine or outward application procured him relief. He supported himself through his distressing pain, and exemplified that Christian patience and fortitude, which he had, through his whole Life taught to others.
Not a complaint fell from his Lips during his sickness, his reason was clear to the last moment of his Life; every hour of which, he exerted himself, to admonish and warn the youth, who attended round his Bed, intreating them to devote themselves early to their Maker. To them and to others, he was with a most Cheerfull resignation, manifesting the joy and comfort, derived from unfeigned piety; and a Life well Spent; he had a well grounded hope; and his last end was peace.
His affection towards his children and his grandchildren seemed heightned by the Idea, of parting with them.
O my children, said he, you are so kind and tender, I fear you will make me loth to leave you. Through his sickness he was but once heard to say, that he wished it had pleased God to have spaired his Life longer, and that was, to have seen the return of my dearest Friend; but tell him says he, I hope to meet him in a better world.
Sweet indeed, is the remembrance of this my dear parent; and his death bed Scene the greatest consolation for his loss. Painfull as it was, I would not have exchanged it, for the triumph of the Greatest Monarch.
How trifling, and of how little importance does such a scene, make all the wealth, power and greatness of the world appear. I have; Said my dear parent, made two things the principal Study of my Life, let me injoin the Same upon my Children. I have endeavourd to do all the good I could with the talants committed to me, and to honour God with my substance. Well may his Children rise up; and call him blessed—gratefully acknowledging the hand which bestowed upon them such a parent, doubling their diligence to walk in his Steps. Like good old Jacob, our parent blessed all his of
I know my dear Friend, you will most sensibly feel this bereavement. You have lost one of your firmest Friends, no man could be more delighted, with your successes, or entertaind a higher sense of them, than my dear parent, he knew your Worth, and he honourd it at all times. No man was happier in the sons his daughters had given him,5 two of whom attended him in his last moments, administering to him, those kind offices, which his afflicted daughters could not perform.
255In the midst of my affliction several of your kind Letters6 were brought me. My Heart I hope was not unthankfull to Heaven for the blessing, but my Mind is not sufficiently calm to reply to them. I shall close this and wait a more tranquil hour; how much do I feel the want of the Soothing kindness of the Friend of my Heart. The Idea is too painfull—adieu. Your
Portia
Shakespeare, Hamlet, III, i, 79–80; “bourn” means “boundaries” or “frontiers” (
OED
).
Of 24 Aug., above.
A blockage of the urinary tract (
OED
).
Genesis 48 and 49.
That is, Richard Cranch, Rev. John Shaw and JA.
Perhaps those mentioned in AA to JA, 19 Oct., below, although she may have received those letters after 20 September.
1783-10-14
I have had another Fever, which brought me low, but as it has carried off certain Pains and Lamenesses the Relicks of the Amsterdam Distemper, I am perswaded it will do me, much good.
I am going next Week to London, with my son. I may Stay Six Weeks, if nothing from Congress calls me away Sooner.2
I have only to repeat my earnest Request that you and our Daughter would come to me, as soon as possible. The Business that is marked out for Us, will detain me in Europe at least another Year, as I conjecture. You may take the Voyage and Satisfy your Curiosity and return with me. It is not very material, whether you arrive in Nantes, Amsterdam or London—the Distance from Paris is about the Same.
You, once wrote me that Mr. Allen had offered his Place for Sale. Pray what was his Price?3
I Suppose that Bills, upon Europe will now sell for Money or more than Money. If So draw upon me, for what you want, and your Bills shall be paid, upon Sight. I Sent you a little by Mr. Thaxter.
I have particular Reasons for wishing to own that Piece of Land where …
4 Mr. Hancocks House stood and the Addition which has been made to it.5 If Coll. Quincy will Sell it, at any tollerable Price, and you can sell a Bill upon me, for Cash to pay for it, buy it. Pray Dr. Tufts to do it, if you have not time.
Your Letters by the Way of England have all come to me very regularly and in good order. It is the best Way at present of Writing. You may write however, by the Way of the French Packet from N. York to L'Orient. But Secrets should not be trusted to that Conveyance by you nor me.
The Family affair which has been mentioned in Several of your Letters,6 may be managed very well. The Lady comes to Europe with you. If the Parties preserve their Regard untill they meet again and continue to behave as they ought, they will be still young enough. Lawyers should never marry early. I am quite unqualified to decide upon that matter. To Your Judgment, with the Advice of our Friends, I must leave it. One Thing I know, that Knowledge of the Law comes not by Inspiration, and without painfull and obstinate Study no Man will ever have it. Yours, without Reserve.
JA moved from Paris on 22 Sept. to live in Auteuil, just west of the city on the right bank of the Seine, near the Bois de Boulogne, as a guest of Thomas Barclay, who was renting a house from the Comte de Rouault. As JA explained in a long and vivid reminiscence published nearly thirty years later in a Boston newspaper, the noise of carriage traffic outside the Hôtel du Roi in Paris, where he was lodging, was so loud and continuous that loss of sleep threatened his recovery from the ravages of a serious fever (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:143 and note 4; and see illustration opposite 3:257). In Aug. 1784, JA rented the same house and brought his family to live there.
Despite his program of exercise at Auteuil, JA's health did not improve as rapidly as he hoped, and on the advice of his physician, Sir James Jay, JA decided to take the waters at Bath in England (same). JA, JQA, and their servant Levêque left Auteuil on 20 Oct., and arrived in London the 26th (same, 3:146–148).
On the farm of Mr. Alleyne of Braintree, see AA to JA, 17 and 25 March, and 25 April 1782, vol. 4:295–296, 315–316.
Six to eight words have been deleted here.
The residence of Rev. John Hancock, father of the governor, stood on land that became the property of Col. Josiah Quincy; the house burned down in 1759. JA acquired this property sometime after Col. Quincy's death in March 1784, and he refers to it in his Diary as “the Hancock Cellar.” In 1822 he gave the property with other land to the Town of Quincy in trust for the eventual establishment of a private school to train young men for college. Adams Academy was completed in 1871, constructed on the site of the “cellar.” The building is now the home of the Quincy Historical Society. See AA to JA, 15 March 1784, below; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 1:111–113, and note 15; 3:249; Pattee, Old Braintree and Quincy
, p. 341–342.
Royall Tyler's courtship of AA2.
1783-10-15
Your obligeing favour was handed me from Mr. Guild,1 at a time when I was engaged in the Melancholy office, of attending the dieing Bed, of a dear, and venerable parent.
I need ask no further excuse of you for omiting a speedy replie, 257and thanking you for your kind attention to me. Neither the contents of your Letter; or the extracts inclosed, were unexpected to me; from many of Mr. Adam'es Letters, I have been fully satisfied, that the gentleman who wrote the Letter, you inclosed, in conjunction with the Count,2 were determined if possible, to get so troublesome, and watchfull an inspector, of their conduct, and views removed out of their way, and if this could not be Effected; at least attempt to ruin his usefullness. The latter I presume is out of their power. The former, I know not whether I should be very much their Enemy if they accomplished. Tho it would mortify me to have the faithfull Services of my Friend undervalued, or depreciated by their influence, yet I so sincerely wish his return; that I should receive that for good; which might be meant for evil.
Seriously Sir; the state of Mr. Adams'es Health is such, that I suffer, every anxiety on account of it. The Fever he had two years ago in Amsterdam, left him with many disorders, amongst which; he complains of the scurvy, a swelling of his legs, a weakness of his joints, lowness of spirits. A voyage might do much towards restoreing him to Health, but without that, and a little of my good Nursing, I fear he will fall a sacrifice to perplexities and anxieties of mind, added to his bodily infirmities.
Amongst many observations which my Freind makes, in his late Letters respecting our Country, I transcribe the following, “our Country will be envied, our Liberty will be envied, our virtues will be envied. Deep and subtle Systems of corruption, hard to prove, impossible to detect, will be practised to Sap and undermine Us, and the few who penetrate them; will be called Suspicious, envious, restless, turbulant, ambitious; will be hated, unpopular and unhappy.”3 This Sir, it is to be a real patriot. How much courage perserverence and fortitude are necessary to compleat the Character? In this age of the world, that Man has an awfull Lot, who dares to “Love his Country and be poor.”4
If any thing offers at Congress respecting my Friend, I will thank you to let me know it. You may relie upon it sir, that no use will be made of it; but such as you permit. If you have received publick dispatches, and they are of a Similar nature with private Letters, they are filled with complaints and anxieties, ariseing from want of intelligence.
Genll. Warren has a large number of Letters supposing him a Member of Congress; the contents of which I hope he will transmit to you. They were written for his information, supposing him a 258Member of that body, and knowing him to be an unshaken Friend to his Country.
If any Letters should arrive for me I will thank you sir if you will forward them. Mr. Adams'es Letters are not calculated for the post office, many of them being written upon very thick paper and under two and sometimes 3 covers. Tis true he franks them according to a resolve of Congress which passt Soon after he went abroad, but the post master insists that, Congress by putting the post office upon its former establishment superseded that Resolve.5 You would oblige me sir, by informing me whether it is realy so or not. I am the rather led to this inquiry, from a demand which Genll. Warren had, the other day for postage, for a Letter which was from a Member of Congress.
Gerry to AA, 18 Sept., above, which AA could hardly have received much before 25 Sept., despite her comment here.
Vergennes; “the gentleman who wrote the Letter” is Franklin.
JA to AA, 16 April, second letter of this date, above.
JA, same letter, above, quotes this line from Alexander Pope, “On His Grotto at Twickenham.”
Congress resolved on 28 Dec. 1779 that letters to and from the Commissioners abroad should be free of postage charges, but the ordinance to regulate the post office adopted on 18 Oct. 1782 limited free letters to those sent on public business. On 28 Feb. 1783, Congress made it clear that the franking privilege was not to cover private letters sent along with public ones (
JCC
, 15:1415; 23:670–678; 24:156–157). But see Gerry to AA, 6 Nov., below.
1783-10-19
My last Letter to you was written in Sepbr.2 I closed it, because I knew not how to think upon any other subject than the solemn one I had just past through; since that date I have received a Number of Letters from you, written in April, May, june and 2 in july.
To hear from you is a satisfaction, but the whole tenor of your Letters rather added to my melancholy, than mitigated it. The state of your Health gives me great anxiety; and the delay of your return increases it. The Season is now so far advanced, that if you embark I shall have a thousand terrors for you; if you tarry abroad; I fear for your Health.
259If Congress should think proper to make you an other appointment, I beg you not to accept it. Call me not to any further trials of the kind! Reflect upon your long absence from your family, and upon the necessity there is, of your returning in order to recover that Health which you have unhappily impaired and lost abroad.
Your Children have a demand upon You, they want your care, your advice and instruction; I mean at all times to consult and promote their interest and happiness, but I may be mistaken in it; I cannot feel so safe or so satisfied as I should if Your approbation was added to it.
There was a time when I had brought my mind to be willing to cross the Seas to be with you, but tho one strong tie which held me here, is dissolved, the train of my Ideas for six months past has run wholy upon your return; that I now think nothing short of an assurence from you, that your happiness depended upon it, would induce me to alter my oppinion. The Scenes of anxiety through which you have past, are enough to rack the firmest constitution, and debilitate the strongest faculties. Conscious Rectitude is a grand support, but it will not ward of the attacks of envy, or secure from the assaults of jealousy. Both ancient and modern history furnish us with repeated proofs, that virtue must look beyond this shifting theatre for its reward; but the Love of praise is a passion deeply rooted in the mind and in this we resemble the Supreem Being who is most Gratified with thanksgiving and praise. Those who are most affected with it, partake most of that particle of divinity which distinguishes mankind from the inferiour Creation; no one who deserves commendation can dispise it, but we too frequently see it refused where it is due, and bestowed upon very undeserving characters. “Treachery venality and villainy must be the Effects of dissipation voluptuousness and impiety, says the Great Dr. Price and adds, these vices sap the foundation of virtue, they render Men necessitous and Supple, ready at any time to sacrifice their consciences. Let us remember these Truths in judging of Men. Let us consider that true goodness is uniform and consistant; and learn never to place any great confidence in those pretenders to publick Spirit, who are not men of virtuous Characters. They may boast of their attachment to a publick cause, but they want the living root of virtue, and should not be depended upon.”3
You call upon me to write you upon a subject which greatly embarrasses me,4 yet I ought to tell you what I conceive to be the real Truth. The Gentleman whom I formerly mentiond to you, resides 260here Still, and boards in the same family. I wrote you the Truth when I informd you that the connection was broken of—and nothing particular has since past. Yet it is evident to me, as well as to the family where he lives, that his attachment is not lessned. He conducts prudently, and tho nothing is said upon the subject I do not immagine that he has given up the Hope, that in some future Day he may be able to obtain your approbation. Your daughter so highly values your esteem and approbation, that She has frequently said she never could be happy without it. That she will not act contrary to the opinion of her Friends, I am fully satisfied, but her sentiments with regard to this Gentleman she says are not to be changed but upon a conviction of his demerrit. I wish most sincerely wish you was at Home to judge for yourself. I shall never feel safe or happy untill you are. I had rather you should inquire into his conduct and behaviour, his success in Buisness and his attention to it, from the family where he lives, than Say any thing upon the subject myself. I can say with real Truth that no Courtship subsists between them, and that I believe it is in your power to put a final period to every Idea of the kind, if upon your return you think best. There is a young Gentleman, who formerly kept our school, by the Name of Perkings,5 who is now studying Law with Mr. Tyler. He has been in Virgina for a twelve month past and designs to return there again.
I was very unhappy to find by your Letters that you was so long without any intelligence from America, but I hope you have been amply compensated before this time. Your Letters which were dated in April May and june did not reach me untill Sep'br. I must request you in future to calculate those you send to Philadelphia for the post office. Every line of yours is invaluable to me, yet blank paper is not so, and the double covers pay as large postage, as if they were wholy written. I have disputed the matter some time with the postmaster, and now he will not deliver a Letter untill the postage is pay'd. I payd 3 dollors the other day for what one sheet of paper would have containd. I do not yet believe that congress mean to make their foreign ministers subject to postage, and I design to write to Mr. Gerry upon the Subject.6
I hear of a vessel bound to France. I will forward this and write to Mr. Thaxter by way of England. I hear he is there, and that Mr. Smith arrived after a short passage. At this I rejoice tho I was not his companion. Our two sons are gone to Haverhill. I hope to hear frequently from you if I do not see you, which I now almost dispair of, this winter. Adieu my dearest Friend ever yours
The date indicates when AA completed the letter since her stated intention of writing to Elbridge Gerry makes it evident that she wrote most of the letter before 15 October (AA to Gerry, 15 Oct., is above).
Of 20 Sept., above. On that date, AA may already have received at least some of the letters from JA that she mentions immediately below; see AA to JA, 20 Sept., above. Note that one of the “2
AA's quotation of these sentiments may have been prompted by reading the extract from Franklin to Livingston, 22 July, which Gerry enclosed in his letter of 18 Sept., above.
See JA to AA, 13 July, above, for his request that AA write more about Royall Tyler's courtship of AA2.
On Thomas Perkins, see vol. 4:309, note 2.
1783-10-20
To you my young Friend upon whom the parential ties are strong and unbroken; who never yet knew the agonies which attend the loss of a fond Mother; or the pangs which rend the filial Heart Bereaved of a dear and venerable Father, to You I say, may Heaven long continue those blessings, nor teach you, experimentally to Sympathize with your afflicted Friend.
My dear parent is no more! His illness was Short and accute, his patience resignation and Submission, exemplary.
Few persons enjoyed so rigorous an old age, few persons of his age are so universally regreted.
Even in his last hours, he retaind that Cheerfullness which had distinguishd him through his Life. I never before past through so painfull and yet so instructive a Scene, I reflect upon the last fortnight of his Life with a melancholy satisfaction and pleasure.
262I will not ask an excuse for thus dwelling upon the memory of one so deservedly dear to me, and for whose death you will yourself feel a regret; he affectionately rememberd you upon his death Bed and left his blessing for all his young Friends and acquaintance. During the afflictive Scene, I received several Letters from you,1 but my mind has not long recoverd such a state of tranquility as to be able to replie to you. I most sincerely thank you for all your kind attentions to me. Mr. Storer you observe2 receives many large packets when you get none. I do not know of half the opportunities by which Mr. Storers Friends write to him, I never omit writing when I have timely notice, but you must not charge your Friends too severely, who from many of your Letters had reason to expect your return for many months. The present severe Storm fills me with a thousand apprehensions least my Friends should attempt comeing to America this winter. We have had in the course of 3 weeks two as severe storms of wind and rain, blowing a mere Huricane for 48 hours, as I ever knew.
Ardently as I long to see my long absent partner I would not; that he should hazard a voyage upon this coast in the winter season—and yet I have a thousand anxieties at his continuence abroad upon account of his Health.
I hear by way of Mr. Smith that you have made a little excursion to our good old Friend Britania. Pray how do you like her? Is she Great in Ruins? In decay at least, for she past her zenith Eight years ago. You must discribe this visit to me, for tho by the residence of my Friends abroad, I have felt particularly interested in the various Countries they have inhabited, and a sort of acquaintance with them, I now dispair of a nearer view of them, having quitted all thoughts of ever visiting them.
Depreciated and depraved as our manners are, from the purity of former days; I think our own country the best calculated to make “Men happy and to keep them So.” Here domestick virtues are more Esteemed and cultivated, Gallantry is less practised, those passions which enoble humanize and soften Man, are not prostituded at the Shrine of Mammon. Gameing that Bane of civil Society, that antidote to good Humour and Beauty, that distroyer of female delicacy and honour, is not yet; and I pray Heaven, it never may become fashionable amongst the Females of the Northern States. The Manners of the Southern are much nearer assimilated to those of Europe. You 263appear to have retained so many of your Yankee sentiments, that I fancy you will highly realish the Simplicity of your own country, you can anticipate a “well orderd Home, Mans cheif delight” with sincere pleasure.
Confess my Friend your wishes for a connection and an agreable companion for life, it certainly would not engross so much of your attention, as to be the subject you oftenest write upon, unless it was very near your Heart. All your declarations of conquering your passions and of your insensibility, like a Monk in his Cloister, are proofs, of what you think and what you feel. Let me comfort you with the Idea that Heaven has in reserve for you; much domestick felicity, the enjoyment of which is sincerely wished you by your affectionate Friend
Probably those of 10 June and 29 July, and possibly that of 28 March, all above.
Thaxter to AA, 29 July, above.
1783-11-06
Since I had the Pleasure of addressing You,1 nothing of Importance has occurred in the Concerns of our Friend excepting a Letter from Mr. Jay, wherein he with great Candour and good Sense has endeavoured to do Justice to Mr. Adams' Character, and recommended him as the most suitable person to represent the united States at the Court of London; declaring at the same Time in the most positive Terms, that should the place be offered to himself, he would not accept it.2 I should be exceedingly happy on my own Account, but more particularly on yours, Madam, to see Mr. Adams in America, because I am persuaded he would not only be in the Way of rendering at this Time essential Services to his Country, but also (by recovering his Health), to himself and Family. The perplexities of American politics, are neither pleasing nor salutary; much less so must those be, which are in the Center and subject to all the Subtleties and Intrigues of European Systems; but the probability is I think against his immediate return.
The postmasters have either misconstrued or perverted the Design 264of the post office Ordnance, which provides that Letters to and from certain persons in publick office, on publick Business shall be exempt from postage—the Endorsement of such persons Names on their Letters is therefore sufficient to acquit the Receiver thereof from postage; but the postmasters have, as I am informed, in many Cases where the Members of Congress and the Commander in chief have not endorsed with the Words “on publick Business,” had the Assurance to take postage; not so much I apprehend to benefit the publick, as to save the 20 per Cent allowed to the postofficer, but Measures are taken since the Receipt of your Letter to correct this Error, and I presume the Franks of our foreign Ministers will be admitted in Future by order of Congress.3 Doctor Lee and Mr. Osgood join in their best Respects to yourself and Family, with Madam your sincere Friend and most hum Servt.
On 18 Sept., above.
On 30 May, Jay wrote to R. R. Livingston, the secretary for foreign affairs, to recommend JA for the London post. Declaring that he would not stand in JA's way, he added, “Were I in Congress I should vote for him. He deserves well of his country, and is very able to serve her. It appears to me to be but fair that the disagreeable conclusions which may be drawn from the abrupt repeal of his former commission should be obviated by its being restored to him. I do, therefore, in the most unequivocal manner decline and refuse to be a competitor with that faithful servant of the public for the place in question” (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 6:457–458). Several months earlier, JA had recommended either Jay or Francis Dana for this position (5 Feb., in same, 6:246).
1783-11-08
Yours of Jany. 10 to Mr. Robbins,1 he shewed me this Moment and informs Me, he goes on Board on Monday.2 I regret that I have had no earlier Knowledge of this young Gentleman. My son and I have been here, this fortnight, and have been very civilly and obligingly treated, by some private Gentlemen. But this Government? It is a fine Country; but it is undone by Prosperity. It has the Vertigo in the Head, yet.
Yesterday a Letter from Unkle Smith informed me of the Death of my dear and honoured Father.3
I have flattered myself with Hopes of Seeing him again, but it was not to be, and he is better Situated.
My Life is Sweetened with the Hope of embracing You in Europe. Pray embark as soon as prudently you can, with Nabby. Come to 265England France or Holland, no matter which. But We must go to the Hague to live. My Second Fever, has so cured me that I hope I could live with you in Holland, at the Hague at least, if you will perswade me to ride on Horseback every day. Yours in haste, but most tenderly
Above. It was on this occasion that Robbins delivered AA's letter to JA of 10 Jan., also above.
10 November. Robbins reached Boston in December; see AA to JA, 3 Jan. 1784, below.
JA's father-in-law, Rev. William Smith. The letter from Isaac Smith Sr. has not been found.
1783-11-08
I have this Day, by Special Permission from their Majesties obtained by Mr. West the Painter who with Mr. Copely do so much honour to our Country, Seen the Appartements in the Queens House, as it is called, or Buckingham House.1 It is a great Curiosity indeed. There is an inestimable Collection of Paintings by the greatest Masters, Raphael, Rubens, Vandyke, and many others.
There is one Room which the King calls Mr. Wests, as it is ornamented with a Collection of his Works—the Return of Regulus—The Death of Epaminondas—The Death of Bayard—The Death of General Wolf2—and &c.
The Cartons3 of Raphael, are a wonderfull Production of Art.
The Library is the most elegant Thing I ever saw.4 But the Kings Military and Naval Room, pleased me best as it is a Collection of Plans, and Models of every Dockyard, Fortress and Man of War in his Empire.
Come to Europe with Nabby as soon as possible, and Satisfy your Curiosity, and improve your Taste, by viewing these magnificent Sceenes. Go to the Play—see the Paintings and Buildings—visit the Manufactures for a few Months—and then, if Congress pleases return to America with me to reflect upon them.
I am in earnest. I cannot be happy, nor tolerable without you. Besides I really think one Trip across the Sea would be of Service to you and my Daughter to whom my Love. I Shall expect you constantly untill you arrive.
I mourn the Loss of my Father, but it was time to expect it, from his Age. You must be melancholly and afflicted, and I hope that the Voyage, will divert your Thoughts.
266Mr. Thaxter is in America before this no doubt. My dear Son, is the only Secretary, I have or propose to have at present. I believe I Shall go to the Hague, and reside chiefly there but write to me untill you embark by Portugal Spain France England or Holland. The nearer you Arrive to the Hague, the nearer I believe you will be to me, yet I may be in Paris. I shall stay but a Short time in London.
You will read in the Newspapers, innumerable Lyes about Jay and me.5 Regard them as little as I do. I have met with an agreable Reception here, as agreable as I wish. In short I have been received here, exactly as I wished to be.
Compare JA's description of this visit with JQA, Diary
, 1:201–202. According to JQA, they were taken to Buckingham House by Benjamin West himself. For a similar but fuller JA description of Buckingham House, drawn apparently from memory nearly thirty years later, see his
Diary and Autobiography
, 3:150. This mansion, built in 1705 for John Sheffield, first duke of Buckingham and Normanby, was bought by George III in 1762, and settled on Queen Charlotte in 1775, whence it was called “the Queens House.” All of the children of George III and Queen Charlotte except the Prince of Wales (later George IV) were born there. The mansion was razed in the 1820s, and replaced with the present Buckingham Palace (Wheatley, London Past and Present
).
These four historical paintings were all commissioned by George III. The title of the first, done in 1768, should be “The Departure of Regulus.” The rendering of “The Death of General [James] Wolfe,” finished in late 1769 or early 1770, was a popular sensation. West's novel depiction of heroes in contemporary dress powerfully directed the course of painting in England away from the neo-classical style, with its “chaste academic severity, muted colors, and repressed emotion.” “It was like no other modern picture Englishmen had seen. It made the viewer feel that he was present at and a part of a great historic event of his time, that he was an accessory with others in a tragic but inspiring occasion.” Because of its modern treatment, the King refused to buy the painting; but when he observed the nearly universal approval it won, he commissioned a copy from West. This was the painting that JA saw. In his enthusiasm the King commissioned the other two death scenes here mentioned (Robert C. Alberts, Benjamin West, Boston, 1978, p. 89–90, 103–109).
JQA identifies these as seven cartoons—drawings or rough paintings on stout paper—as the designs for a set of Brussels tapestries depicting “several of the Acts of the apostles” (
Diary
, 1:201).
This magnificent library, which occupied three rooms, was given to the nation by George IV, and became part of the British Museum (Wheatley, London Past and Present
; Alberts, Benjamin West, p. 86).
This probably refers to JA's and Jay's disagreements with Benjamin Franklin during the treaty negotiations; no specific newspaper issues critical of JA or Jay have been identified.
1783-11-11
Col. Trumble1 has been so kind as to visit me, and request a Letter from me to you; I have promised him one. You direct me to write by every opportunity, I very seldom let one slip unimproved, but I find 267many more conveyances by way of England than any other. I have written twice to you since the recept of your last favour, which was dated july 17th.
I wish you to write by way of England but to send no letters to the southard.
I pleased myself with the Idea of seeing you here during the summer, but when I found how publick Buisness was delayed I endeavourd to banish the Idea, for one month of daily expectation, is more tedious than a year of certainty. I think it would be a releif to my mind if your next Letter was to assure me, that you had no intention of comeing out till next spring; Yet think not, that I am more reconciled to your absence, or less ardently desire your return, but your Life and Health are too dear to me, to gratify my wishes at the expence of either.
I have but last evening returnd, from a visit to Haverhill, where I was led at this season, by the Sickness of Master Tommy, who has a Second time experienced a severe fit of the Rheumatism. It was an unfortunate bequest, but it is so Similar to what at his age I was excersised with, that I think it must have descended to him. He lost the use of his Limbs for a fortnight. It was attended with a fever, and a Stricture across his Breast. I had the Satisfaction to find him upon the recovery, and much better than my fears, for Seazing him at this Season and with so much voilence, I feard he would have been disabled all winter.
Both Mr. and Mrs. Shaw, speak very well of our young Lads, who begin to think of a Colledge Life, as not more than a year and half distance. Charles is very desirious that he may be ready at 15, and Master Tommy is determined that he shall not out strip him, in his learning, what ever he may do in his entrance at colledge, for which purpose he requests that his lessons may be the same with his Brothers. He took great pains to overtake Charles, during his absence and sickness with the Measles, nor did he rest untill he accomplished it. Mr. Shaw is I believe an excellent preceptor and takes great pains with them. Their Morals and Manners are strickly attended to, and I have every satisfaction I can wish with respect to care and tenderness both in sickness and Health. I wanted for nothing but to see you Mamma, says Master, during my sickness. Mrs. Shaw is the same amiable good woman you always knew her. She has one son and one daughter,2 but her Health is feeble and her frame exceedingly delicate and tender, her spirits lively, her temper placid. The children Love her with a parental? filial affection.
I longed for you to accompany me in this journey, and to have participated the pleasure of seeing our Children attentive to their studies, and promiseing to be wise and good.
While your own Heart dilates, you will tell me, that the season for temptation is not yet arrived, that altho they are carefully Guarded against evil communications, and warned of the danger of bad examples, no humane foresight can effectually preserve them from the contagion of vice; true, but I have a great opinion of early impressions of virtue, and believe that they take such hold of the mind, as neither time, or temptations can wholy subdue. They recall the wanderer to a sense of his Duty, tho he has strayed many many times. Attend says the Good Ganganella,3 more to the Hearts, than the understanding of your pupils, if the Heart is good, all will go well.
I have a thousand fears for my dear Boys as they rise into Life, the most critical period of which is I conceive, at the university; there infidelity abounds, both in example and precepts, there they imbibe the speicious arguments of a Voltaire a Hume and Mandevill. If not from the fountain, they receive them at second hand. These are well calculated to intice a youth, not yet capable of investigating their principals, or answering their arguments. Thus is a youth puzzeld in Mazes and perplexed with error untill he is led to doubt, and from doubting to disbelief. Christianity gives not such a pleasing latitude to the passions. It is too pure, it teaches moderation humility and patience, which are incompatable, with the high Glow of Health, and the warm blood which riots in their veins. With them, “to enjoy, is to obey.” I hope before either of our children are prepaird for colledge you will be able to return and assist by your example and advise, to direct and counsel them; that with undeviating feet they may keep the path of virtue.
I have heitherto been able to obtain their Love their confidence and obedience, but I feel unequal to the task of guiding them alone, encompassed as I know they must be with a thousand snares and temptations.
I hope our dear son abroad will not imbibe any sentiments or principals which will not be agreable to the Laws the Goverment and Religion of our own Country. He has been less under your Eye than I could wish, but never I dare say without your advise and instruction. If he does not return this winter, I wish you to remind him, that he has forgotten to use his pen, to his Friends upon this Side the water.
With Regard to what passes in the political world I hear little said upon the subject. We are anxious to receive official accounts of the 269Signing the definitive Treaty. The Merchants will Clamour if the commercial Treaty is not to their taste. The Peace necessitates many of them to a less extravagant mode of living, and they must retrench still more if ever they pay their debts abroad. Bills are now sold at par, if you continue abroad, I shall be under a necessity of drawing upon you, for tho the War is ceased, taxes have not. Since I took my pen, and within this hour, I have been visited by the collector with 3 tax Bills; the amount of which is 29 pounds 6 and 8 pence, the continental tax state tax and town tax, beside which, I have just paid a parish tax. I live with all the frugality in my power. I have but two domesticks, yet I find it as much as I can do to muster cash enough to pay our sons Quarter Bills and Cloath them decently.
Of one thing you may rest assured, that I involve you in no debts, nothey she lives, but I do not chuse to Say any thing upon the Subject at present. I Suppose it will sell for more than the apprizement, and as I hope you will return early in the spring, that will be as soon as any thing can be done about it. The estate is some cloged in concequence of a Numerous family but the personal estate will clear it and pay the Legacies which amount to about 300 pounds and Some small debts.
DAB
).
William Smith Shaw and Elizabeth Quincy Shaw. William served as private secretary to JA for two years during his presidency, later became a lawyer, and gained some renown as librarian of the Boston Athenaeum, whence his nickname “Athenaeum Shaw” (
DAB
).
Giovanni Vincenzo Antonio Ganganelli, Pope Clement XIV. The editors do not know whether AA acquired or borrowed a copy of the Interesting Letters of Pope Clement XIV (London, 1770, 1781, and other editions). At some point JA acquired the 1781 edition for his library (
Catalogue of JA's Library
).
1783-11-18
I have time only to inform you that We are well, and to repeat my earnest Wish and Expectation to see you as soon as possible. Draw upon me for Whatever Money You want and it shall be paid at Sight.
I have been invited by the Duke of Portland and Mr. Fox to See them and I have Seen them and Mr. Burke
Comfort yourself for the Loss of your Father amiable and excellent as he was. His Age was such as to have renderd it a duty, to be prepared to hear of his Decease: and his Virtues were such as to leave Us no room to doubt that the Change is happy for him.
This meeting took place on 15 Nov. (David Hartley to JA, 14 Nov., Adams Papers). The Duke of Portland had become titular head of the government after Shelburne's fall in April; Charles James Fox was Foreign Secretary. Both Fox and Edmund Burke had been critical of the preliminary peace terms that Shelburne had negotiated with France and America. Fox thought Britain should have sought more advantage over France in India; Burke opposed ceding the Ohio Valley to the United States (Morris, Peacemakers
, p. 421). JA later recalled that his visits with these men were purely ceremonial: “I did not ask favours or receive any thing but cold formalities” (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:150). Charles James Fox and George III hated one another and when Fox's India Bill faltered in the House of Lords in December, the King dismissed the Portland ministry (Namier and Brooke, House of Commons
, 2:456–460).
1783-11-20
Your favour dated at Amsterdam in july1 was last evening handed to me; and this evening your Letter of the 10th of Sepbr. by Col. Ogden reached me.
I had for some time supposed that the delay of publick buisness would retard your return; hearing that the definitive treaty was not compleated untill september, and knowing that the commercial Treaty was still to form; I had little reason to expect you; unless your State of Health required an immediate resignation of all your publick employments. Your Letter2 therefore which informs me of your determination to pass an other Winter abroad is by no means unex-271pected. That we must pass it with a vast ocean between us; is a painfull reflection to me, yet thus it must be; I am so much of a coward upon the Water, that even a summers voyage had its terrors. A Winter passage I cannot possibly think of encountering. If I was instantly to set about it, I could not adjust my affairs so as to leave them in any order under a month. Mr. Temple and family sail this week.3 I do not know any person except Mr. Jackson
But I have a stronger objection than even a winters voyage against comeing at present. It is the undetermined counsels of Congress. They have not yet made any appointment to the Court of Britain. Many are seeking for the place, with more splendid titles, if wealth can give them, and many more thousands to claim it with: I am informd that Mr. Jay, has written pressingly to Congress in your favour, at the same time assureing them, that he would absolutely refuse the appointment, if it should be offerd him;4 but whether you will finally be the person, is left to futurity.
Of this I am sure, that I do not wish it. I should have liked very well, to have gone to France, and resided there a year, but to think of going to England in a publick Character, and resideing there; engageing at my time of life in Scenes quite New, attended with dissipation parade and Nonsence; I am sure I should make an awkward figure. The retired Domestick circle “the feast of reason and the flow of soul”5 are my Ideas of happiness, and my most ardent wish is, to have you return and become Master of the Feast.
My Health is infirm, I am frequently distresst6 with a nervious pain in my Head, and a fatigue of any kind will produce it. Neither of us appear to be built for duration. Would to Heaven the few remaining days allotted Us, might be enjoyed together. I have considerd it as my misfortune, that I could not attend to your Health, watch for your repose, alleviate your Hours of anxiety, and make you a home where ever you resided. More says a very skillfull Dr. depends upon the Nurse than the physician.
My present determination is to tarry at home this winter; lonely as it is without my children; and if I cannot prevail upon you to return to Me in the Spring—you well know that I may be drawn to you.7 One strong tie which held me here is dissolved, my dear Parent; who used to say: I cannot consent to you
Mr. Thaxter will be able to give me when he arrives; the best intelligence upon the Subject.
I hope I shall not miss the French Brig which was to sail to day, but may possibly be detained. I knew not of her going untill last evening.
That of 26 July, above.
Of 10 September.
John Temple, a native of Massachusetts and a relative of England's powerful Temple-Grenville family, had married Elizabeth Bowdoin, daughter of James Bowdoin. A customs agent in Boston before the Revolution, Temple strongly sympathized with the patriot cause, but had mixed feelings about American independence. He was in England from 1773 to 1781, then in Massachusetts until he sailed again for England on 21 November. In 1785 he returned to America and served in New York as Great Britain's first consul general in the United States. Temple's reasons for returning to England in 1783 were to seek a permanent office, to help promote a commercial treaty between Britain and the United States, and to clear himself of any remaining suspicion that he, in 1770–1772, had played any role in the passing to Benjamin Franklin of copies of Gov. Thomas Hutchinson's confidential letters to British officials, a still mysterious incident that had further poisoned the deteriorating relationship between Massachusetts and the British government. See Richard Cranch to JA, 21 Nov. (Adams Papers); JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:70–71, 79–80 and note 1, 91; 3:174, note 2; Franklin, Papers
, vol. 20; and Bernard Bailyn, The Ordeal of Thomas Hutchinson, Cambridge, 1974.
See AA to JA, 7 April, note 2, above.
The draft reads: “I am still subject to a severe nervious pain . . .”
The draft adds: “provided there is any Stability in Congress.”
1783-11-20
This evening as I was Setting, with only your sister by my side, who was scribling at the table to some of her correspondents, my Neighbour Feild enterd, with “I have a letter for you Madam”;1 my immagination was wandering to Paris, ruminating upon the long, long absence of my dear son, and his parent; that I was rather inattentive to what he said, untill he repeated; I have Letters for you from abroad. The word abroad, roused my attention, and I eagerly seazied the Letters,2 the hand writing and Seal of which gave me hopes that 273I was once more like to hear from my Young Wanderer; nor was I dissapointed.
After two years silence; and a journey of which I can scarcly form an Idea; to find you safely returnd, to your parent, to hear of your Health, and to see your improvements!
You cannot know, should I discribe to you; the feelings of a parent. Through your pappa, I sometimes heard from you, but one Letter only, ever reach'd me after you arrived in Russia.3 Your excuses however, have weight; and are accepted; but you must give them further energy by a ready attention to your pen in future. Four years have already past away since you left your native land, and this rural Cottage—Humble indeed, when compared to the Palaces you have visited, and the pomp you have been witness too. But I dare say you have not been so inattentive an observer, as to suppose that Sweet peace, and contentment, cannot inhabit the lowly roof, and bless the tranquil inhabitants, equally guarded and protected, in person and property, in this happy Country, as those who reside in the most elegant and costly dwellings.
If you live to return, I can form to myself, an Idea of the pleasure you will take, in treading over the ground, and visiting every place your early years were accustomed wantonly to gambol in—even the rocky common and lowly whortleberry Bush will not be without its Beauties.
My anxieties have been, and still are great least the Numerous temptations and Snares of vice, should vitiate your early habits of virtue, and distroy those principals, which you are now capable of reasoning upon; and discerning the Beauty, and utility, of, as the only rational Source of happiness here, or foundation of felicity here after, placed as we are, in a transitory Scene of probation, drawing nigher and still nigher, day after day to that important Crisis, which must introduce us into a New System of things. It ought certainly to be our principal concern to become qualified for our expected dignity.
What is it that affectionate parents require of their Children; for all their care anxiety and toil on their accounts? Only that they would be wise and virtuous, Benevolent and kind.
Ever keep in mind my son, that your parents are your disinterested Friends, and if at any time their advise militates with your own opinion, or the advise of others, you ought always to be, diffident of your own judgment, because you may rest assured that their opinion is founded in experience, and long observation, and that they would not direct you; but to promote your happiness.
274Be thankfull to a kind providence who has hitherto preserved the lives of your parents, the natural guardians of your youthfull years. With Gratitude I look up to heaven blessing the Hand, which continued to me my dear and honoured parents untill I was setled in Life, and tho I now regreet the loss of them, and daily feel the want of their advise and assistance, I cannot suffer as I should have done, if I had been early deprived of them.
You will doubtless have heard of the Death of your worthy Grandpappa, before this reaches you. He left you a Legacy, more valuable than Gold or silver—he left you his blessing and his prayers, that you might return to your Country and Friends improved in knowledge, and matured in virtue, that you might become a usefull citizen, a Guardian of the Laws Liberty and Religion of your Country, as your Father, (he was pleased to Say) had already been. Lay this bequest up in your memory, and practise upon it, believe me, you will find it a treasure that neither Moth, or Rust can devour.4
I received Letters from your Pappa last evening dated in Paris the 10 of sepbr. informing me of the necessity of his continuance abroad this winter. The Season is so far advanced that I readily sacrifice the desire of seeing him, to his safety. A voyage upon this coast at this Season, is fraught with dangers. He has made me a request, that I dare not comply with at present; No Husband, no Son, to accompany me upon the Boisterous ocean, to animate my courage, and dispell my fears, I dare not engage with so formidable a combatant.
If I should find your Pappa fixed in the Spring; and determined to continue abroad a year or two longer, the earnest desire I have to meet him, and my dear son, might overcome the reluctance I feel, at the Idea of engaging in a New Scene of Life and the love I have for domestick attachments—and the still calm of Life. But it would be much more agreeable to me, to enjoy all my Friends together in my own Native land. From those who have visited foreign climes I could listen with pleasure; at the narative of their adventures, and derive satisfaction from the learned detail, content myself that the “little Learning I have gaine'd is all from Simple Nature divind.”
I have a desire that you might finish Your Education at our university, and I see no chance for it, unless You return in the course of a year. Your cousin Billy Cranch expects to enter next july. He would be happy to have you his associate.
I hope your Pappa will indulge you with a visit to England this winter, it is a country I should be fond of your Seeing. Christianity which teaches us to forgive our enemies, prevents me from enjoining 275upon you a similar vow, to that which Hamilicar obtained from his son Hanible,5 but I know not how to think of loveing those haughty Islanders.
Your Brothers will write to you soon. Your sister I see is prepairing a Letter; Your Friends send you their affectionate regards. And I enjoin it upon you to write often to Your ever affectionate Mother.
Adams
Closing quotation mark supplied. AA may refer to Job Field, who would accompany her to England in 1784 and substitute for her ailing servants, John Brisler and Esther Field, on the voyage (AA to Mary Cranch, 6 July 1784, and note 2, below; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:155, and note 5); several other Fields also lived in Braintree (same, 4:index).
Apparently those of 23 July, written at The Hague, and 30 July, written at Amsterdam, both above.
That of 23 Oct. 1781, vol. 4:233–234.
Matthew 6:19–20.
Sometime before his departure with his father from Carthage for Spain in 237 b.c., young Hannibal was made to swear, upon an altar, eternal enmity to Rome, with whom Carthage had been in an intermittent state of war for three decades (
Oxford Classical Dictionary
).
1783-11-24
Mr. Thaxter is arrived with the Definitive Treaty and I have the pleasure of receiving a number of letters from Mr. Adams.1 I think it will be Indispensably necessary to continue him in Europe, and shall therefore use my best endeavours for this purpose;2 but can form no Idea of what will be the determenation of Congress on the Occasion, as the Representation of the present year will be very different from that of the last.
Mr. Adams in one of his letters has desired if he is continued in Europe to send him his Family “for he is decided, God willing, never to live another year without you.” In another letter he desires me “to write you and advise you whither it is prudent to Come to him or not this fall or next spring.” I cannot think it advisable this fall as it is almost elapsed and a winters passage would be extremely disagreeable as well as dangerous, but I flatter myself before the Spring, the Bussiness of Congress will admit of an adjournment, or if not that our Foreign Arrangements will be compleat and leave you no doubt of the expediency of embarking as Mr. Adams wishes with your Family for Europe. Yours &c.
Probably those of 3, 5, 6, 8, and 10 Sept. (MHi:Gerry II Papers [3d] Hoar Autograph Coll. [5th, 10th], Gerry-Knight Coll. [6th]; and DLC:Gerry Papers [photostat; 8th]; all LbCs, Adams Papers [Microfilms, Reels No. 106 and 107]). Those of 3 Sept., in full, and 9 Sept., in part, are in Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 6:669–670, 684–685. John Thaxter had reached Philadelphia, via New York, on 22 Nov. (Gerry to JA, 23 Nov., Adams Papers).
Gerry's position here is sharply at odds with that taken in his letter to AA of 6 Nov., above, where he favors JA's return to America.
1783-12-07
Will you honour a Bill of mine, drawn in favour of Uncle Smith1 for 60 pounds, to pay for 9 acres of wood land which I have purchased of William Adams being part of the estate of Benjamin Ruggles, which fell to Mr. Adams in right of his wife. You will think I have given a large price for it, but it is not so much as your Brother2 has given him for a 6 acre Lot adjoining to his. The Lot I have purchased is much nearer home, and much easier getting the wood of than any which you owned before of so large a Growth. I am informd that it is very well wooded, and if I was inclined to have a part cut of, for the market, I might at the price wood bears now; raise the money with a third of the wood; it fetches 7 dollors a cord, in Boston, oweing to the few vessels which remained to us after the peace, and these all imployed in carrying Lumber, so that no wood comparitively speaking has been brought from
I have not heard any thing further from you since your Letters of Sepbr,4 which I replied to immediately and hope you received the answers to them. Mr. Thaxter it is said arrived at New York the 20 of November and proceeded on to Congress immediately.
Capt. Callihan in the Peace and Plenty, is not yet arrived, and we 277are anxious for him as he saild the 7 of october. I hope to receive Letters by him. We have had most terrible weather upon this coast.
I have considerd your invitation to me, the arguments for and against it, with all the deliberation I am mistress of. I have arranged before me all your former objections, I have added to them the state of your Health as you have discribed it, and upon the whole, your return here, is the object my Heart pants for. A relaxation from the fatigues and vexations of publick Life appears necessary for your Health, from these you cannot be exempted whilst you continue abroad. The envyed embassy to a certain Island5 is surrounded with so many thorns, that the Beauty and fragrance of the Rose, would be but a small compensation for the wounds which might be felt in the gatheiring and wearing it.
If you felt yourself under obligations during the dangers and perilous of war, to sacrifice, your Health your ease and safety, to the independance and freedom of your Country, those obligations cannot now be equally binding. The Golden Fleese is won. If you have no female wiles to contend with, the dragon may secure it to us; but I believe it is as necessary that he should reside watch in America as Europe.6
Letters from our sons last nig
Dr. Cooper lies very dangerously ill of a Lethargy.8 I shall write you again very soon, for the present adieu. I know not whether I shall believe myself how well you Love me, unless I can prevail upon you to return in the Spring to your ever affectionate
Portia
I have learnt that the vessel which carried Letters from me10 answers to your last from Amsterdam and letters to Johnny in reply to his and Letters in reply to your of Sepbr. this vessel is dismasted and returnd into port Cape Cod after having been out 3 weeks so that what fate the Letters will meet with I know not. Mr. Dana, arrived in Boston yesterday from Petersburgh. I have not time to Say what my Sensations were. A flood of tears unbidden flowed from my Eyes. Yet I am sure I sincerely rejoiced in his return. Mr. Thaxter has not yet reached Braintree. I received a letter from him
AA filled in “Uncle Smith” in the same ink used for the text under “December 13,” below. This textual completion, the current news under “December 13,” and AA's attendance at sermons in Boston on 14 Dec. (see AA to JA, 15 Dec. and note 1, below), suggest that AA finished the letter in Boston, and that she was not certain from whom she could obtain the loan of £60 when she began it.
Peter Boylston Adams, also of Braintree.
A deed for the land, dated 15 Dec. and signed by William and Ruth Adams of Hopkinton, Mass., is in the Adams Papers. As AA writes here (9 acres at £6 per acre), the price is given as £54 lawful money.
Of 10 Sept. (one above; the other, Adams Papers); see JA to AA, 7 Sept., note 3, above.
Great Britain.
AA's intention in her use of certain details of the Greek legend of Jason and the Argonauts is a bit uncertain here. The “Golden Fleese” is the Definitive Treaty of Peace, and the “female wiles” (of European high society?) play the role of Medea. JA is presumably Jason, who can now return home, although he might be the Dragon who can guard the “Fleese” in America. The Dragon might also be Franklin, who can stay in Europe to protect America's interests, provided he does not succumb to “female wiles.”
Not found.
Rev. Samuel Cooper of Boston's Brattle Square Church had been ill since mid-November, and would die on 29 Dec.; see AA to JA, 27 Dec., note 13, below.
This text begins on a separate sheet, and is written in lighter ink, but the docket on the back and the fold marks establish its inclusion with the previous text. See note 1.
Not found.
1783-12-15
I returned last Evening from Boston, where I went at the kind invitation of my uncle and Aunt, to celebrate our Anual festival. Doctor Cooper being dangerously Sick, I went to hear Mr. Clark; who is Setled with Dr. Chauncey;1 this Gentleman gave us an animated elegant and sensible discourse, from Isaah 55 chapter and 12th verse—“For ye shall go out with joy, and be led forth with Peace; the Mountains and the Hill Shall break forth before you into singing, and all the Trees of the Field shall clap their Hands.”
Whilst he asscribed Glory and praise unto the most high, he considerd the Worthy disinterested, and undaunted Patriots as the instruments in the hand of providence for accomplishing what was marvelous in our Eyes; he recapitulated the dangers they had past through, and the hazards they had run; the firmness which had in a particular manner distinguished Some Characters, not only early to engage in so dangerous a contest, but in spight of our gloomy prospects they persevered even unto the end; untill they had obtained a Peace Safe and Honorable; large as our designs, Capacious as our wishes, and much beyond our expectations.
How did my heart dilate with pleasure when as each event was particularized; I could trace my Friend as a Principal in them; could 279say, it was he, who was one of the first in joinning the Band of Patriots; who formed our first National Counsel. It was he; who tho happy in his domestick attachments; left his wife, his Children; then but Infants; even surrounded with the Horrours of war; terified and distresst, the Week after the memorable 17th. of April,2 Left them, to the protection of that providence which has never forsaken them, and joined himself undismayed, to that Respectable Body, of which he was a member. Trace his conduct through every period, you will find him the same undaunted Character: encountering the dangers of the ocean; risking Captivity, and a dungeon; contending with wickedness in high places; jeoparding his Life, endangerd by the intrigues, revenge, and malice, of a potent; tho defeated Nation.
These are not the mere eulogiums of conjugal affection; but certain facts, and solid truths. My anxieties, my distresses, at every period; bear witness to them; tho now by a series of prosperous events; the recollection, is more sweet than painfull.
Whilst I was in Town, Mr. Dana arrived very unexpectedly, for I had not received your Letter by Mr. Thaxter.3 My uncle fortunately discoverd him, as he come up into State Street, and instantly engaged him to dine with him, acquainting him that I was in Town, and at his House. The news soon reached my Ears. Mr. Dana arrived, Mr. Dana arrived—from every person you saw, but how was I affected? The Tears involuntary flowed from my eyes, tho God is my witness, I envyed not the felicity of others. Yet my Heart swelled with Grief, and the Idea that I, I only, was left alone, recall'd all the tender Scenes of seperation, and overcame all my fortitude. I retired and reasoned myself into composure sufficient; to see him without a childish emotion.
He tarried but a short time, anxious as you may well imagine, to reach Cambridge. He promised me a visit with his Lady, in a few days, to which I look forward with pleasure.4
I reach'd home last evening, having left Nabby in Town, to make her winter visit. I found Mr. Thaxter just arrived before me. It was a joyfull meeting to both of us, tho I could not prevail with him only for half an hour; his solicitude to see his Parents was great, and tho I wished his continuance with me, yet I checked not the fillial flow of affection. Happy youth! who had parents still alive to visit, Parents who can rejoice in a Son returned to them after a long absence; untainted in his morals, improved in his understanding; with a Character fair and unblemished.
But O my dearest Friend what shall I say to You in reply to your 280pressing invitation; I have already written to you in answer to your Letters which were dated Sepbr. 10th and reachd me a month before those by Mr. Thaxter. I related to you all my fears respecting a winters voyage. My Friends are all against it, and Mr. Gerry as you will see, by the Coppy of his Letter inclosed,5 has given his opinion upon well grounded reasons. If I should leave my affairs in the Hands of my Friends, there would be much to think of, and much to do, to place them in that method and order I would wish to leave them in.
Theory and practise are two very different things; and the object magnifies, as I approach nearer to it. I think if you were abroad in a private Character, and necessitated to continue there; I should not hesitate so much at comeing to you. But a mere American as I am, unacquainted with the Etiquette of courts, taught to say the thing I mean, and to wear my Heart in my countantance, I am sure I should make an awkward figure. And then it would mortify my pride if I should be thought to disgrace you. Yet strip Royalty of its pomp, and power, and what are its votaries more than their fellow worms? I have so little of the Ape about me; that I have refused every publick invitation to figure in the Gay World, and sequestered myself in this Humble cottage, content with rural Life and my domestick employments in the midst of which; I have sometimes Smiled, upon recollecting that I had the Honour of being allied to an Ambassador.6 Yet I have for an example the chaste Lucretia who was found spinning in the midst of her maidens, when the Brutal Tarquin plotted her distruction.7
I am not acquainted with the particular circumstances attending the renewal of your commission; if it is modeled so as to give you satisfaction I am content; and hope you will be able to discharge it, so as to receive the approbation of your Sovereign.
A Friend of yours in Congress some months ago, sent me an extract of a Letter, requesting me to conceal his Name, as he would not chuse to have it known by what means he procured the Coppy. From all your Letters I discoverd that the treatment you had received, and the suspence You was in, was sufficiently irritating without any thing further to add to Your vexation. I therefore surpresst the extract; as I knew the author was fully known to you: but seeing a letter from G
The annual festival was the commemoration of the Boston Tea Party, which had taken place on 16 Dec. 1773; the sermons marking this event in 1783 were preached on Sunday, the 14th. AA probably went to Isaac Smith Sr.'s home on Saturday, if not earlier (see AA to JA, 7 Dec., note 1, above). John Clarke, Harvard 1774, was ordained as assistant to the aged Rev. Charles Chauncy, Harvard 1721, the pastor of Boston's First Church (the “Old Brick”) in 1778, and succeeded him in 1787 (William B. Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit, N.Y., 1857–1869, 11 vols., 8:10).
That is, the 19th of April 1775, the day of the battles of Lexington and Concord; JA departed for Congress about 26 April (vol. 1:188–189, and note 1).
That is, JA's letters of 1, 4, and 7 Sept., all above; that of 1 Sept. gives the fullest information on Dana's departure for America.
In AA, Letters, 1840, CFA omitted this and the following paragraph. He included them in AA, Letters, 1841 and 1848.
Probably Gerry's letter to AA of 24 Nov., printed above.
From this point, CFA omitted the entire text from AA, Letters, 1840. In AA, Letters, 1841 and 1848, he dropped the sentence after “Ambassador,” included the following brief paragraph, and omitted the long concluding paragraph that discussed Franklin's attack on JA.
In Roman legend Lucretia, the wife of Tarquinius Collatinus, was famed for her virtue. When her husband and several other Roman nobles each boasted of their wives' decorum, and then returned from a military camp unannounced to test their claims, only Lucretia was found spinning with her handmaidens; the other wives were all dancing and revelling. Lucretia's beauty, however, aroused Sextus, son of Tarquin, king of Rome, who by deception and then violence entered her home and raped her. She made her relatives swear to avenge her and then took her own life. Outraged by Sextus' crime and his father's oppressive rule, the Romans drove the Tarquins from the city and established the republic. The primary ancient sources of this story are Livy and Ovid; the major English literary source is Shakespeare's The Rape of Lucrece (1594), a long poem of rhymed seven-line stanzas.
James Warren to JA, 27 Oct. (Adams Papers). In this long, rather gloomy letter about the enemies of virtue, in and out of Congress, Warren remarked: “the Old Man
Printed at Gerry to AA, 18 Sept., above.
AA neglected to provide opening quotation mark. The quotation has not been identified.
1783-12-16
I have this moment received your polite Invitation to dinner tomorrow, and am extremely sorry, that a severe Cold, which has confined me a day or two to the House, prevents my accepting it. I had engaged to dine in Company tomorrow if well enough, but could easily set aside the Engagement, if nothing else but that prevented. I should be very happy to see Mr. Shaw, and if I have not that pleasure on this Visit, I will wait on him and Mrs. Shaw at Haverhill very shortly.1
Under No. 1244. in the inclosed Paper, you will find 19. Lines which made a very sensible Impression upon your dearest Friend.2 He requested me to give them to you, which I should have done on Saturday last,3 if I could have readily put my hands upon them.
My Sisters are very sensible of your kind Invitation to them, but as my Brother is gone to Town, and they have no Gentleman to accompany them, they hope you will excuse them.
Thaxter would set up a law practice in Haverhill in May 1784 (Elizabeth Shaw to AA, 6 May 1784, below).
Enclosure not found; the reference is probably to an English newspaper.
AA to JA, 15 Dec., above, says that she saw Thaxter in Braintree upon her return from Boston on Sunday evening, 14 December.
On 26 Dec., Thaxter wrote to AA (Adams Papers) to apologize again for not visiting Braintree. On this occasion, the failure of his baggage to arrive from New York left him with “an absolute Want of Cloathes” with which to appear in polite society. With that letter he enclosed an unidentified “Gazette and Pamphlet” for James Warren.
1783-12-26
Your Letters by Mr. Thaxter I received;1 and was not a little pleased with them; if you do not write with the precision of a Robertson, nor 283the Elegance of a Voltaire, it is evident you have profited by the perusal of them.
The account of your northern journey and your observation upon the Russian Goverment; would do credit to an older pen.
The early age at which you went abroad; gave you not an opportunity of becomeing acquainted with your own Country. Yet the Revolution in which we were engaged, held it up in So striking and important a Light, that you could not avoid being in some measure irradiated with the view. The Characters with which you were connected, and the conversation you continually heard; must have impressed your mind with a Sense of the Laws, the Liberties, and the Glorious privileges, which distinguish the Free sovereign independant States of America.
Compare them with the vassallage of the Russian Goverment you have discribed, and Say, were this highly favourd land Barren as the mountains of Swisserland, and coverd ten months in the Year with Snow; would she not have the advantage, even of Italy, “with her orange Groves, her Breathing Statues, and her melting Strains of Musick” or of Spain with her treasures from Mexico and Peru; not one of which can Boast that first of Blessings, the Glory of Humane Nature; the inestimable privelege of setting down under their vines; and fig trees, enjoying in peace and security what ever Heaven has lent them; having none to make them affraid.2
Let your observations and comparisons produce in your mind, an abhorrence, of Domination and power, the Parent of Slavery Ignorance, and barbarism, which places Man upon a level with his fellow tennants of the woods.
You have seen Power in its various forms—a Benign Deity, when exercised in the surpression of fraud, injustice, and tyranny, but a Demon when united with unbounded, ambition: a wide wasting fury, which has distroyed her thousands: not an age of the World, but has produced Characters, to which whole humane Hecatombs have been sacrificed.
What is the History of mighty kingdoms and Nations but a detail, of the Ravages, and cruelties, of the powerfull over the weak? Yet it is instructive to trace the various causes, which produced the strength of one Nation, and the decline and weakness of an other; 284to learn by what arts one Man has been able to Subjugate millions of his fellow creatures; the motives which have put him upon action, and the causes of his Success—Sometimes driven by ambition and a lust of power; at other times, swallowed up by Religious enthusiasm, blind Bigotry, and Ignorant Zeal, Sometimes enervated with Luxury, debauched by pleasure, untill the most powerfull Nations have become a prey, and been subdued by these Syrens; when neither the Number of their Enemies, nor the prowess, of their Arms, could conquer them.
History informs us that the Assyrian empire sunk under the Arms of Cyrus with his poor, but hardy Persians. The extensive, and opulent empire of Persia, fell an easy prey to Alexander, and a handfull of Macedonians, and the Macedonian empire when enervated by the Luxury of Asia, was compelld to receive the yoke of the victorious Romans. Yet even this mistress of the World, as she is proudly stiled, in her turn, defaced her glory, tarnished her victories, and became a prey to Luxury, ambition, faction, pride, Revenge, and avarice, so that Jugurthy after having purchased an acquittance for the blackest of crimes, breaks out into an exclamation, “O city, ready for Sale, if a Buyer rich enough can be found!”4
The History of your own country, and the late Revolution, are striking and recent Instances of the mighty things achived by a Brave inlightned and hardy people, determined to be free, the very yeomanry of which, in many instances, have shewn themselves superiour to corruption, as Britain well knows, on more occasions than the loss of her Andry.5
Glory my son in a Country which has given birth, to Characters, both in the civil and military Departments, which may vie with the wisdom and valour of antiquity. As an immediate descendent of one of those characters, may you be led to an imitation of that disinterested patriotism and that Noble Love of your country, which will teach you to dispise wealth, tittles, pomp and equipage, as mere external advantages, which cannot add to the internal excellence of your mind or compensate for the want of Integrity and virtue.
May your mind be throughly impressed with the absolute necessity of universal virtue and goodness as the only sure road to happiness, and may you walk therein with undeviating steps—is the Sincere and most affectionate wish of your Mother
Micah 4:4.
Joseph Addison, Cato, II, 1.
Sallust, Jugurthine War, 35. Jugurtha, prince of Numidia, a client state of Rome, assassinated his rivals for the throne and bought off Roman army commanders and an ambassador before he was defeated and captured. The Romans executed Jugurtha in 104 b.c. (
Oxford Classical Dictionary
). JA's library has The Works of Sallust, translated into English, by Thomas Gordon, London, [1744], and Bellum Catilinarium et Jugurthinum, a Latin edition with parallel English text, by John Clarke, 4th edn., London, 1766 (
Catalogue of JA's Library
).
AA refers to the virtue of American militiamen who seized Major John André on 23 Sept. 1780 and, refusing his offers of large bribes to release him, carried him before American officers, who found him guilty of spying and executed him on 2 October. For America's patriots, the determination of their militiamen and officers in seizing, convicting, and executing André made a gratifying contrast to the treachery of the American general Benedict Arnold, whose plans of the fortifications at West Point Major André was carrying to the British army at the time of his capture (
DNB
).
1783-12-27
I did not receive your Letter of August the 14th. untill this very Evening; I was much gratified to find I had done what you directed, before your Letter reach'd me. That is, that I had bought a wood Lot. Concerning this purchase I have already written to you; but least that letter should not arrive, I will repeat, that the Lot I have purchased is a part of 27 acres which belonged to Samuel Ruggles,1 and in the division of that estate fell to William Adams in right of his wife. Out of regard to you, as he says whom he has carried about in his arms (and now I Suppose feels a merit in it) he came to offer it to me, and an other reason I told him I fancyed weigh'd full as much; which was that he wanted the money down. I inquired of my Neighbours and took the advise of your Brother, who purchased at the Same time a 7 acre Lot2 adjoining to his, and I bought the Lot containing 9 acres and gave him 20 dollors per acre; which at that time I thought a large price. But this week 5 acres of wood, upon Ruggles'es homestead was sold at vendue at a hundred and fifty dollors per acre, for the wood only; and purchased by persons able to pay for it. They estimate the wood 3 dollors per cord standing; you will from hence conclude, that money is very plenty, or wood very scarce. The latter only is true. The scarcity of vessels to transport wood from the eastward has been such, that during all the war; the Town of Boston was never so bare.
The land I purchased before, is part of the Grove below the Hill, and not an ax has been put to it since the purchase.3 I had it immediately fenced in with stone wall; I wish I could have commanded the whole, but some of the Children are not of age, and the Father in Law is levelling this Beautifull woods without mercy.
286Mr. Vesey4 I hear is comeing to make me an offer of his Farm, but here I shall be wholy at a loss. He is determined to sell, and I dare not buy without hearing from you; taxes run so high upon land that he has discoverd that he is a looser, as he cannot himself improve it. If my dear Friend you will promise to come home, take the Farm into your own hands and improve it, let me turn dairy woman, and assist you in getting our living this way; instead of running away to foreign courts and leaving me half my Life to mourn in widowhood, then I will run you in debt for this Farm; I have a hundred pounds sterling which I could command upon such an occasion, but which upon all others is a deposit I do not chuse to touch. I will however let you know his terms, and if he should not sell untill spring, I may possibly by that time learn your pleasure.
I have had an offer of ten acres more of wood land, but having just purchased I dared not venture further, untill I received your approbation, and now the owner does not chuse to part with it, and I could not advise him to, as he will be under no necessity of doing it.
Mrs. Boreland since her return to America, has sold her House and Farm in this Town. Mr. Tyler has made the purchase at a thousand pounds Lawfull Money. The estate chiefly came by her. None of it was ever confiscated; it is considerd in Town as a good Bargain, there is about a hundred and eight acres in the whole 50 of which is fine wood land. The Garden contains the best collection of fruit in Town, and there is land enough contiguous to it, to be sold, to make a very pretty Farm, when ever he finds himself able to make an addition.5
I should deceive you if I did not tell you that I believe this Gentleman has but one object in view, and that he bends his whole attention to an advancement in his profession and to an oconomy in his affairs which enables him to pay for this purchase without being involved at all; he looks forward to some future day with a hope that he may not be considerd unworthy a connection in this family. The forms of courtship as the word stiles it, do not subsist between the young folks, but I am satisfied that both are fixed, provided your consent may one day be obtained. She intends however to take a voyage with me, provided I cross the water.
The opinion you express with regard to the chief seat of Goverment, is perfectly agreable to my sentiments.6 Ever since I have been capable of observation I have been fully satisfied that it is a most unthankfull office, subject to continual wranglings. And tho by a very general voice, you are and have been named as a successor, and your 287return earnestly wished for on that account, yet I have generally chosen to be silent upon the subject. There was even a proposal of putting you up last year, upon the Faith of your being here during the summer. It was mentiond to me, and I beged that no such thing might take place, as I was certain it would be very dissagreable to you, and instead of serving your interest, would greatly injure you.
The present Gentlemans Health is much upon the decline. He has been confined more than half of the last year and unable to do any buisness on account of the Goute.7
I most sincerely wish you would prosecute the plan discribed in your Letter.8 I feel myself so much better calculated for private and domestick Life, that it is with pain I think of any other. And I cannot yet help hoping You will return in the Spring of the year. Your ill Health distresses me and your complaints allarm me.
Congress have gone to Anapolis in Maryland. I shall constantly endeavour to inform myself of what passes there respecting my Friend, and to transmit it to you. In this state we appear to be in a much better temper than we were at the commencment of the year; things appear Setling into their old channel. Many of our Gay Gentry are returning to New York from whence they came. Commutation will go quietly down, the impost is passt in this state. Mr. Moris asscribes this, wholy to the extracts of your Letters which he sent to the Govenour, and through him to the assembly. They had a great influence tis true, and turnd the scale in favour of it.9 Mr. Morris mentiond the success you had obtaind in Holland respecting the loans with great approbation, as Mr. Thaxter informd me. He has been sick ever since his return confined to the house, so that I have only seen him for half an hour.
My uncle had furnished me with money to pay for my wood land before Mr. Thaxter arrived, upon my promiseing him a Bill. He wished to have it drawn upon London, but the Sum he wanted was 300 Dollors and I wanted two only. He is uncertain with respect to the Bill whither it will be upon Holland or England. If it is drawn upon Holland I had better apply to the Merchants you mention, because there is some expence attending the negotiation if it must be sent from thence to Paris. Bills upon London are in most demand, and would be more advantageous.
I will make the best use of your remittance in my power. You do not mention having sent me the articles I wrote for, the Irish linnen I should have been very glad of, and half a dozen pound of Hyson tea,10 we do not get any such as you used to send me.
288I inclose to you a paper containing Govenour Trumbles farewell, which would do honour to an old Roman.11 A scheme for a Bank, which I am informd is already nearly fill'd, the utility I am no judge of.12
Dr. Coopers life is dispaird of, I shall mourn his loss. He has been by some very unkindly used and many gross falshoods reported of him, amongst the rest, that you had written a Letter last spring in which you had named 3 Gentlemen as pensioners to France, the Govenour, Dr. Cooper and Judge Sullivan. This I denied upon all occasions, and traced it to the Temple of Scandle.13 Trust not that Man. He means to visit you, and will bring you letters I suppose. I hope you know him.14 Adieu.
In her letter of 7 Dec., above, AA had called him Benjamin Ruggles. This individual has not been identified.
AA called this a six-acre lot in her letter of 7 December.
For several Veaseys (in various spellings) in Braintree, see JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 4:index; Pattee, Old Braintree and Quincy
; and
Braintree Town Records
.
Royall Tyler held this property until 1787 and made some improvements, intending, as AA asserts in this letter, to marry AA2 and settle there. Not long after the failure of his courtship of AA2 in late 1785, however, he decided to abandon Braintree, and the farm reverted to Leonard Vassall Borland, who sold it to JA in Sept. 1787. Occupied by Adamses from 1788 to 1927, it was given by the family to the United States in 1946, and is now the Adams National Historic Site. The Adamses have traditionally referred to it as the “Old House.” See G. Thomas Tanselle, Royall Tyler, Cambridge, 1967, p. 13, 18–19; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 1:74–75, note 1; 3:217, note 7.
John Hancock suffered from increasingly severe and prolonged attacks of gout from the early 1770s to his death in 1793 (Herbert S. Allan, John Hancock, Patriot in Purple, N.Y., 1948; William M. Fowler Jr., The Baron of Beacon Hill
, A Biography of John Hancock, Boston, 1980, p. 162–163).
In his letter of 14 Aug., above, JA wrote that he planned to sell his Boston house, collect his debts, and put his money into land, rejecting any high public office in favor of supervising the education of his children.
Robert Morris' letter to Gov. Hancock, dated 20 Sept., enclosed extracts from two of JA's letters to Morris, dated 10 and 11 July, in which he stressed the importance of the several states adopting a plan to pay the interest on the national debt. In his second letter JA wrote at length on the public honor requiring the payment of the debt: “The thirteen States, in relation to the discharge of the debts of Congress, must consider themselves as one body, animated by one soul. The stability of our confederation at home, our reputation abroad, our power of defence, the confidence and affection of the people of one State towards those of another, all depend upon it. . . .
“The commerce of the world is now open to us, and our exports and imports are of so large amount, and our connexions will be so large and extensive that the least Stain upon our character in this respect will lose us in a very short time advantages of greater pecuniary value, than all our debt amounts to” (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 6:531–532, 536–537).
This kind of persuasion was needed in the House, which on 8 Oct. voted down by 97 to 26 a motion to concur with the Senate in approving the 5 percent federal impost. The position of the House was that the impost should be used to pay the state's proportion of the national debt, that its collection should be regulated by the state legislature, and that no part of its receipts should be used to provide half-pay for Continental Army officers.
289The next day Gov. Hancock addressed a joint meeting of the legislature, in which he referred to JA's extracted letters. Much of his address, which was printed in the Boston newspapers, dwelt upon the knowledge and accomplishments of JA, whose recommendations he urged the legislators to weigh carefully: “I need not remind you, Gentlemen, of the political knowledge of that minister; of the confidence he has acquired from the United States; of the part he bore in framing the constitution of this commonwealth, and the confederation of the states, the intent and spirit of which he well understood; nor need I mention the advantage afforded him by his important public employments in Europe for taking an extended view of the subject on which he writes, for examining it nicely, and feeling its whole force” (Continental Journal, 16 October).
Following Hancock's address the House proposed a conference with the Senate to exchange views, and in the next ten days opposition to the impost as voted by the Senate steadily eroded. When it was revealed that only 37 members had instructions from their constituents to oppose half-pay, the House approved the Senate measure by 70 to 65. On 17 Oct., a motion to bar the use of the impost for half-pay failed by 74 to 64, but the final text of the act stipulated that sums raised could be applied only to discharge the interest or principal of debts incurred in fighting the war. The measure finally passed on 20 Oct., with 108 members present, 57 yeas (Records of the States, Microfilm, Mass. A.1b, Reel No. 11, Unit 1, p. 224–225, 231–233, 234, 236, 238, 252–254, 258–261, 267; Mass., Acts and Laws
, 1782–1783, p. 541–543).
See AA to JA, 7 May, above.
Enclosure not found. The only Boston newspaper that carried Gov. Jonathan Trumbull's speech was the Continental Journal of 18 December. The speech was separately printed as An Address of His Excellency Governor Trumbull, to the General Assembly and the Freemen of the State of Connecticut: Declining Any Further Election to Public Office. With the Resolution of the Legislature, in Consequence thereof, New London, 1783, Evans, No. 17885. In his address, Trumbull laid heavy emphasis on the need for a stronger central government, urged the faithful payment of public and private debts, and entered a plea for virtuous living and love among community members.
This fragmentary reference must be to the establishment of the Massachusetts Bank, the first in the state (later called the First National Bank of Boston, and from 1984, The Bank of Boston). On 10 Dec., six Bostonians, including AA's uncle, Isaac Smith Sr., wrote to Thomas Willing, president of the Bank of North America in Philadelphia, the nation's first bank, asking for information on how to start and run a bank. Willing's reply of 6 Jan. 1784 encouraged the six to seek legal incorporation, and on 7 Feb. the General Court passed an act to establish the bank. The first stockholders met in March to organize the institution and elected James Bowdoin its first president. It is likely that AA first heard of this endeavor while visiting Isaac Smith on 13–14 December. Norman S. B. Gras, The Massachusetts First National Bank of Boston: 1784–1934, Cambridge, 1937; Ben Ames Williams Jr., Bank of Boston 200: A History of New England's Leading Bank, 1784–1984, Boston, 1984.
No JA letter of any date accusing Gov. John Hancock, the Rev. Samuel Cooper, or the prominent attorney and former superior court judge James Sullivan of being in the pay of France has been identified, and it seems as unlikely to the editors as it did to AA that JA would ever have made such a charge.
Yet the Rev. Cooper, who died on 29 Dec., had in fact, in Jan. 1779, accepted the offer of an annual stipend of £200 sterling from Joseph de Valnais, the French consul in Boston, to promote the French alliance through his speeches and newspaper writings. This stipend was approved by Conrad Alexandre Gérard, the French minister to the United States, and then by the Comte de Vergennes, who continued it until Cooper's death. Cooper later informed the French of the contents of letters written by Arthur Lee and JA to Cooper's good friend, Samuel Adams (William C. Stinchcombe, The American Revolution and the French Alliance, Syracuse, 1969, p. 124). According to his biographer, Charles Akers, Rev. Cooper sincerely believed that the alliance and French leadership were in the best interests of the United States.
As AA suggests here, John Temple, the son-in-law of James Bowdoin, had become suspicious of Cooper's strong pro-French sympathies, and either Temple or his friends began attacking Cooper in Boston's newspapers in Jan. 1782 for being too political a clergyman. By the spring of that year, James Sullivan emerged as a defender of both Cooper and James Bowdoin's political rival, Gov. Han-290cock, against Temple.
Once the question of whether the American Commissioners would observe Congress' instructions that they follow the French lead in the peace negotiations with Great Britain became a public issue, the acceptance of a stipend from the French crown would have seemed to many Americans to be disloyalty to the interests of the United States. Because JA as Commissioner refused to observe these instructions, he and those holding like views would certainly have been dismayed to learn that Cooper was taking French money. Apparently without any such suspicion on JA's part, but after warnings from William Gordon to JA in Sept. 1782, that Cooper had become “Franklified & Frenchified” (Stinchcombe, p. 124), the old warm relationship between JA and Dr. Cooper was cooling by 1783. Neither man, however, would acknowledge this alteration.
Dr. Cooper died without the knowledge of his pension being revealed to his countrymen. No evidence has been produced that either John Hancock or James Sullivan was ever a French pensioner. Cooper, however, so strongly supported Hancock that he was dubbed the governor's “Prime Minister” in the early 1780s. And James Sullivan, one of Cooper's stoutest defenders, wrote a laudatory obituary of the pastor for the Boston newspapers. See Charles W. Akers, The Divine Politician, Boston, 1982, p. 278–281, 290, and chaps. 21–22; Stinchcombe, p. 67, 113, and chap. 9.
This, AA's first criticism of John Temple, contrasts sharply with the favorable view expressed in Richard Cranch to JA, 21 Nov. (Adams Papers). AA may have learned of Cranch's opinion, which she had not countered in her letter of 20 Nov., above, and therefore felt a need to caution JA here. In any event, AA's wariness of John Temple, despite his strong opposition to Gov. Hancock, whom she despised, and her continued high opinion of Dr. Cooper, who remained one of Hancock's principal supporters, points to the complexity of Massachusetts politics, and to its interconnections with the foreign policy of the United States, in 1783.
1784-01-03
I have already written you 3 Letters, which have been waiting a long time for a passage;1 they will now all go in one ship, provided I can get this to Town to morrow; tho She was ordered for sailing to day, yet I trust to the delay which vessels usually have.
Last evening I received a packet of Letters from Nabby who has been in Town a month; inclosing Your Letters by Mr. Robbins,2 who arrived in a passage of 33 days only. By him, I was happy to hear you were well when he left you, but alass! you know not the anxiety I suffer upon account of your Health, or how often my Heart is overwhelmed, with the Idea that I never shall see you more.
I cannot without terrour, think of your going to reside at the Hague, indeed you cannot live in that country, and you have repeatedly told me so. Why then will you risk a Life invaluably dear to me; and for the comfort and enjoyment of which, there is no earthly pleasure, I would not willingly relinquish; and it is the apprehension which I have for your precarious Health, and the hope that by a watchfull attention I may be able to preserve it, that leads me to seriously to think of quitting all my Friends and my dear Boys, to cross the ocean, coward as I am; without Husband or son to protect 291or support me; it is one thing to encounter dangers or difficulties with you; and an other without you.
Why with a Heart Susceptable of every tender impression, and feelingly alive, have I So often been called to Stand alone and support myself through Scenes which have almost torn it assunder, not I fear, because I have more resolution or fortitude than others, for my resolution often fails me; and my fortitude wavers.
As my own judgment, and the advice of my Friends, will prevent my comeing out this winter, I shall by spring know the determinations of congress with respect to your situation, and in some measure be governed by them.
Your Daughter writes me thus, “this mor'g I was agreeably Surprized by the sight of Mr. Robbins, who came with Letters from Pappa and my Brother. You will see that I have taken the liberty to open them, which I hope your own feelings will lead you to excuse. I find my dear Pappa has again been sick with a severe fever. O Mamma what have we not to fear from his continuance abroad in climates so enemical to his Health? I shudder at the thought, and wish he could be prevailed upon to consider his danger.”
“I know perfectly well how I should act with regard to Pappas requests, were I exatly in your situation, tho I own, I now dread the result. Yet my duty, and my fears for the critical state of his Health, operate so powerfully upon my mind being never absent from my thoughts, that I would rather influence than dissuade you from going.”3
In concequence of your last Letters I shall immediately set about putting all our affairs in such a train as that I may be able to leave them in the spring; you have written to me with Regard to Mr. Alleynes Farm, during the war he talked of selling; but I have heard nothing of it of late. I will have him sounded, and if he should sell, leave it in charge with some Friend to purchase if you can; the land you mention belonging to Col. Quincy I know he wants to sell. Mr. Tyler applied to him for it tho not very pressingly, before he purchased Mrs. Borelands Farm, but the Col. had got such wild notions of foreigners of fortune comeing over to settle here, and the high value of Land, that there was no reason in him; but after he heard that Mrs. Boreland had sold her Farm, of which he had then no Idea, he was shagreen'd that he did not sell it, and has since offerd it to him, but he asked 26 pound pr acre. I will take the opinion of your Brother and one or two others, of the real value of it; and make him an offer, through some Friend, for if he should suspect that you wanted it, he 292would immediately suppose that it was because you knew of gentlemen of fortunes comeing over, and supposed land would run very high near Boston.
There is a method of laying out money to more advantage than by the purchase of land's, which a Friend of mine advised me to, for it is now become a regular merchandize. Dr. T
If I should do this I shall have occasion to draw upon you, tho not for any large sum. I wish you would put me in a way to have my Bills answerd in London, as those will sell above par.
If I come out in the Spring I hope to prevail with Dr. Tufts to take under his patronage our little cottage and Farm. The care of our two sons I will leave in charge with my two Sisters, but as they reside at Haverhill, it will chiefly devolve upon Mrs. Shaw. To Mr. Shaw I shall leave the trust of the Medford estate which was left jointly between my sister and me.5 It will be his interest to take the best care of it, and to make such arrangements from time to time as he may find necessary. I shall direct him to receive my part of the Rent, as part pay for the schooling of the children. Forgive me if I sometimes use the singular instead of the plural, alass I have been too much necessitated to it. Mr. Pratt our old tenant still lives upon the Farm. If he continues here it will be necessary to come into new conditions with him.
Your account Books I put six months ago; into the hands of Mr. Tyler, that the whole might not be lost, by insolvent debtors and Refugee Tories as a great part already is. He is in a way to get them adjusted; some little money he has received, many of the accounts he has got into Notes of Hand, which if sued will not admit of dispute as accounts do.6 Many persons very barefacedly deny their accounts. This is not so much to be wonderd at, when they can totally forget Notes of Hand. The Sloans Bond I sued, and got some land under 293mortgage which I put upon record.7 I have some thoughts of selling at vendue part of the house furniture, as I suppose I could purchase new for what this would fetch. With regard to cloathing, there will be no occasion of my taking more than a change. I could wish to receive any particular directions which you may think proper to give before I embark.
To my uncle Smith I shall apply to look me out a proper vessel captain &c.
My Neice I must send to her Mother. She mourns sadly at the thoughts of my going. I must seem nearer to her than her own Parent, as she has lived 6 years with me, and has little remembrance of any thing before she came to me. She has been as earnest to know the result of every letter from you as if her life depended upon it. I have promised with your consent; that if I live to return she shall come again to me; but I fear that I can no more live in Holland than you; tis a climate no way suited to Rheumatick complaints, of which I have had a larger share than I have for many winters before, and I am so subject to a nervious pain in my head that I think my own Health in a precarious situation. Adieu, ever, ever Yours
Love to my son. I have written him by this vessel.8
Probably the
AA2's letter has not been found, but see AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch, 4 Jan., and AA2 to AA, 6 Jan., both below.
“L M” is lawful money, the official Massachusetts currency. During the early 1780s, the legislature passed acts to consolidate the state's outstanding debts from the war. State notes, also called consolidated notes, were issued to creditors upon the redemption of old paper money and debt certificates. Taxes were levied to pay interest and principal in successive years (Mass., Acts and Laws
, 1780–1781, p. 75–77; 1782–1783, p. 175–176). In a separate act, the legislature stated that income from consolidated notes would be exempt from taxes (same, 1780–1781, p. 954).
See Elizabeth Shaw to AA, 26 March, note 3, below.
Royall Tyler kept these accounts of JA's legal practice from 1783 to 1786, when he turned them over to Cotton Tufts (Tufts to AA, 15 Aug. 1786, Adams Papers; JA, Earliest Diary
, p. 25, 26, 28).
The editors have found no further information about this transaction.
AA to JQA, 26 Dec. 1783, above.
1784-01-04
And why my Dear Eliza has my letter1 layn unanswered. That it merited a reply I will not pretend to determine, but as the motive which actuated me to write was a very friendly and Cousinly one, I 294had the vanity to hope you would favour me with a second letter. If I have been presumtious, be pleased to let me know it, and I will indeavour to step back—tho a very mortifying movement.
If I recollect right I was prevented from answering your congratulations upon the return of our friend Mr. Thaxter. Tho I rejoiced at his arrival,2 I could not but feel a degree of regret that he should come back unaccompany'd by those of my friends who left us with him. I hope it was not any species of envy or any of its detestable train, that tinctured my mind at the time. I will hope it was rather a natureal desire to receive an equal degree of happiness with my friends. We cannot so justly judge of the joys or sorrows of others, unless we have experienced simuliar ourselfs.
Letters from my Brother, Eliza, of the 8th of November,3 and agreeable accounts of him, pleasing indeed to the partiallity of a sister. But alas my friend there is neer a rose without a thorn. The same letter that conveyed the flattering accounts of a Brothers health, conveyed the idea of a fathers danger haveing been dangerously ill of a Nervous fever. Reflect a moment my friend, upon the feelings of a Daughter, and your gentle heart will not refuse a sympathetick tear. Sick and distressed in a land of strangers. No Partner to sooth and comfort him in his unhappiness. No Daughter to offer the tender attentions, that Duty, affection and feeling, would lead her to pay. Oh my friend the picture is too distressing painfull, my imaginations paints the scene far more distressing than words can express. I fear his continuance in those climates, will prove fatal to his future health, if not his life. But I will not distress you my friend, with the feelings of my heart.
Since I have been in Town I have twice seen Miss Howard. This afternoon I drank tea with her at Mrs. Coffins. Her person I think I should have known from the discription I have received from Miss Sever.4 She is neither beautifull handsome or pretty, but genteel, and agreeable. Her manners are pleasing, and the impression she made upon my mind the first time I saw her was agreeable. And I believe it is from the very first impressions, that we are biassed. True it is that we carry them along with us many times when they are very eronious, because we would not mortify our penetration. Whether it is right or not I will leave you to determine.
Remember my Love to your sister, and tell her that serimony and punctilio ought never to step into a worthy and vallueable acquaintance. The usual interruptions of this place prevent my pursueing many of my wishes and intentions. But I intend very soon to remind 295her that she has a Coussin and a friend united in one character, here.
Do Eliza give me some account of yourself. Since I left you I have not heard a word about any of the folks since I left them scarcely. How do they at Coln. Quincys. At Germantown.5 Please to distribute my regards and good wishes to all you who spend a thought upon your friend
Not found.
AA2 wrote a brief letter of welcome to Thaxter on 3 Jan. (Private owner, Boston, 1957).
Not found; AA2 received these letters on 2 Jan. (AA2 to Thaxter, 3 Jan.).
Probably Sarah Sever, a niece of James Warren, who married Thomas Russell in 1784 (see vol. 4:153, note 1).
The family of Gen. Joseph Palmer, husband of Richard Cranch's sister Mary.
1784-01-04
I received Yours,1 last Friday just as We were siting down to dinner, favoured by Mr. Ludden. We mortified our bodily appetite for a few moments, for the sake of gratifying our mental—and I assure you we found it an agreeable Repast, notwithstanding it informed us of your Reheumatism for which we are sorry, Tommy and I more espicially. I confess it was not written in the spirit, and humour of a Person, exercised with such excruciating Pain, and I cannot account for the vivacity, and chearful Air, which runs through the whole Letter, only from some external Object acting more powerfully upon the Mind; some pleasing Circumstance, some fortunate Occurence had taken place, that exhilerated your Spirits. Tell me, am I not right? Tell me, that I may rejoice with you, and be happy too; for it does not suit my Constitution in the lest to grieve.2 I am really hurt for Cousin Betsy Hunt.3 Poor Girl, been sick too. The Laodicean
4 Lover came in a little while after I had received the intelligence. I would he were cold, or——. However, I was determined to try his feelings and if possible put him in a Barrel stuck with nails, and roll him down Hill. I very formaly asked him, if he had heard from Boston Yesterday, or to Day—looked solemn, made a pause. Mr. Shaw motioned my going into another room and leting him know what I had heard there, but after I had fixed his attention, and I hope, harrassed him sufficiently, I gently told him, that Cousin Betsy had been very sick, and still confined to her Chamber. He wondered he had not been informed of it. Strange he had not received a Letter. Upon which I observed 296with a look that I intended should reach his Heart—that it might be as well that he had not, for as he had been so engaged in Study for these eight weeks, that he could not come here to see us, it was not in the lest probable that he could take such a Journey as Boston.
But I must not be too severe—worthy good Men, we always ought to suppose, have just prudent and equitable motives which influence their Conduct, though they may not always be obvious, nor appear as such to the by-stander.
I found my Letter that I mentioned to You at Mr. Coles,5 I wrote it in great haste and sent it down, and thought it of some importance then, as it was a Token of remembrance—and I believe I will send it now unsentimental as it is. I fear Sister Cranch will think me unmindful of her. Mr. Ardoa is come, and I intended to have written to her this Evening.
Sister Adams Mr. Shaw has purchased a Horse, and given a note payable in February but the Man has been to him repeatedly and begd it as a Favor that he would let him have a part of the sum now—it would oblige him &cc. If it would suit you to send a few Dollars by Mr. Ardoa, Mr. Shaw would be obliged to you, he knows the quarter Bill is not yet out. If you please Mr. Ardoa may give a receipt.6
PS Mr. Thaxter Mr. Tyler and all, come and see us next week. Ask sister Cranch to send a Bottle of honey if she pleases.
Not found.
The source of AA's “exhilerated Spirits” is also unknown to the editors.
Betsy Hunt has not been identified, but she may have been a descendant of JA's aunt, Bethia Adams Hunt.
That is, luke warm, said of the early Christian church at Laodicea in Asia Minor (Revelation 3:14–16;
OED
).
Neither this letter, presumably from Elizabeth Shaw to AA, nor Mr. Cole(s) have been identified.
Well to the right of the end of this sentence, in AA's hand, appears the word or name “ardway.” This may refer to “Mr. Ardoa,” who has not been identified.
1784-01-06
Yesterday afternoon Mr. V——handed me your letter.1 I am sorry that you were prevented from communicating your farther sentiments, as I wished to know them fully. I presume you do not propose the question, “whether I would consent to your leaving this country without me,” with an intention of being influenced by my reply, if 297you did, I confess I should not know what to determine. I had rather go from necessity than choice—the latter would never carry me, the former must. My inclination and wishes must be subservient to my duty. Willingly would I sacrifice my happiness, my peace, pleasure, and every agreeable idea, for a time, did I only involve myself in the event.
It is my opinion that by your going my father will return much sooner than otherwise he would. The state of his health is critical. The life you must live will not be agreeable to you, and I flatter myself that twelve months, or eighteen at farthest, will not elapse ere he is influenced to return. I have known your sacrifices, I have shared them with you, and have felt them sufficiently to judge in some degree of the anxiety and unhappiness you have suffered, and to dread their continuance or repetition. * * * * * *2 What I have said is all I shall ever say on the subject.
You ask of Mrs. Jones; she is better, and Mr. Jones3 expressed a wish to Mrs. Otis,4 that if you should go out in the Spring, you might go with his family.
Yesterday I received a very polite invitation from Mr. and Mrs. Tudor5 to spend this evening with them. It storms violently; but as this is the first time I was ever honoured with their attention, I suppose I must go at all events.
Jour. and Corr.
, 2:28–29.)
Not found; it may have accompanied AA to JA, 3 Jan., above, which AA intended to send to Boston on 4 January.
Thus in text.
Probably John Coffin Jones, justice of the peace, prominent Boston merchant, and owner of a house on Hanover Street. Jones' first wife, Mary Lee, died on 1 March 1785, and there is no record of him or his wife traveling to England in 1784 (see AA to JA, 15 March, 12 April, and 25 May, all below;
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 17:49–54).
Probably AA's cousin Mary Smith Otis, wife of Samuel Allyne Otis.
William Tudor, JA's law clerk, 1769–1772, and his wife, Delia Jarvis Tudor (
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 17:252–265).
1784-01-13
When a man's views are direct and his Intentions consistant with Honour and Virtue he seldom affects Concealment. I will not presume therefore that my Attentions to your Daughter are Unknown to you. If you demand why an affair of so much importance to your Domestick Concerns was not communicated by me sooner, I hope 298that my Youth, the early progress of my professional career, and the continued expectation of your daily return to your Family will be accepted as a sufficient Apology. The encrease of the strongest attachments is often imperceptable; while I every day Anticipated your return I heeded not that every day encreased my esteem for her Virtues. But as that Event must now be viewed as distant as she is about to leave this Country, my own sense of propriety forbids me any longer to Defer the soliciting the Sanction of your Approbation to my Addresses, and 'tho' I do not think myself entitled to your Consent to an immediate Union Yet I cannot suffer this separation without requesting your permission to expect it when ever she shall return to Her Native country.
It will I presume be needless to trace the rise and progression of that attachment which now Authorizes me to apply solely to her parents for the Completion of my Wishes: suffice it to say: that our mutual Esteem was formed under the Inspection of your Lady and with the knowledge of the worthy Family in which I reside.1 Permit me, then, to apply to you Sir, for your Approbation and Consent to my looking forward to a Connection with your Daughter as the reward of my Deserving her, and if I Know my own Heart, on no other Terms would I solicit it.
The Cranches.
1784-01-15
I write you again by this vessel altho it seem's as if there was a Spell to detain her; she has letters of various dates from me as you will find, some of which I hoped had reachd you, but the vessels by which they were sent, met with bad weather and were dismasted obliged to return into port.1 This letter will not be able to boast of any other merit than that of being last dated, for I can tell you no News unless what has lately taken place in the natural world, occasiond by a very sudden thaw upon a Quantity of snow; which produced such a freshet as carried away all our Bridges, mills, and in some places houses; filld our cellars with water and distresst us for several days. The Bridge known by the Name of the Iron Works 299Bridge in this Town was amongst the number, and for several days people were obliged to pass it in Boats. The Ship Rosamond Capt. Love, bound to England is the one by which I have written you largely—belonging to Guild and company.2 I am studying an arrangement of my affairs and getting into some method to be able if necessary to leave them in the spring. Mr. G
I beg you to continue to write me by every opportunity. Our Friends are all well, remember me to our son who will find Letters to him by this conveyance.4 Samll. Cooper Johonet is just arrived, but not untill after the death of his Grandpappa.5 Adieu. Yours ever yours
See AA to JA, 7 Dec. 1783, addition dated 13 Dec., above. The letters sent by AA in this January vessel thus included those to JA of 20 Nov., 7, 15, and 27 Dec. 1783, and 3 Jan., and perhaps that of 11 Nov. 1783, all above; and her 20 Nov. and 26 Dec. 1783 letters to JQA, also above.
This was the ship that brought all the letters mentioned in note 1, as well as Royall Tyler's letter of 13 Jan., above, which was enclosed in Richard Cranch's letter of 20 Jan., below, to England. John Thaxter's letter to JA of 19 Jan. (Adams Papers), probably also went on this ship. Cranch fixes the ship's departure at 20 January.
Elbridge Gerry's letter to AA has not been found. The only committee appointed to consider foreign affairs about this time was on Gerry's motion of 24 Dec. 1783; it was directed to make a list of the papers of the late secretary for foreign affairs, R. R. Livingston, which were then in the office of the secretary of Congress, and to have the documents made available for the inspection of the members of Congress. The committee's members, Thomas Jefferson, Samuel Osgood, and Arthur Lee, were certain not to accept passively the guidance of France in the conduct of American foreign relations; Gerry could feel confident that they would prefer the independence of JA to what they saw as the excessively pro-French attitude of Livingston.
The committee's only resolution, however, which it intended to offer on 29 Dec. 1783, merely recommended that a “deputy Secretary for foreign affairs should be appointed at some early day” (
JCC
, 26:49–50). There was no quorum in Congress on 29 Dec., and the issue of appointing a new foreign secretary was not resolved until May 1784, when John Jay was elected, on Gerry's motion. Since Livingston's resignation in June 1783, the papers of the foreign secretary had been under the care of the secretary of Congress, kept in locked and sealed cases. The documents received since that date had remained largely unexamined (same, 26:49–50, 104–105, 354–355).
See note 1.
Samuel Cooper Johonnot, grandson of Rev. Samuel Cooper and the same age as JQA, had sailed to Europe with JA and JQA in Nov. 1779, and studied with JQA at Passy from Feb. to July 1780. When JQA returned to Paris from Holland in Aug. 1783, he learned that Johonnot, who had gone to Geneva to study, had recently returned to Paris and then gone to Nantes to board a ship for America (JQA, Diary
, 1:2, and note 2, 181).
1784-01-20
I have received your esteemed Favour of the 10th. of Sepr. 1783, and am sorry to find that the Happiness we flatter'd our selves with soon enjoying on your Return, is postponed to a more distant Period. But the Consideration of the very important Services for your Country that you are still engaged in, makes it our Duty to sacrifice our private Enjoyments to the greater Good of the Public. The unhappiness that you and your dear Partner must feel from your mutual Absence, must be great: and the Loss that we on our part must sustain in parting with two of our most amiable and desirable Friends by their taking a Voyage to Europe, added to the Breach that has been already made upon us in the Death of our dear and honour'd Father, will be truly great on our part. I pray God that the Voyage, whenever it is undertaken, may be prosperous and happy.
Inclosed is a Letter from my esteemed Friend Mr. Tyler,1 the Subject of which is not unknown to me. As you are not personally acquainted with that young Gentleman, I would take the liberty of informing you that he has boarded at our House for near two Years past, and, from my acquaintance with him, he appears to me to be possess'd of Politeness, Genious, Learning and Virtue;2 and I think he will make a very respectable Figure in his Profession of the Law. His Business in that Department increases daily. I tho't it my duty thus freely to give you my Sentiments of a Gentleman, who, I have reason to think, is making honourable Addresses to your Daughter, grounded on mutual Affection.
I rejoice to hear of your Recovery from your late Sickness, and hope your Health will be confirmed. I suppose you will receive Letters from your Lady and Daughter by this Conveyance (Capt. Love) who is to sail in a few Hours. Our Friends at Braintree, Weymouth, Hingham, Haverhill &c. are well. The public Papers will inform you of the Death of the excellent Doctr. Cooper, who died the 30th. of Decr. in the 59th. year of his Age. Mr. Thaxter was here last Saturday. My dear Partner and Children are well, and join with me when I assure you that we wish you every kind of Happiness.—I am, with the highest Esteem, your ever affectionate Bror.
Please to give my kindest Regards to your Son, and let him know that I should think my self happy in receiving a Letter from him.
Royall Tyler to JA, 13 Jan., above.
Crossed out in the draft at this point is: “His Gaiety and sprightliness when at Colledge (which he entered very young) led him perhaps into some youthfull.”
1784-01-25
I was much disappointed, on the Arrival of Mr. Temple in London, at not finding a Letter from you, but last Week at Amsterdam, I had the Happiness to receive your kind favours of Sept. 20. and Oct. 19. Mr. Trumbull is not arrived.2
The Loss of my kind Father, has very tenderly affected me, but I hope, with full Confidence to meet him in a better World. My ever honoured Mother I still hope to see in this. I feel for you, as I know how justly dear
You have Seen, before now Mr. Thaxter and I hope Mr. Dana. The Determinations of Congress, upon the Arrival of the definitive Treaty, will be your best Guide for your own Conduct. You will juge best from thence whether it is worth your while to come to The Hague or to Europe. If Congress sh would determine to continue me in Europe, I must intreat you to come to me, for I assure you, my Happiness depends so much upon it, that I am determined, if you decline coming to me, to come to you. If Miss Nabby is attached, to Braintre, and you think, upon Advizing with your Friends, her Object worthy, marry her if you will and leave her with her Companion3 in your own House, Office, Furniture Farm and all. H
I must at present leave all to your Judgment. If you think it not advizeable to come to Europe, I will come to you, although I should be Sorry, to break away and return, without Permission from Congress. I should not care, a Farthing my self whether it were in England or Holland, if I could preserve my Health, which I should hope to do with my Family in a settled Way of Life, for I am determined, not to venture in future upon Such Journeys and Wanderings as have heretofore been necessary, and have done me so much harm. Somewhere or other, I am determined to have a regular Habitation and Settled Abode.
John is a great Comfort to me. He is every Thing you could wish 302him. Wholly devoted to his studies he has made a Progress, which gives me intire Satisfaction. Miss N
The next Dispatches from Congress, and from you, after Mr. Thaxters Arrival will determine me and I shall write you more fully.
I have enjoyed better Health, Since my Fever last Septr. at Paris. I got poisoned at Amsterdam with the Steams of the Canals, and bad Water in the Cisterns, and my Constitution has been labouring, these two or three Years to throw it off. Two violent Fevers, have not been Sufficient, wholly to relieve me, but the last has made me better. I am cured of the Imprudence of living in a great City in hot Weather.
For JA and JQA's difficult journey from London to The Hague in January, see JA to Richard Cranch, 3 April, and note 3, below.
This sentence appears to have been inserted at the end of the paragraph. On John Trumbull, see AA to JA, 11 Nov. 1783, above. Either that letter arrived in The Hague after JA began this letter, or JA had heard of Trumbull's plan to return to Europe from another correspondent.
Royall Tyler.
This may refer to a lost AA2 letter to JA, but the editors have found no letter, to any person, in which AA2 even mentions Royall Tyler until her letter to him of
The lack of an endorsement by AA, and AA's insistance, in several letters through late May, below, that she had received no letters from JA dated after Nov. 1783, suggest that she may not have received this letter before sailing to England in June. This is the last extant letter from JA to AA written before her departure from Boston.
1784-02-11
Two days only are wanting to campleat six years since my dearest Friend first crost the Atlantick. But three months of the Six Years have been Spent in America. The airy delusive phantom Hope, how has she eluded my prospects. And my expectations of your return 303from month to month, have vanished “like the baseless Fabrick of a vision.”1
You invite me to you, you call me to follow you, the most earnest wish of my soul is to be with you—but you can scarcly form an Idea of the conflict of my mind. It appears to me such an enterprize, the ocean so formidable, the quitting my habitation and my Country, leaving my Children, my Friends, with the Idea that prehaps I may never see them again, without my Husband to console and comfort me under these apprehensions—indeed my dear Friend there are hours when I feel unequal to the trial. But on the other hand I console myself with the Idea of being joyfully and tenderly received by the best of Husbands and Friends, and of meeting a dear and long absent Son. But the difference is; my fears, and anxieties, are present; my hopes, and expectations, distant.
But avaunt ye Idle Specters, the desires and requests of my Friend are a Law to me. I will sacrifice my present feelings and hope for a blessing in persuit of my duty.
I have already arranged all my family affairs in such a way that I hope nothing will suffer by my absence. I have determined to put into this House my Pheby,2 to whom my Father gave freedom, by his Will, and the income of a hundred a year during her Life. The Children furnished her to house keeping, and she has ever since lived by herself, untill a fortnight ago, she took unto her self a Husband in the person of Mr. Abdee whom you know. As there was no setled minister in Weymouth I gave them the liberty of celebrating their nuptials here, which they did much to their satisfaction.
I proposed to her taking care of this House and furniture in my absence. The trust is very flattering to her, and both her Husband and She Seem pleased with it. I have no doubt of their care and faithfullness, and prefer them to any other family. The Farm I continue to let to our old tennant, as no one thinks I shall supply myself better.3
I am lucky too in being able to supply myself with an honest faithfull Man Servant. I do not know but you may recollect him, John Brisler, who was brought up in the family of Genll. Palmer, has since lived with Col. Quincy and is recommended by both families as a virtuous Steady frugal fellow, with a mind much above the vulgar, very handy and attentive. For a maid servant I hope to have a Sister of his, who formerly lived with Mrs. Trott, who gives her a good character.4 It gave me some pain to refuse the offerd service of an old servant who had lived 7 years with me, and who was married from 304here, as I wrote you some time ago.5 Both she and her Husband solicited to go, but I could not think it convenient as Babies might be very inconvenient at Sea, tho they offerd to leave it at Nurse if I would consent to their going, but tho I felt gratified at their regard for me I could not think it would answer. On many accounts a Brother and sister are to be prefered. This far have I proceeded but I know not yet what Ship, or what month or what port I shall embark for, I rather think for England.
I wrote you largely by Capt. Love, who saild for England 3 weeks ago. By him I mentiond a set of Bills which I expected to draw in favour of Uncle Smith for 200 dollors. He did not send me the Bills untill yesterday. Instead of 60 pounds Lawfull, he requested me to sign a Bill for 60 Sterling, as that was just the sum he wanted, and that it would oblige him. I have accordingly drawn for that;6 as I supposed it would not make any great odds with you; whether I drew now; or a month hence, as I suppose I shall have occasion before I embark. You will be so kind as to honour the Bill.
I have not heard from you since Mr. Robbins arrived. I long to hear how your Health is. Heaven preserve and perfect it. Col. Quincy lies very dangerously ill of the same disorder which proved fatal to my dear and honourd parent. The dr is apprehensive that it will put a period to his life in a few days.7
Your Honourd Mother is as well as usual. The thoughts of my going away is a great Grief to her, but I shall leave her with a particular request to my sister Cranch, to pay the same attention to her during her Life, which I have done, and to supply my place to her in sickness and Health.
However kind sons may be disposed to be, they cannot be daughters to a Mother. I hope I shall not leave any thing undone which I ought to do. I would endeavour in the discharge of my duty towards her, to merit from her the same testimony which my own parent gave me, that I was a good kind considerate child as ever a parent had. However undeserving I may have been of this testimony, it is a dear and valuable Legacy to me and will I hope pruve a stimulous to me, to endeavour after those virtues which the affection and partiality of a parent asscribed to me.
Our sons are well. I hope your young companion is so too. If I should not now be able to write to him, please to tell him I am not unmindfull of him.
I have been to day to spend a few Hours with our good Uncle Quincy,8 who keeps much confined a winters and says he misses my 305two Boys almost as much as I do; for they were very fond of visiting him, and used to go as often as once a week when they lived at home.
Shakespeare, The Tempest, IV, i, 151.
For this arrangement, see AA to Cotton Tufts, 18 June, below. On the slave, or “servant,” Phoebe, see vol. 2:346, 382; her intended marriage in 1777 to a Mr. Bristol, a free black of Boston, mentioned there, apparently never occurred. See also Rev. William Smith's will, 12 Sept. 1783, above.
AA began looking for a tenant for the family farm in March 1778, immediately after JA's first departure for Europe. It is not known when she found one, but in Nov. 1780 she wrote to JA that her “Tenants” threatened to quit the farm because they could not support themselves, given the rising taxes that AA was forced to pay. In 1784–1785 AA's tenant was Matthew Pratt. See vol. 2:407–408; 4:15; AA to Cotton Tufts, 18 June, below; Cotton Tufts to JA, with enclosed account, 10 Aug. 1785, below.
AA did take John Briesler to England, but not his sister. In her place she took Esther Field, daughter of a Braintree neighbor. AA's observation, below, that on “many accounts a Brother and Sister are to be preferred,” stated a reasonable precaution. John Briesler and Esther Field married in London while serving the Adamses, and Esther gave birth to a daughter on 28 May 1788 on shipboard, as the Brieslers were returning with AA and JA to America. The Brieslers continued to serve the Adamses into the 1790s. JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:154–158, 212–215, and note 7, 226–247 passim.
AA mentioned Jane Glover's upcoming marriage to Bryant Newcomb in her letter to JA of 20 June 1783, above.
AA drew this bill on Isaac Smith Sr. on 6 February. On 10 May, JA directed AA's cousin William Smith, who had received the bill from his father, to cash it at C. & R. Puller, Broadstreet Buildings, London, adding that his Amsterdam bankers, the Willinks and van Staphorsts, would cover it (LbC, Adams Papers). On AA's decision to purchase land with this sum, see AA to JA, 7 and 27 Dec. 1783, above.
Col. Josiah Quincy died on 3 March (
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 8:475). AA's father had died of the strangury, a blockage of the urinary tract (AA to JA, 20 Sept. 1783, above).
Norton Quincy, of Mt. Wollaston in Braintree.
AA's prediction of the rapid demise of the new Society of the Cincinnati (founded in May 1783) proved too optimistic. See John Thaxter to JA, 19 Jan. (Adams Papers), and discussions of the Society's character and future by JA and AA in 1785, below.
1784-02-28
I inclose to you my sons Letters,2 which you will be so kind as to return safe to me again; as they are very valuable to me. For a Lad of Sixteen they do credit to him. This you; who are a parent will permit me to say to you, nor charge upon me more than a maternal partiality in the observation.
Mr. Green Spoke to me yesterday upon an affair in which Mr. Adams he says was formerly engaged. I did not fully comprehend what he wanted, if you will be kind enough to desire him to state in 306writing what he wishes to have done I will endeavour that he Shall have all the intelligence in my power to give him.3
Accept the inclosed4 as a Small token of our ancient Friendship, and be assured I shall in all countries and climates which the vicissitudes of fortune may place me in, always remember with pleasure and affection the early and lasting Friendship of Caliope for her
This is AA's first known letter to her girlhood friend since 1764. Hannah Storer, sister of Ebenezer Storer, married Joshua Green in 1762. AA had corresponded with Hannah since at least 1761; Hannah's last known letter to AA prior to this was in 1775 (vol. 1:10, and note 1, 273–274).
Not identified further; JQA wrote to AA on 23 and 30 July, and on 4 and 10 Sept. 1783, all above.
With her reply of 12 March (Adams Papers), in which she returned JQA's letters to AA, accompanied with high praise and word that “a number of our friends have partook of the pleasure” of reading or hearing them read, Hannah Green enclosed some account of her husband's business. But this enclosure has not been found, and the subject remains obscure.
Not identified. Green's reply (see note 3) makes it clear that AA was not referring to JQA's letters.
AA used this name frequently in her courtship letters to JA in 1763–1764, but she abandoned it upon her marriage in favor of her first name, or initial, followed by “Adams,” or simply “AA.” Beginning in May 1775, AA signed “Portia” in correspondence with JA, and she soon extended the use of this signature to her closest non-family correspondents, James Lovell, Elbridge Gerry, and Mercy Warren. She continued to use “Diana,” however, when writing to her old friend “Caliope,” a pseudonym that Hannah Storer Green used since the early 1760s. See vol. 1:4–8, 10, 16–51 passim, 193.
1784-03-14
NB This is not performing the promise of writing to one another every week. I know you can write if you have a mind to for you have as much enough time to write. I have just done getting my mornings lesson, began at the verbs in ao eo oo at the indicative mood have got the active voice out.1 Have I not been spry. Had I began Virgil when you went away. Oh yes well I have got the second Georgic out allmost; fifty lines is my common lesson. Ben Willes2 is very well only has got his nose broke by a brother. Oh William how careless I am. My letter is nothing but scrols
3 but I hope you will find it out because I expect it will give you a great deal of pleasure. Since you went away4 We have got to keeping doves and we have got the bell up boy and we are fine folks here. Now do you mind and write a good long letter to me pretty soon.
CA refers to the Greek contract verbs, e.g. τιμαω, φιλεω, , and δηλοω, in which the vowel that ends the stem of the verb—α, ε, and ο—is dropped or altered in the present and imperfect tenses.
On Benjamin Willis Jr., who was about fifteen or sixteen at this time, see JQA, Diary
, 1:368–369.
CA's handwriting is certainly informal and the editors have supplied much of the punctuation in this text. CA's penmanship contrasts sharply with that of JQA at the same, or indeed at a much younger age.
Cranch had just left the tutelage of his uncle John Shaw to enter Harvard College at the winter break, half a year before the usual beginning date. He graduated in 1787, in the same class with JQA, who entered in March 1786, with advanced standing. CA entered Harvard, as a freshman, in Aug. 1785, and graduated in 1789. See AA to JQA,
This is the earliest extant letter written by CA.
1784-03-15
I have not received a Line from you, nor heard a Syllable Since yours of November 18th, which I have allready acknowledged.1
I am impatient now, to receive further intelligence from you; and to learn where you are. Captn. Love in the Ship Rossamond, bound to England, must have arrived before this time, by him I trust you have received many Letters from me.2 I have had but one opportunity of writing since which was by a Vessel bound to Amsterdam. In that Letter I was particular with regard to the manner in which I had adjusted our affairs so as to leave them.3 Mr. Jones designs to have his vessel ready to sail the latter end of May, and from present prospects I think it most probable that I shall accompany Mr. Jones and his Lady.
We have intelligence here, of the fluctuating State of the British Ministry.4 Whether it bodes well or ill for America time must determine, it is not a matter of so much Concequence to us, as it has been in times past.
The Court of this commonwealth is now sitting. They have taken up the recommendation of Congress Respecting the Reffugees and there has been, as you may well suppose, much debateing upon it. And it is generally thought, that the Court will rise, without any thing final taking place.5 Dr. Gorden, it seems has been making use of a private Letter, of yours, to him upon this subject,6 the contents of which are variously reported. The Committe I am informed who have this matter under consideration, have sent for the Letter, which will speak for itself: I do not feel very anxious with regard to it, Since I think I know your prudence so well, that you would not communicate, to that Gentleman; any private sentiments, which you would be loth should be made publick.
One Gentleman sends me word, Mr. A. has written to judge, such a one7—“pray desire him to be cautious, he is not his Friend.” And an other tells me Mr. A. has written a Letter to Mr. Speaker8—“he is not to be confided in, he has no discretion, he communicates the contents of his Letter to persons who are not to be trusted, he is in a certain Box without knowing it.” “And pray,” I ask these persons, “why do you not make use of your own pens to give these cautions, and your reasons for so doing. Why do you not give Mr. A. information respecting those matters which are of importance for him to know?” “O I am so perplext and worried with buisness, that I have not time.” “Very well sir, these Gentlemen of whom you speak, I suppose have found time to write to Mr. A. One of them I know has. I know Mr. A. has always had a Friendship for that Gentleman, a Friendship of an early date, contracted when they were at Colledge—and I believe the regard he professes for Mr. A. is Sincere.” “I dont pretend to say that it is not, but he wants prudence.”
I have not heard any thing from Congress since my last to you; nor can I learn a single step they have taken since. I am now going to write to Mr. Gerry for information.9
Our family is well. Of whom does it consist? Myself and Neice, and two domesticks, Nabby is at Milton. Genll Warren is like to lose his Son Charles, whom they apprehend far gone in a Hectick.10 Col. Quincy died last week with the disorder which I mentiond to you, he made a donation in his will of a hundred pounds to the Society of Arts and Sciences.11 The Land you wish to purchase12 he has given to his Grandsons Samll and Tommas, to be appropriated for the benifit of their education. Mr. Storer is their Gaurdian. They are not yet of age, but I Suppose it will be sold. Dr. Tufts is executor to the Col. and he will take care to procure it when ever it is to be sold.
JA received Richard Cranch's letter of 20 Jan., above, which also went by Capt. Love, on 2 April, but he did not receive AA's letters until May (see JA to Cranch, 3 April, and JQA to JA, 18 May, both below).
See AA's letter of 11 Feb., above.
William Pitt the younger, who became prime minister in Dec. 1783, met repeated reverses in the House of Commons in early 1784. Following the dissolution of Parliament on 25 March, however, Pitt won a great majority in the general election and dominated the new Parliament, which convened on 18 May (
DNB
; Namier and Brooke, House of Commons
, 1:87–96, 536).
Congress passed this resolution on 14 Jan., immediately after ratifying the definitive peace treaty. In keeping with the treaty, Congress recommended that the states return confiscated property to British subjects and to others who were resident in areas controlled 309by the British between 30 Nov. 1782 and 14 Jan. 1784, and who had not borne arms against the United States. All other persons were to be permitted to return to America for up to twelve months to seek restitution of their property through the courts, and the states were asked not to put obstacles in their way (
JCC
, 26:30–31). As AA expected, the legislature took no action on this recommendation in the Jan.–March session.
JA to William Gordon, 10 Sept. 1783, which Gordon copied and sent to Elbridge Gerry in a letter of 24 Dec. 1783; Gordon also circulated extracts among Massachusetts political leaders (Samuel Adams to JA, 16 April, Adams Papers). In his letter, JA urged moderation in dealing with the loyalists and said in part: “The Stipulations Procs.
, 63:500–502 [June 1930]).
Although AA here expresses her confidence that JA had not written to Gordon any sentiments that he would withhold from the public, the end of his letter contains a quite negative appraisal of Benjamin Franklin's diplomatic skills. Despite JA's candor, Gordon asked Gerry to “clear my way to the records of Congress to which others besides members may be admitted, without sacrificing congressional Honour” (same, p. 502), presumably so that all congressmen might read JA's words to Gordon.
Possibly James Sullivan, who resigned from the Supreme Judicial Court in 1782, but who was still called “Judge.” Sullivan wrote to JA on 24 July 1782 and 21 Dec. 1783; according to his Letterbook, JA wrote to Sullivan on 6 Sept. 1782 (all Adams Papers). Other letters may have been lost at sea or have disappeared in later years. No letters for 1782–1783 between JA and the four supreme court justices have been found. The editors have added all of the quotation marks in this paragraph except those around the last sentence.
Tristram Dalton, speaker of the House of Representatives, who was JA's Harvard classmate, as AA mentions toward the end of this paragraph (
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 13:569–578). For 1782–1783 the editors have record of seven letters sent by Dalton to JA, but of none in the other direction except for Dalton's acknowledgment of a letter from JA of 18 Aug. 1782 (Dalton to JA, 26 Oct. 1782, Adams Papers).
AA wrote Gerry on 19 March, below.
That is, consumption (
OED
).
That is, the American Academy of Arts and Sciences; AA had referred to Col. Quincy's disorder, urinary obstruction (strangury), in her letter of 11 Feb., at note 7, above. CFA omitted the text from this point to the end of the paragraph from AA, Letters, 1841 and 1848. The letter did not appear in AA, Letters, ed. CFA, 1840.
JA to AA, 14 Oct. 1783, and note 5, above.
On 13 March, Isaac Smith Sr. wrote to JA (Adams Papers), that “The Ship, Dutche's, of Kingston, in which Mr. Dana came in is now bound to Lisbon, from whence this will be forwarded, as probably itt may reach you allmost as soon as any Other way.”
1784-03-15
As I did not write you by the last conveyance I will not omit the present. I supposed your sister had got a Letter for You, but I found afterwards that she did not send it, because she could not please herself.
This Week I received your trunk which Mr. Dana brought with him. You cannot conceive the pleasure I took in looking it over. The Books it is true were in a language that I understand very little off,2 but I know enough of them to be pleasd with the collection and to 310be satisfied that You profitted by them. The first Idea which struck me upon opening the trunk was the order and care in which they were placed. Here I saw the example of your patron was carefully followed. In the next place the Books were all of the usefull kind, such as tended to make you a good classical Scholar and others to store your mind with usefull Historick knowledge. The large pile of translation shew me that you had not been Idle and your little poettical transcripts, convinced me that your taste in poetry was delicate chaste well chosen and made with great judgment. These little Volumes I value more than all the contents of the trunk besides, first because they are in a Language which I can read, secondly because they are in your own hand writing, and thirdly because they shew a purity of sentiment and are seclected by yourself.3
I shall have good care taken of your Books that they may be preserved for you against your return which I hope I shall live to see. And I please myself with the prospect of your growing into Life a Wise and Good Man. In your early days you had a great flow of Spirits and Quick passions. I hope you have acquired reason to govern the one and judgment to Guide the other, never suffer the natural flow of your Spirits to degenerate into noisy mirth. Tis an old observation that empty vessels sound the loudest; I never knew a Man of great talants much given to Laughter. True contentment is never extreemly gay or noisy. My own Ideas of pleasure consist in tranquility. I do not mean by this that you should assume a character foreign to your age. Youth is the season for Innocent Gayety and mirth, and the laughing philosopher was I believe the happier man. But in moderation of enjoyment consists the most perfect felicity of the humane mind and there is a certain point which I term tranquility, beyond which is disgust, or pain—and I know from experience that sudden and excessive joy will produce tears sooner than Laughter.
We have had a very severe winter but some very good Sleying which I improved one week in visiting your Brothers. I found them happy and studious. Your Uncle Shaw offerd your Cousin Billy at the Winter Vacancy half a Yeard forward, and he was accepted without any difficulty. He is now become a Student at Harvard and promises by his good disposition and his attention to his Studies to make a Worthy Man. Your Brother Charles expects to enter the commencment after next.
I hope some future day will bring me the happiness of seeing my family again collected under our own roof happy in ourselves and 311blessed in each other. If it is determined that I and your sister must first cross the Atlantick, heaven Grant us a happy meeting in a foreign Land with those who are so dearly allied to us by conjugal and fillial parental and Fraternal bonds—which is the most ardent Wish of your ever affectionate Mother
34 Copy. J. Q. Adams.”
AA sent this letter by the same vessel bound for Lisbon that carried her letter of 15 March to JA, above (see AA to JA, 12 April, below).
Probably Latin, of which AA had virtually no knowledge. She acquired some familiarity with French in her teens (vol. 1:3–4).
Several of the books that JQA purchased while in St. Petersburg, and which ended up in his library in Quincy, are identified in JQA, Diary
, 1:102–148 passim. JQA's unbound MS translations of Cicero's orations and biographical sketches by Cornelius Nepos are in M/JQA/44 and 45 (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel Nos. 239 and 240). Of JQA's four commonplace books containing material written in Russia, M/JQA/24 and 26 (Reel Nos. 219 and 221) are filled with the verse of Dryden, Pope, Thomson, and Gray, as well as of over a dozen minor poets of the period. These two little books likely came to America in 1783, and appear to be the focus of AA's remarks here. The arrival dates of the other booklets is less certain. M/JQA/1 (Reel No. 199) contains a few passages from the British historians Hume, Robertson, and Catherine Macauley copied in 1782, as well as fragmentary notes from the 1830s. M/JQA/25 (Reel No. 220) contains JQA's 1782 transcription, made in a contemporary German handwriting style, of a German play, Ludwig Holberg's Der Geschwätsige Barbierer (The Talkative Barber), as well as passages from the Iliad that are accompanied by translations by Pope and Cowper. JQA entered the Homeric passages several years after he left Russia, for Cowper's Iliad was not published until 1791. The annotation in JQA, Diary
, 1:102, 103, 107, 115, 138, and 139 gives further details on many of these MS booklets.
1784-03-19
I received Letters dated about the middle of November from Mr. Adams, in which he was very urgent with me to come out early in Spring, if I declined a Winters voyage. Since that time I have not heard from him.
Capt. Callihan will sail for London in April. My Friends advise me to take passage in him, but I cannot feel fully determined untill I hear from you. Your favour by Mr. Thaxter1 gave me reason to suppose that there was not a probability of Mr. Adams'es Speedy return. I wish to know your present Sentiments upon the Subject, as it would be exceeding dissagreable to me to make a voyage, and be under the necessity of immediately returning. When he wrote me last, he had but just recoverd from a fever. He thought his Health which had been very infirm ever since his Sickness in Amsterdam, much mended since his last illness; but you cannot wonder sir that I feel anxious 312for his return, or if that cannot be, to go to him. You will be so kind as to give me the earliest intelligence upon the Subject which you possibly can.
Our Friend Col. Quincy is no more, he died about a fortnight since of a disorder to which he has long been Subject. Mr. Adams in his last Letters complains much for want of intelligence, rejoices to hear that you are in Congress, and begs that I would request you to write to him.2 Mr. Thaxter informd me that you had written to him before he left Philadelphia.3 I hope sir you will continue your favours, whether in or out of Congress so long as Mr. Adams remains abroad, as I know of no Gentleman for whom he has a sincerer Friendship or a higher Esteem.
Please to present my Respectfull compliments to Dr. Lee and Mr. Osgood. If you have Mr. Laurences replie to Mr. Jennings4 I will thank you for it, I am very Sorry that there ever was any occasion for a publication upon either side.
Abigail Adams
Of 24 Nov. 1783, above.
See JA to AA, 14 Aug. 1783, above.
Apparently a reference to Gerry's long letter to JA of 23 Nov. 1783 (Adams Papers).
Mr. Laurens True State of the Case. By Which His Candor to Mr. Edmund Jenings Is Manifested and the Tricks of Mr. Jenings Are Detected, London, 1783 (Sabin, No. 39258). Laurens was answering Jenings' The Candour of Henry Laurens, Esq.; Manifested by His Behaviour to Mr. Edmund Jenings, London, 1783 (Sabin No. 35984), which John Thaxter first heard of in London in Aug. 1783 (Thaxter to JA, 7 Aug. 1783, Adams Papers). Jenings' reply to Laurens' answer appeared as A Full Manifestation of What Mr. Henry Laurens Falsely Denominates Candour in Himself, and Tricks in Mr. Edmund Jenings, London, 1783 (Sabin, No. 35985). On this complex and still mysterious controversy, see JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:355–356; and Thaxter to JA, 1 June (Adams Papers).
1784-03-26
The Roads have been so bad for several Weeks past, that there has been but little travelling, and it has been difficult to get a conveyance. I did not know when Cousin Charles sent his Letter.1 I intended to have written and conveyed them together, and to have thanked you most heartily, most tenderly for your excellent Care of Mr. Shaw, and for your ingenuity in managing his Case so exactly right. I assure you 313he came home full of Gratitude, sounding your praise in the highest Strains. He thinks there are not three better Nurses, than we Sisters.
We are all highly gratified and pleased with the thoughts of Mr. Thaxters coming here. Cousin Charles, says, how clever it will be Aunt, to have Cousin Betsy Hunt upon the other Side of the River, and Mr. Thaxter here! It will in some measure compensate for the absence of Mamma and Sister. Mr. Shaw thinks Haverhill will be an excellent place for a young Gentleman of honesty, and good Morals to settle in. Such are an honour to any Society or proffession, and if such an one can be found, it may serve to bring a Lawyer into credit here. Should he come and succeed, in business agreeable to his utmost Wish, and equal to his merit, should he be so happy as to perswade the fair American, to be the faithful Partner of his Joys and Sorrows, and should this fair American be my amiable, my lovely Friend Sally Sever2——Rapt into future time——How pleasing is the prospect——may I live to see it realized——
My dear Sister Adams I am afflicted, I am vexed at the Heart, at what you tell me relative to One who is bound by every human tie to speak well of that Family for Days and Years to Come, that has, and still would do every thing in their power to promote and secure her Interest—that has mercifully sheltered her, and hers—that has secured her honour, and as far as was possible screened her, from the rude blasts of a censorious World, too apt to blame the unfortunate.
True she has virtues, but how are they shaded? They bring to my mind, what Mr. Pope says of Lord Bacon, “The wisest, greatest, meanest of mankind.” Misrepresentation, or a false gloss put upon Facts, I have always thought to be the most vile, and cruel way of destroying the Interests, and the Reputation of Families. Who of us are safe, if such things are to be tolerated? Not to be able to deny the whole, oftentimes puts us upon the necessity, of making an apology to the world, for what was really a wise and virtuous Act. And could every One know, how much we have endeavored to shew mercy, and to do Justice towards her, and her Family, I should not be affraid of ten thousand such ungrateful, inconsiderate, and distracted Tongues.3
I think the Athenians classed Ingratitude among their criminal Cases. Had Hypocricy been coupled with it, what punishment do you suppose, that wise, and prudent Republic, would have thought proper to have inflicted?
314As to Betsy Smith4 her Uncle and I most affectionately love her, and should be really glad to have her return, did I certainly know what were her Mother's real, or prevailing Sentiments with regard to it. All the difficulty that ever arose with regard to her, was upon the account of cloathing, I knew it was not in my power to give such satisfaction to her Mamma as I could wish, and I did not know but Betsy herself, might think harder of waiting for things she might want than my own Children would. I should however, be exceeding glad to have the dear Girl, come and spend the next Summer with me, if it was agreeable to her Mamma.
The money you sent, we received from Judge Seargant.5 The Dollar you sent for the surtout, I mean to be accountable for. 1s for bringing it, 1s 4d for culing it out, and I mean to help make it in the house, so that it will not take quite the whole for that. It is with the greatest pleasure that I do any little service for you my dear Sister, to testify to you, that I am not insensible, of the many favours you are always conffering upon me, and mine. Your Children are well, Charles studies as if it was a pleasure to him, and he in some degree sensible of the importance of Time. Tommy makes Latin, his Uncle says better than he did. The care of Doves has been their amusement for some time past, but now it is of shooting the poor sweet Robins, as soon as they have begun to chant forth their melodious notes. Ever yours
Not found.
This passage adds yet another twist to the mystery of the “fair American” and John Thaxter (see AA to Thaxter, 26 Oct. 1782, and note 3, above). On Sarah Sever, see vol. 4:153, note 1; and AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch, 4 Jan. 1784, note 4, above.
Pure speculation suggests that Catharine Louisa Smith, wife of AA's and Elizabeth Shaw's ne'er-do-well brother, William Smith Jr., is the subject of this passage. AA had told JA how good Mrs. Smith was to Rev. William Smith in his old age, and added: “to be otherways she must be a monster of ingratitude for to her he has supplied the place of Father Mother and husband” (24 Aug. 1783, and note 3, above). AA herself had taken her brother's child Louisa Catharine into her home, but she was having to return her to her mother before joining JA in Europe.
Guessing further, the terms of Rev. Smith's will may not have pleased Mrs. Smith. She received the income from his farm in Lincoln, Mass., on which she and her young children lived, but the property itself remained under the control of Smith's executors, Richard Cranch and Dr. Tufts. Moreover Rev. Smith cut her out of any share in “the remainder of my Estate both Real and personal, not before disposed of.” See Rev. William Smith's will, 12 Sept. 1783, above.
William Smith Jr.'s oldest daughter is probably meant; she was living with the Shaws in Sept. 1785 (JQA, Diary
, 1:324, note 4, where she is mistakenly identified as Smith's youngest daughter).
Nathaniel Peaslee Sargeant of Haverhill.
1784-04-03
Your kind Letter of 20 Jany. I received Yesterday. Mr. Tylers Letter inclosed is here answered.1 Your Opinion has great Weight with me. I hope to See Mrs. and Miss Adams before this reaches you. I have as yet received no Letters from them by this Vessell. They may be on the Way.
By a quiet Life, riding on Horse back and constant Care I am somewhat better, but I shall never be a Strong Man. Yet I am determined to be easy, for the future, whatever may be my Lot.
Mr. Dana and Mr. Thaxter are happy. If my two Girls arrive, I will be happy too, in the Hague or Paris, I dont care which, for another Year. I find a Man may get Sick in Paris as well as in Amsterdam, and when I was in London I had no Reason to think that healthier than either. Nothing will keep me in Health in either, but a more quiet Mind, than I have had, and this I thank God is now in my own Power.
Where have I been? What have I seen! What have I felt! in the last ten Years? Ask the Ocean and the Mountains, and the Fens, and Ask Kings Princes and Ministers of State. And all of these together cannot tell the whole, even if they would acknowledge all they know.
But my political Career is run. I will wind off as decently as I can, and notwithstanding my family is coming to Europe, I hope in another Year to imitate the General in the only Thing perhaps in which I am capable of imitating him, in Retreat.2
Mr. Morris drew Bills at a Venture, for a great sum, which obliged me to come over to Holland in one of the worst Seasons ever known, and I underwent Such severe hardships in Packet Boats, Boors-waggons and Iceboats as again endangered my Health and my Life. It was a long time, before I could See the least hopes, but at last I succeeded and have obtained the Money to save our Credit once more.3
When Madam comes I shall take her to Paris and shew her that fine City, there perhaps I may Stay, untill with my Colleagues We have executed our Orders, then I may remove to the Hague, and there arrange my Affairs to go home. In a Year I hope to do this, and in the Month of May 1785 embark for Boston. This is my Plan, but Plans are easily dashed. And therefore I dont intend to attach myself much to any. I am employed at present in arranging a commercial Treaty 316with Prussia, at the Invitation of the King by his Minister here the Baron de Thulemeier. The King of Prussia I believe is the Second Monarch who has made Advances.4
See the next document.
George Washington had resigned as commander in chief of the Continental Army on 23 Dec. 1783, and returned to private life at Mt. Vernon.
JA and JQA had interrupted their visit to England just after New Year's Day when they received word that bills of exchange, many of them drawn by Robert Morris on behalf of Congress, were being protested for insufficient funds remaining in the first Dutch loan to the United States. To avoid default, JA set out on 2 Jan. for Holland to try to secure a second loan for which, according to his bankers, there was little likelihood of success. With his health not at its best and the winter weather at its most severe, JA undertook the dangerous North Sea crossing with JQA, landed on an island in Zeeland, and walked several miles to the nearest town. There they learned that they would have to proceed by iceboat, which they reached by traveling in a peasant's wagon (Boorswaggon). Next, in crossing a partially frozen inlet from the sea, the passengers walked whenever the crew dragged the iceboat along ice thick enough to bear its weight, and reboarded whenever there was thin ice or open water. JA reached The Hague on 12 Jan., and promptly began negotiations with Dutch bankers. He concluded the second Dutch loan, for two million guilders, on 9 March; Congress ratified it on 1 Feb. 1785. This loan extended the credit of the United States until 1787. JA later wrote a full account of his harrowing winter journey to Holland, dated 17 Feb. 1812, for the Boston Patriot (9, 13, 16 May 1812); it is reprinted in JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:151–154.
The Baron von Thulemeier proposed a commercial treaty to JA on 19 Feb., at The Hague (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 6:784–785). JA expressed interest and promptly consulted with Franklin and Jay at Paris, and with Congress, to begin preparations for the necessary negotiations. On 9 April, von Thulemeier presented JA with a 27-article plan, in French, which JA promptly sent to Congress (9–10 April, Adams Papers, copy in JA's hand). The United States and Prussia finally concluded their commercial treaty on 10 Sept. 1785, with von Thulemeier, Franklin, Jefferson, and JA signing it at different dates, in different cities (Miller, ed., Treaties
, p. 162–184).
The first monarch to seek a commercial treaty with the United States was the king of Sweden. Von Thulemeier suggested to JA that the treaty with Sweden of April 1783 could serve as a model for a Prussian-American treaty (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 6:782–783).
1784-04-03
I Yesterday received your Letter of the thirteenth of January. The Subject of it has for some time been to me an Occasion of Solicitude, chiefly on Account of the Uncertainty in which I have been too long left respecting every thing which concerns me and my Family.
Your Connections and Education are too respectable for me to entertain any objections to them: Your Profession is that for which I have the greatest Respect and Veneration. The Testimonials I have 317recieved of your personal Character and Conduct are such as ought to remove all scruples upon that head.
It is a Serious affair which most of all concerns the Happiness of the Parties: So that I should scarcely in any Case have opposed the Final Judgment and Inclination of my Daughter.
But the Lady is coming to Europe with her Mother.1 It would be inconvenient to you to make a voyage to Europe, perhaps, and when the time will come for her to return with me to America, is Uncertain.
I approve very much of your Purchase in Braintree2 and if my Library may be of use to you, in the prosecution of your Studies or your Practice, the loan of it, is at your Service.
Finally, Sir, you and the young Lady have my Consent to arrange your Plans according to your own Judgments, and I pray God to bless and prosper you both whether together or asunder.
JA received definite word of AA's and AA2's coming on 2 April, in Richard Cranch's letter of 20 Jan., above. In his 3 April reply to Richard Cranch, above, he wrote that he had not recently received any letters from AA, although she had sent several to England in the same ship as Cranch's letter; but see note 2, below. In the draft, JA crossed out: “as I am informed” after “the Lady is coming,” perhaps because Tyler himself, in his letter of 13 Jan. to JA, above, stated that AA and AA2 were planning to go to Europe.
The Vassall-Borland house and farm (see AA to JA, 27 Dec. 1783, and note 5, above), although if JA had not yet received AA's December—January letters (JA to Richard Cranch, 3 April, above), it is not clear how he knew of this purchase. Tyler, in his reply of 27 Aug., below, assumed that JA was referring to this property.
1784-04-12
I hope this will be the last Letter which I shall have occasion to write to you, before I embark for Europe. Uncle Smith has been urgent with me to embrace the present opportunity and take passage on Board Capt. Calihan, and Captn. Callihan has sent me word that he would wait ten days for me, but I cannot think it prudent to embark untill I hear again from you, which I am daily expecting. Not a line has reachd me from you Since yours of November by Mr. Robbins,1 nor have I heard of you since. I am very anxious to know where you are, and how you do!
We have had an uncommon long and severe winter and tho the 12 318of April it Snows like Janry. All communication Seems to have been cut of for five months past. I wrote you last by way of Lisbon, about 3 weeks ago.2 If I receive letters from you in the course of a few days; I shall embrace the first good opportunity, which offers in May; Mrs. Jones continues in so bad Health that I fear She will never be able to go abroad: there is no prospect of my being able to be accommodated to any place but London.3
Mr. Winslow Warren to whom I commit this Letter is a passenger on board Captn. Callihan; it would have been agreeable to me to have accompanied him. He appears an amiable modest young Gentleman and I hope will succeed abroad: he is going to fix himself in Lisbon. Our Friends4 will lose their 3d son, Charles who is far gone in a Hectick.
And now I have adjusted all my affairs and determined upon comeing out, I summon all my resolution that I may behave with fortitude upon the occasion. The Hope, the Soothing flattering hope of meeting my dearest best Friend rejoiced, and rejoiceing with him, buoys me up, and supports my Spirits in parting with my Dear connexions.
I derive a pleasure from the regret of others, a pleasure which perhaps I might never have experienced if I had not been called to quit my Country, the blessing and regret of the poor and the needy, who bewail my going away. The World furnishes us with real objects of Charity where ever we are placed, but the circle around me have been particularly necessitous through this long and severe winter. The real want of employment has multiplied the necessities of those, who are disposed to industery; and willing to obtain a livelihood by their Labour; and the expence of fire wood through this winter has far exceeded the ability of the widow, and the Fatherless. Much happier should I be if my abilities were such as would enable me to be more extensively usefull; that I might Streatch out my hand to the needy, and manifest the Law of kindness which is written upon my Heart.
With regard to politicks I hardly know what to write you. Our 319General Court resembles the Parliments of Charles 2d. and James the 2d. By that time it has set a few days, it gets so turbulent that there is no manageing of it. Commutation, taxation, and Tories, set them all in a Flame. You know this people, they will Squable a while but do right in the end, when once they comprehend the whole System and are rightly informd they will submit. We have had our Anual meeting in this Town. The Govenour had the Majority of votes, but many persons at the meeting publickly declared that they voted for him upon no other principal, than that of keeping him in untill an other gentleman should return. I told Some of the persons who mentiond this to me, that however that gentleman might be flatterd by their good opinion of him, yet he would not approve of the principal, upon which they acted,—Since if a better Man was to be had, it was their duty as good citizens to Elect him, without favour or affection to any other. But there is a Town pride as well as a national pride, and they plume themselves that Braintree has given Birth to such Great Men, that the first Govenour of the common Wealth originated from them, that their foreign minister originated from this Town, and they say; God willing that their second Govenour shall be a Native of this Town too.5
Who can withstand the Majesty of the people! Our Brother Cranch had the vote here for Senator.6 We hope for a House chosen upon more liberal principals than the last. The passions of the people with regard to refugees are much cooler than they were, and I am ready to think they will attend to the Spirit of the Treaty and perform it with good Faith. But we have Some among us who love to fish in troubled waters, and who are more wroth at being neglected than at the measures of Goverment on any other account.
Remember me tenderly to our Son to whom I wrote by way of Lisbon.7 I press our Daughter to write and hope she will. Our Sons I heard are well. A Letter from Charles last week.8 His Aunt in speaking of him says, he studies as if he considerd the importance of Time. Tom, a Rogue loves his Birds and his Doves, makes bad Lattin9 and says as he grows older he shall grow wiser. Adieu my dear Friend and believe me ever ever Your affectionate
Of 8 Nov. (
On 15 March, above.
That is, ships from Boston were sailing only to England; AA could find no ships going to Holland (AA to JQA, 25 April, below).
James and Mercy Warren.
See AA to JA, 7 April 1783, and note 9, above. Gov. John Hancock, like JA, was born in Braintree, but moved to Boston at age nine, after his father's death, to be raised by his uncle (
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 13:416).
But he did not succeed in the countywide vote. Cotton Tufts was reelected a senator from Suffolk County (Mass., Acts and Laws
, 1784–1785, p. 197.)
On
Not found; see Elizabeth Shaw to AA, 26 March, above.
This directly contradicts the Rev. Shaw's opinion, as stated to AA by Elizabeth Shaw, 26 March, above.
1784-04-16
I am this day, Madam, favoured with your Letter of the 19th. of March, and embrace the earliest Oppertunity of informing You, that it is highly probable, Congress will make their Arrangements, for negotiating commercial Treaties this Week. The Subject has several Months been prepared, for Deliberation, but this has been prevented by the Want of a full Representation; untill of late, there being eleven States on the Floor, the Matter has been much discussed. I think it not improbable, that the Report, which provides, that a Number of commercial Negotiations shall be set on Foot, under the joint Direction of Messrs. Adams Franklin and Jay, will be accepted; upon our consenting that Mr. Jefferson of Virginia, who has an excellent character, and has been always on the most friendly Terms with Mr. Adams, shall be added to the Commissioners. I cannot however Madam, give You the fullest Assurance on this head, as some States are opposed to the augmenting the Number of the Ministers, and seem to insist on accepting the Resignation of Doctor Franklin, and on appointing Governor Jefferson to fill the Vacancy. This is a point, I should be disposed to push, was it practicable; but as I know it is not, at the present Crisis, the Addition appears to me a desirable object, more especially as Mr. Jay will probably return.1
Under these Circumstances, unless You have particular Reasons for wishing to take passage in Capt. Callahan it may be best to have every Thing in Readiness to embark on the shortest Notice, but not to engage positively to take a Cabin; lest, when the Ship is ready for the Sea, You should find the Measure inconvenient. If the Matter should be thus conducted, and You receive no further Information, You can proceed or not, as You may judge expedient; and should You determine in the Negative, You will probably not loose much Time, by taking Passage in the next Vessel, and will have an equal Chance for favorable Weather.
321I am very unhappy, to hear of the Death of Colo. Quincey. He was
I have been somewhat explicit on the Subject of your going to Europe, that You may give our Friend some Information by Callahan, should You not proceed in his Vessel, and that Mr. Jay may be thus prevented, if possible, from returning. I would write a Line to Mr. Adams with the greatest Pleasure, but I have a dozen Letters to answer by this post, and must defer the Matter, untill I can give him more satisfactory Information.2
Inclosed is the Pamphlet You have mentioned,3 Mr. Jennings' two Publications are here, but they exceed the Bulk admitted to be carryed by the post, under the Denomination of a packet. I remain Madam with perfect Esteem & Respect, your most obt. & very hum ser
Neither Doctor Lee, nor Mr. Osgood are in Congress, the first has made an Excursion to Virginia; the other You will probably see at Braintree.
This report, presented by a committee composed of Jefferson, Gerry, and Hugh Williamson, was read in Congress on 22 Dec. 1783. As printed in the Journal at that date, the text has Jay's name crossed out as a commissioner, and Jefferson's added. The report was recommitted on 22 Jan., reported again on 4 March, recommitted on 12 April, and reported again on 14 April (
JCC
, 25:821–828). Finally, on 7 May the Congress, having been informed by Franklin's letter of 9 March that John Jay definitely intended to return to America, elected Jay secretary for foreign affairs, and named Jefferson to replace him as a commissioner. It then granted the three commissioners, Adams, Franklin, and Jefferson, “or the greater part of them,” specific powers to negotiate treaties of commerce with sixteen nations, and approved detailed instructions for them (same, 26:355–362). Gerry reported this final action in a brief note to AA on 7 May (Adams Papers), declaring that “Mr. Adams, Docter Franklin and Mr. Jefferson are appointed in the Order mentioned,” and thought their new responsibilities would keep them abroad for “about two Years.” The order of appointment on this commission was of great importance to JA. He had complained in Oct. 1779, in a letter to Gerry that he never sent, that Congress had placed his name after that of Arthur Lee in the three-man commission of 1778–1779, even though he had done far more in service to his country than either Lee, ranked third in the commission of 1776–1778, or Silas Deane, the second-ranked commissioner, whom he replaced. In this same letter, JA voiced his irritation that Congress was placing John Jay, minister to Spain, above him in rank as a diplomat, although Jay, too, had achieved far less than he had. The latter complaint, however, was based on a misunderstanding that was soon cleared up (JA, Papers
, 8:213–214). More important in 1784, of course, was the fact that Congress had renewed the first-place position that JA had held on the peace commission of 1781–1783, and thereby confirmed his clear precedence over his archrival, Franklin.
Gerry wrote to JA at length on 16 June (Adams Papers).
Enclosure not found, but see AA to Gerry, 19 March, and note 4, above.
1784-04-18
While I was at St. Petersbourg, I had, the Pleasure, of receiving a Letter from you; I answered it,1 but since that time I have shamefully neglected writing to you. I own my fault, and promise to repair it for the future; and I hope, that you will pardon me, upon that Condition. The only reason I had for it, was a bad one. I feared that if I wrote, you would perceive that the improvements I had made, were by no means equal to the expectations, you had conceived, of the improvements, which, (from the advantages I enjoyed) I ought to have made: and this false shame continually withheld my Pen. But I have now got over it, and will for the future, confide entirely, in the indulgence of my Friends.
It is now going on upon the fifth year since I left last my Native Country. I have in that space of time, visited almost all the Nations of Europe; and the further I go, the more I love and cherish the place of my Birth. I know of no punishment, that would give me more Pain, than to be condemned to pass my Life in Europe. But of all the European Nations, I think I should prefer England. Because I think it has preserved its Liberty the best, and because, in many things, the manners and Customs there, are the least unlike, those of our Country, of any Part of Europe. Last Fall my honoured Parent, having had a violent Fever at Paris, was advised for the benefit of his Health, to pass some time in England: we arrived in London the 26th. of October. It is the largest City I have seen; and both for convenience, and beauty is far superior to Paris. A few days after our arrival we went to see the Monuments in Westminster Abbey, which is surely one of the greatest curiosities in the Place. I own I was struck with Awe and Veneration, at finding myself on the spot, where lay the Remains of the greatest part of the Sages, and Heroes, which Great-Britain has produced, but I felt a painfull Sensation, at seeing a superb monument, erected to Major André, to reflect how much degenerated that Nation must be, which can find no fitter Objects for so great an honour, than a Spy, than a man whose sad Catastrophe, was owing to his unbounded Ambition, and whose only excuse for his conduct, was his Youth; as if youth, gave a Man the right to commit wicked and Contemptible Actions.2 The Monuments in the Abbey are for the most part simple, and are not remarkable, for their Sculpture. There is only one monument extraordinarily beautiful. It 323is of one Mr. Robert Gascoyne, and his Lady.3 It represents a Lady lying sick, in the arms of her Husband, Death from beneath the tomb holds the dart, which the Husband wards off: the terror and anguish, which appear in the countenance of the Husband are most admirably expressed, and it is looked upon as one of the finest Pieces of Sculpture extant. St. Paul's Church, which is so much talk'd of, did not answer my expectations. Its steeple is very high, and you might have a very fine view of all the City from it, if the smoke was not too thick, to be able to see far: but the Church itself appears to be rather a heavy building, and looks more to advantage on the outside than within. The British Museum Contains a great Number of very curious things. Besides, numbers of ancient medals, Statues, Urns, etc. there is a collection of Letters written by the hands of all the Kings and Queens of England since Henry the 8th. Little or no instruction can be acquired from such a thing; yet I felt a certain Pleasure, which I could not well account for, at seeing the original productions of Persons so illustrious, especially of Queen Elizabeth, of whom there are several Letters in the Collection; another thing, much more ancient, an original of the Magna Charta, is also there, and several other very curious Manuscripts. . . . .4 Sir Ashton Lever's Museum, contains the completest collection of natural history, (such as stuff'd birds and beasts, insects, minerals &c) of any in Europe; but what is still more curious, he has a whole Room ornamented with instruments and articles of dress, of the Inhabitants of those Countries alone, which were discovered in the last voyage of the unfortunate Captain Cook. The dress is entirely made of birds feathers, and their warlike instruments, of stone, besides some necklaces, and a kind of Coat of mail, of dogs teeth. . . .5 The Tower is remarkable for the admirable disposition of the small arms, which are all placed in a most beautiful order: there are also some wild beasts there, but no great number. They show still many old things, and among others, the axe with which the famous Earl of Essex (they say,) was beheaded.6 The royal treasure, or Regalia, is also kept there. It consists of a number of crowns, scepters, &c. The crown which the Kings wear at their coronation is said to be worth a million. The money might I think have been better employed. By particular favour we got sight of the Queen's Palace, called Buckingham House, because it was built by, Villers duke of Buckingham, favourite of Charles the first.7 There we saw the Apartments, of the King, of the Queen, and, of the rest of the family, as also a great number of beautiful paintings, by the greatest Masters, at the Head of which are the Cartoons of 324Raphael, looked upon as the Master Pieces of the Art. But besides this we also saw there the models in miniature of every fortress, and of every Man of War in the service of the Government.
There my dear Cousin, is as exact an account as my memory is capable of giving, of the most remarkable things I saw in London; while we were in the Kingdom we took a jaunt to Oxford and Bath. At Oxford in somme of the Colleges of the University, there are things worth notice, but which would give you little or no entertainment to hear. On that Journey, as well as in the one from Dover to London, and the one from London to Harwich, when we entered, and departed from the Kingdom, we had Occasion to remark, that it might be a most happy Country, for Nature seems to have been really partial in their favour; but the general corruption and Vice, which possesses them all, high and low, effectually prevents them from being happy, as it is impossible, as well for whole Nations, as for particular persons to be Vicious and happy.
JQA's letter of 17 March 1782 (vol. 4:297–299) answered Elizabeth Cranch's letter of May 1781 (vol. 4:146–148).
See AA to JQA, 26 Dec. 1783, and note 5, above.
The monument, to Historical Memorials of Westminster Abbey, London, 1882, p. 304–305).
Elipses in MS, here and below. The British Museum was established by Parliament in 1753, and incorporated the museum collection of Sir Hans Sloane, the manuscript collection begun by Robert Harley, the first earl of Oxford, and the Cotton Library. It was lodged in Montague House, on Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury. The early Museum was open only three hours a day, to a maximum of sixty visitors who had to apply for tickets of admission in writing (Wheatley, London Past and Present
).
Sir Ashton Lever established his natural history museum at Leicester House, Leicester Square, in 1774, and charged 5s. 3d. admission. He offered to sell his collection to the British Museum in 1783, but the trustees declined to buy it. Lever disposed of his museum in 1788, and his collection soon moved to the south bank of the Thames, where it was dispersed by auction in 1806. Capt. James Cook had set sail on his last voyage in July 1776, and was killed by Hawaiians on what he named the Sandwich Islands (now Hawaii) in Feb. 1779; his expedition returned to England in 1780. Both in
DNB
.
Robert Devereux, the second earl of Essex, was executed for treason in the Tower of London on 25 Feb. 1601, at the order of Queen Elizabeth I (
DNB
).
Here JQA errs; Buckingham House was built in 1705 for John Sheffield, a later duke of Buckingham. On this visit, see JA to AA, 8 Nov. 1783, second letter, and note 1, above.
1784-04-25
I have been much dissapointed in not receiving any Letters from your Father or you by the late arrivals from England. Capt. Lyde, and a Brig have come in very short passages, but not a single Letter. This is very painfull as well as unfortunate for me just at this period. I thought it not prudent to take passage for Europe untill I heard from your Pappa. If I had received letters I should have come out in Capt. Calihan who is not yet sailed. It is some consolation however to have heard of you, which I have by two private Letters, one from Mr. Temple to Genll. Warren in which he mentions finding your pappa in London upon his arrival, and an other from a Mr. John Cranch to his uncle. In this he mentions receiving a Letter from your pappa dated at the Hague 31 of Janry.1
This same Mr. John Cranch appears an original. He writes his cousin Betsy Palmer, that out of the great Respect he entertaind for the publick character of your Pappa he sent him a Basket of Hares, but not having heard from him he is in great tribulation least it should be construed presumption. He adds a postscrip to his Letter in which he calls upon her to congratulate him upon having received a letter full of civility and urbanity. He observes in a droll way, that he would only dip his pen once more, to tell her that having mended his pen, he finds that he can when he has mind too, that he can write a handsomer hand than his illusterous correspondent with all his accomplishments, therefore he desires her to recommend him as a Secretary.
The weather has been so unfavourable that Capt. Calihan has not been able to go to sea. I hope the storms will all subside before I Embark, which I mean to do by the next opportunity, provided I receive no letters to the contrary. I do not find as any vessel is like to sail for Holland; so that you must look for me to arrive in England. Alass! poor Britain what is like to be thy fate, shook and torn with intestine divisions. I had in very early Life an earnest desire to visit that once great Nation, but neither my sex, or situation in life afforded me the least prospect of gratifying that inclination. But the mighty Revolution which has since taken place; and which I contemplate with astonishment, the intimate union and connection, I hold with one of the principal Characters, joined to the desire I have of passing the remainder of my life in the society of your dear parent, 326is now the principal motive with me to undertake a Voyage which at the early part of my Life curiosity prompted me to wish for. I have seen many obsticals, but I conceive it my duty to Regard them as trifles when put in compe
I have written to your Pappa by this vessel tho it was ten days ago.2 I hope all the Letters by Love3 came safe to your hands. Beg of your Pappa not to reside at the Hague if it affects his Health. Continue to write by every opportunity and request your Pappa to do the same for it is yet uncertain what time I shall be able to embark. I hope many days will not pass without Letters to your ever affectionate Mother
The letters by John Temple to James Warren, and by John Cranch to Richard Cranch, have not been found. John Cranch of Axminster, Devonshire, was a nephew of Richard Cranch and his sister, Mary Cranch Palmer. The Cranch Family Papers in the Boston Public Library contain several interesting letters exchanged between John Cranch and his American relatives. John Cranch wrote JA on 17 Jan. (Adams Papers); JA replied on the 31st (LbC, Adams Papers); and Cranch replied to this on 11 Feb. (Adams Papers).
Letter of 12 April, above.
Capt. Love; see AA to JA, 15 Jan., and notes 1 and 2, above.
1784-05-06
I am glad to hear that my Cousins got home well. Poor Boys I believe that they had their Coats wet enough a Thursday, I was really sorry, but I hope they did not catch cold. The thoughts of seeing their Mamma, and Sister, kept their Spirits in motion I dare say.
Mr. Thaxter got here Tuesday noon. He looks very natural, and appears exceeding agreeable. I hope he will meet with Success. Mrs. West1 will board him, and provide him with a fine situation for an Office.
I really wish if you have not found your Gloves, that you would by the Post next week send me an exact discription of them. I have seen a pair at a neighbours that I am affraid are yours. She is a poor 327Woman, and might be ashamed to buy such a pair. She has not wore them yet, but has showed that she has a pair to Miss Sukey Remick. Miss Sukey told me they were as thick a pair as ever she saw, and has procured me a sight of them—as they were not my own, I could not possitively say whether they were yours or not. They are marked with open work just like mine, three stripes upon the back of the hand, round the Thumb, and a dimond in the Palm.
I really feel engaged to find out the truth if possible, if they should prove to be yours I doubt not but I have been greatly injured as well as you.
PS Tell Tommy I have 6 Gosslins—the young Doves are well, and here-Sarepta is gone. The Cat is better, her Nose does not look so much like his Aunts as it did.
Perhaps Joanna Kast West, wife of the Haverhill farmer and merchant Henry West; see JQA, Diary
, 1:354, and note 1.
1784-05-18
I have only time to write a few lines for the present as the Post is about to depart. On Saturday the 15th. instant I sailed in the Packet Boat from Hellevoetsluys,2 and had another, long tedious voyage, tho' the weather was so fine as to compensate for it in some measure. I arrived yesterday in the afternoon at Harwich, from which place I came in the Stage Coach here. The Adelphi Hotel, being full, I took my lodging for the present in the Imperial Hotel, Suffolk Street, but I believe, the surest way is to address your Letters to Mr. Johnson,3 or some other house, if you please, as I shall probably stay here but a day or two.
Mr. Fox has at length carried the election for Westminster by a majority of 235. Votes, and all the City was illuminated last evening. But Sir Cecil hopes still, to get the better by the verification of the Votes.4 Parliament met this day for the first Time.
JA had sent JQA to London to meet AA and AA2, whom he expected to arrive from Boston on Capt. Callihan's vessel (see JQA to JA, 1 June, below). Why JA expected AA's arrival with Callihan, however, is far from clear.
None of AA's letters to JA, written between November 1783 and February 1784 (all above), said anything more explicit about her departure than that she was “putting all our affairs in such a train as that I may be able to leave them in the spring” (3 Jan.), and that she expected to sail for England rather than Holland (11 Feb.). On 13 March, Isaac Smith Sr. wrote JA that Callihan was planning to sail to England in April if he could get a ship ready, and that if Callihan should “get a good Vessell,
None of this correspondence throws much light on JA's apparent failure to write AA any letters between that of 25 Jan., above, and 3 July, below; but see his own explanation in JA to JQA, 6 June, below.
Hellevoetsluis was a small Dutch port about twenty miles south of The Hague.
Joshua Johnson, JQA's future father-in-law, who had returned to London with his family from Nantes, where JA and JQA had visited them in April 1779. The Johnsons lived in Cooper's Row, Great Tower Hill, when JA and JQA visited them in the fall of 1783 (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:299, and note 1, 357, 3:363; 149; JQA, Diary
, 1:203).
On 17 May, Charles James Fox, leader of the opposition in the Commons to prime minister William Pitt the younger, who had the enthusiastic backing of George III, defeated the Pittite Sir Cecil Wray, 6126 to 5895, very close to the margin JQA gives here. Wray and his allies contested this election for nearly a year, but Fox was declared the victor in March 1785. In the intervening months, Fox sat in Commons for the tiny borough of Kirkwall in the Orkney Islands, one of the Tain (Northern) Burghs. (Namier and Brooke, House of Commons
, 1:336–337, 510–511; 2:455.)
1784-05-18
By Mr. Bourne,1 who was here last Week, I informed You that our commercial Affairs were arranged, that Mr. Adams Mr. Franklin and Mr. Jefferson were to carry on the Negotiations, that three2 Years would probably be requisite to compleat the Business, and that you may embark for Europe, without Delay, as there is not a possibility of any Departure from the Measures adopted by Congress. Mr. Jefferson proposed when he left Annapolis, to spend about a fortnight at Philadelphia, and afterwards to proceed to Boston: and it is probable, that Colo. Humphreys, formerly an Aid to General Washington will go with him, and that both will take passage from Boston,3 in which Case You will have very agreable Companions.
I have only Time Madam to bid You adeiu, sincerely wishing You 329and such of your Family as may accompany You, a pleasant Passage, and happy Interveiw with our mutual Friend, and assuring You that I am on every Occasion your Friend and most obt servt
Shearjashub Bourne, who was in Annapolis to present a memorial to Congress relating to prize money due to him and other Massachusetts naval officers for whom he was acting. This memorial arose out of a legal contest between Massachusetts and New Hampshire over the brig Lusanna that had continued for years, and in which JA had been briefly involved in Dec. 1777. See Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 7:516; JA, Legal Papers
, 2:352–395; and
JCC
, 16:17–21, 38–41, 174–175.
In his letter to AA of 7 May (Adams Papers), Gerry wrote two years (see Gerry to AA, 16 April, note 1, above).
Jefferson left Annapolis on 11 May, spent the remainder of the month in Philadelphia, and then traveled slowly up the coast, visiting important figures in each city and town, before reaching Boston on 18 June. Too late to arrange a passage on the same ship with AA, who sailed on 20 June, Jefferson continued on to Salem, and then to Portsmouth, N.H., in order to complete his survey of the government and commerce of the northern states, preparatory to assuming his new duties as a commissioner to negotiate commercial treaties. He returned to Boston on 25 June, sailed for Europe on 5 July, and reached Paris on 6 Aug. (Jefferson, Papers
, 7:2, 312, 323–349, 364).
Congress named Lt. Col. David Humphreys of Connecticut as secretary to the commissioners on 12 May, and thus began his diplomatic career. Gerry later reported to JA that Benjamin Franklin had wanted William Temple Franklin named secretary to the commissioners, but Congress objected to this nepotism, and felt, too, that the young Franklin might make secret reports on JA to his grandfather (Gerry to JA, 16 June, Adams Papers). Humphreys was warmly recommended to JA by John Trumbull, poet and former law student of JA's (to JA, 14 June, Adams Papers), and as a poet he was later included among the Connecticut Wits. In the 1790s Humphreys served as a secret intelligence agent in London, Lisbon, and Madrid, then as commissioner to Algiers, and finally as minister to Spain (
DAB
). In 1784 Humphreys accompanied Jefferson from Philadelphia as far as New Haven, but then returned to New York to take the packet boat for France in July, ten days after Jefferson's departure from Boston (Jefferson, Papers
, 7:252, 279, 363–364).
1784-05-20
I have been looking out for lodgings, yesterday and this day, and have at length found a bed Room, in the House, where Mr. Smith1 lodges; and as he intends to go into the Country next week, I shall then take those Rooms which he now occupies. Captain Calohan, is expected every day, and it is very probable that within a fortnight, I shall hear from our Ladies.
I have not seen Mr. Stockdale2 yet, nor our books, as all my time has been taken up in looking after lodgings, but to morrow morning 330I shall go and see, in what state they are; Mr. Lawrence, is in the lodgings at present, but intends to sail, for America, in about a fort'night; he is chosen member of Congress for S.C. with Messrs. Jacob Read, Alex. Gillon, J. Bull, and C. Pinckney. The Delegates for N.Y. are Messrrs. A. M:Dougal, J. Lansing, Ephraim Paine, Walter Livingston and C. De Witt. This is all the News I could find in a Charlestown, Newspaper, of the 30th. of March.3
I shall go and hear the debates in the house of Commons in the beginning of the week, if (as I hope,) I find any body to introduce me. I went this morning to see Mr. Jackson4 but he was not within, when I called upon him; I saw Mr. Gorham this morning at the Coffee House, he intends, I believe, sailing soon, for America.
JQA's cousin once removed William Smith, son of Isaac Smith Sr.
John Stockdale, London publisher and bookseller in Picadilly. In 1781 he had published JA's A Translation of the Memorial . . . into Common Sense and Intelligible English (Sabin 35987). Stockdale put up JA and JQA in Oct. 1783; forwarded letters to them after their departure for Holland in Jan. 1784; and published a pamphlet edition of JA's “Novanglus” letters in 1784 (vol. 4:30, note 1; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:149, note 3, 207, note 2, 313–314, note 6; JQA, Diary
, 1:197, note 1; JA, Papers
, 2:224).
Henry Laurens reached New York on 3 Aug. (
DAB
). For the election of South Carolina and New York congressmen, see Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 7:lxxv–lxxvi, lxxi–lxxii.
1784-05-25
I came to Town yesterday and have engaged My passage on Board the ship Active Capt. Lyde, agreable to the advise of my Friends: she will sail in about a fortnight or 3 Weeks and is the only good vessel now going. Mrs. Jones with whom I hoped to have been a passenger is still in so poor Health that there is no prospect of her going very soon and my Uncle Smith upon whose judgment and care I place much dependance advises me by no means to delay my passage. It gives me some pain that I can only hear of you by second hand; and that not since the last of Janry.1 I find Congress have commissiond the Gentlemen now abroad to transact and form all their commercial Treaties, and Mr. Gerry wishes me to give you the earliest notice; and requests that Mr. Jay may be prevented from returning. There was a trial to add Mr. Jefferson to you, but I cannot learn that it is done.2
And now my dear Friend let me request you to go to London some 331time in july that if it please God to conduct me thither in safety I may have the happiness to meet you there. I am embarking on Board a vessel without any Male Friend connection or acquaintance, my servant excepted, a stranger to the capt. and every person on Board, a situation which I once thought nothing would tempt me to undertake. But let no person say what they would or would not do, since we are not judges for ourselves untill circumstances call us to act. I am assured that I shall have a state room to myself and every accommodation and attention that I can wish for. It is said to be a good vessel copper Bottom and an able Captain. Should I arrive I know not where to apply for accommodations. I shall carry with me a Number of Letters and rely upon the Captains care of me. The United States, Capt. Scot, is not yet arrived tho we are in hourly expectation of it.3 I hope to hear from you by her. Tis six months since a single line reachd me from you. All communication seems to be shut out between Amsterdam and America. I think after the arrival of the Letters by Capt. Love, that you would write as you would not then look for me untill july.4 I have given you my reasons for not going with Capt. Callihan. I could get no satisfaction from Mr. Gerry with regard to the movements of Congress untill this month.
Our children are all well. Charles and Tommy are both at home now but will return to Haverhill next week. The expence attending my voyage will be great I find. The Captns. have got into a method of finding5 every thing and have from 20 to 25 guineys a person. I shall draw Bills upon you for this purpose but in whose favour I do not yet know. I shall embark with a much lighter Heart if I can receive Letters from you. I dare not trust my self with anticipating the happiness of meeting you; least I should unhappily meet with a bitter alloy. I have to combat my own feelings in leaving my Friends. And I have to combat encourage and Sooth the mind of my young companion whose passions militate with acknowledged duty and judgment.6 I pray Heaven conduct me in safety and give me a joyful and happy meeting with my long long seperated best Friend and ever dear companion and long absent son to whom my affectionate Regards. I hope to be benefitted by the voyage as my Health has been very infirm and I have just recoverd from a slow fever. I have one anxiety on account of the Maid who attends me. She has never had the small pox. The one I expected to have come with me undertook to get married and dissapointed me. The one I have is a daughter of our Neighbour Feilds and has lived with me ever since Jinny was married. I shall be very happy in two excellent servants.7—Adieu my dear 332Friend. Heaven preserve
AA refers specifically to the news of JA's being at The Hague on 31 Jan., which was contained in a letter from John Cranch to Richard Cranch, probably written in Feb. (see AA to JQA, 25 April, above), although by this time she must have known of JA's residence there from other sources as well.
See Gerry to AA, 16 April and note 1, above; AA had yet to receive Gerry's letter of 7 May (Adams Papers). John Jay embarked for America on 1 June, and reached New York on 24 July, but he had already been chosen secretary for foreign affairs on Gerry's motion, on 7 May (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 6:816; JQA to JA, 25 May, and JA to JQA, 28 May, both below;
JCC
, 26:355).
Capt. James Scott did in fact arrive on the 25th (Independent Chronicle, 27 May).
On 2 April, JA received some letters sent via Capt. Love, but AA's letters sent with Love apparently did not reach JA until 5 May (see JA to Richard Cranch, 3 April; JQA to JA, 18 May, and note 1, both above). JA's letter to Cranch had evidently not reached Boston by this date.
Supplying or furnishing (
OED
).
This must refer to AA2's feelings about Royall Tyler.
Esther Field and John Briesler. The servant she had wanted to take was Jane Glover Newcomb (Jinny).
1784-05-25
Yesterday, I met Mr. Bridgen1 at the Coffee House; he told me he had a book for you, and this morning he sent it to my lodgings;
The Parliament have done nothing as yet, as all the time has been taken up, in swearing in the Members, which may take up some days more; but as soon as any thing worth while comes upon the Carpet, I shall endeavour to go and hear the debates as often as possible; I hope to get acquainted with some member, to introduce me; both Messrs. Hartley3 are left out. The Courts of Justice are I believe, not setting at present.
I believe I shall send off the trunk of books by the latter end of next this week. I shall either address them to Mr. Freeman,4 or to you at the Hague; however, when I send them, I will write you what measures, it will be necessary for you to take to get them. Mr. Smith wishes to have, a good impression of his family arms; and would be obliged to you if you would send one of the seal you have;5 inclosed in the first Letter you write to me.
Mr. Jay is I believe at Calais, waiting for a vessel which sailed two days agone from this Place, and will take him up at Dover; he left 333Paris the 15th. of this Month. Mr. Laurens sails in a few days for Boston. We have no late arrivals, but Callihan is expected every day.
Edward Bridgen, a London artisan and sometime alderman, who corresponded with JA from 1781, and spent much time with the Adamses in 1785–1786 (vol. 4:334–335, note 2; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:179, and note 1, 188, 196–200; Bridgen letters to JA in the Adams Papers).
Elkanah Watson, a native of Plymouth, Mass., who had lost his mercantile house, based in Nantes, to creditors as a result of the financial crisis of 1783. In May 1784 he was still liquidating his remaining assets; later in the year, after a tour of Holland and England, he would return to the United States. Watson later moved to New York, and then to Pittsfield, Mass., where he organized America's first county agricultural fair. Watson would correspond with JA to 1825, and with JQA into the 1830s.
DAB
; Adams Papers.
David Hartley had represented Kingston-upon-Hull in Yorkshire for nearly a decade, but retired from politics after this defeat. His younger half-brother Winchcombe Henry Hartley had been knight of the shire for Berkshire since 1776, and would win his seat again in 1790. Namier and Brooke, House of Commons
, 2:592–594.
Probably P. I. Freeman, a Rotterdam merchant who corresponded with JA in April 1782 (Adams Papers).
Since William Smith shared with his first cousin, AA, a great grandmother, Sarah Boylston, the reference is probably to a seal bearing the Boylston coat of arms that JA used on passports and when he signed the peace treaty in 1783. JA employed this seal because his mother was Susanna Boylston; Sarah was the sister of JA's great grandfather, Thomas Boylston (Adams Papers Editorial Files). William Smith may have wanted to find a craftsman who would do as well for him in making a seal as a Dutch artisan had done for JA. See vol. 4:xv–xvi, 202, illustration at 381; “The Seals and Book-Plates of the Adams Family 1783–1905,” by Henry Adams, in
Catalogue of JQA's Books
, esp. p. 135–137, and illustrations.
1784-05-28
At Amsterdam I received your Letter of the 18 and to day that of the 20th.
Write me, when you Ship the Books for Rotterdam, and by what Captain what Vessell and to whom addressed.1
Your principal Attention Should be to Parliament, and the Bar at present. Your Stay will be short and you will not probably have another Opportunity of being much in London, for upon your Return I shall keep you very close to Business and your Studies.
Mention to me all the Americans you fall in Company with.
Mr. Jay and Family are embarked at Dover, on board of Captain Cooper for N. York, according to my Information. Let me know, when Mr. Laurens Mr. Gorham &c. Sail and when Mr. Hartley returns from Paris. And continue to give me the News from America, which is always pleasant to hear, but dont put me to an Expence again of five 334Guilders for the Postage of a List which is not to me, worth five doits.2 Dont think of Postage however, when you have any Thing of Consequence to Send, or any Thing, altho it be of mere Amusement to write.
I had a delightful Tour to Amsterdam, in the Yacht of the City with the Deputies and their Ladies, last Saturday, and returned last night, after finishing, much to my Satisfaction the Business I went on,3 and taking the Amusement of the French Comedy and an Excursion to Sardam.4 I shall get your Books Cloaths &c. and mine from Paris sooner than those which you are to send by Rotterdam as I expect, so that We Shall be all collected with all that belongs to Us when you return, ready to embark alltogether for Boston as soon as We shall be ordered or judge it expedient. I dont intend to go, however under a Year, at least, unless some necessity for it should occur which I dont at present foresee. In short I begin to take Pleasure in this Country, and to find the Way of preserving my Health. As I Said to you here. Be discreet.—Slow to Speak, and Swift to hear.—Make no Ennemies, and as many Friends as you can honestly.
Buy me the History of English Poetry, by Watson5 I think it is, the great Man who was shewn Us at Oxford, and Send it with the rest, or by a private Hand.
Our Ladies have a fine Season, and may they soon arrive. They will not stay long in England I hope. They and you will find the Hague in all its Glory. It is now a beautifull charming Country.
Do you remember a Miss Pynchon who lived with Mrs. Green in Boston? She is now Mrs. Platt in Amsterdam.6 I thought I met one of my family. Dont let any body see my Scroles. My Breakfasts dont relish, for want of a little Plutarch, with the Coffee.
Give me your Character of the Oratory of the great Speakers in the House, &c. If you dont judge with the Infallibility of Longinus and Quintilian, at present, if you begin to judge now you will be Skillful in time.
Perhaps a reference to JQA's list of recently elected New York and South Carolina congressmen (JQA to JA, 20 May, above), taken from the kind of source that JA could easily acquire, a newspaper. JA's remark here suggests that JQA may have enclosed or sent separately the newspaper itself, thereby increasing the postage.
JA left The Hague sometime after 20 May for Amsterdam, and returned on the 27th. His primary business was to collect over five hundred large denomination bills, worth nearly half a million florins, from Messrs. Fizeaux, Grand & Co., and deliver them to his Amsterdam bankers, the Willinks. JA directed the Willinks to send the bills to Thomas Barclay in Paris. He also instructed Barclay to send his personal belongings from Paris to Amsterdam by the same express that brought the bills to Paris. He added that Barclay “need not mention at present that I have sent for my Effects.” JA hoped to spend the rest of his European stay at The Hague, away from Benjamin Franklin, but he did not care to advertise this intention (JA to Barclay, 20 May [LbC, Adams Papers], 24 May [PHC; LbC, Adams Papers], and 28 May [LbC, Adams Papers]; the quotation is from his letter of 20 May).
Or Saardam, a commonly used name for Zaandam, a large town about five miles northwest of Amsterdam. Among its attractions for tourists, then and now, is a small building called the Hut of Peter the Great, after the Russian monarch's brief stay there, while working in a Zaandam shipyard in 1697, during his tour of western Europe in 1697–1698.
Thomas Warton, The History of English Poetry from the Close of the Eleventh to the Commencement of the Eighteenth Century, 3 vols., London, 1775–1781 (
Catalogue of JA's Library
).
Perhaps Abigail Pynchon, daughter of George Pynchon and Abigail Pease of Springfield, Mass., who married Jeremiah Platt of New Haven, Conn., in June 1780 (
NEHGR
, 38:47 [Jan. 1884]). JQA visited a Jeremiah Platt in New Haven in Aug. 1785 (
Diary
, 1:306).
1784-06-01
Yesterday I received your favour by Dr. Parker, and was very glad to find you pleased with your situation, tho' I was myself in pretty low Spirits. I have been continually endeavouring to get acquainted with some person who would introduce me into the House of Commons, and have not as yet succeeded; on the other hand, Callihan is arrived; has had a delightful passage, but in lieu of our ladies, has only brought some letters which you will receive by Mr. Bingham1 who leaves this Place, next Friday. So that I have not been able as yet to put in execution the two principal Reasons, for which you sent me here. It gives me real pain, to find that I am so unsuccessful an Ambassador. Still I hope to do something. I shall however wait for your orders to determine upon what I have to do. The Letter unsealed, in the Packet Mr. B
The Cincinnati seem to be very much disliked,
The House of Representatives of our State have taken some Resolutions upon the Subject, which are I think quite noble. But perhaps you have seen them.4
Mr. Jay is at Dover, or has sailed from thence within these few days, Mr. Laurens went down to see him last Saturday, and I believe, returned yesterday tho' I have not seen him, since then. He intends sailing himself within a fortnight for Boston. Mr. Chace,5 and Mr. Gorham are both here still.
The enclosed letters were brought by Mr. W. Warren, who came with Captn. Callihan; the cover of the large one, you will find torn; I intended to open it supposing there might be letters in it for me; but before I had opened it I was told the hand writing and the seal were Mr. Daltons:7 I therefore left it as it was, and hope you will receive it so.
These letters included AA to JA, 12 April, above, carried on Capt. Callihan's ship by Winslow Warren (see the postscript). Warren also carried AA to JQA, 25 April, above. William Bingham, a wealthy banker and land speculator from Philadelphia, had served as American agent in Martinique, and had corresponded with the American commissioners in 1778. In 1784–1785, he and his wife, Ann Willing Bingham, became well acquainted with the Adamses while traveling in Europe. See JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:149; JA, Papers
, 6:37;
DAB
.
The extracts in JQA's hand are dated April and 4 May 1784, and are under those dates in the Adams Papers. The extracts for April, printed in part in Amer. Hist. Assoc., Annual Report for 1896, 1:713–719, speculate on the effect on trade if Britain were to repeal its Navigation Acts. In this letter Higginson also asserted that if Franklin alone were to represent the United States, without the restraining influence of JA and John Jay, or any other person, France would quickly determine the character of Anglo-American commercial relations. The May letter deals at some length with French influence in Congress and its harmful effects. Jackson referred to these extracts in a 7 June letter to JA (Adams Papers). Stephen Higginson and Jonathan Jackson, both former congressmen from Massachusetts, were business partners (Benjamin W. Labaree, Patriots and Partisans: The Merchants of Newburyport, 1764–1815, Cambridge, 1962, p. 62).
Presumably the arms of Roger de Quincy, second earl of DNB
; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:204; Henry Adams, “The Seals and Book-Plates of the Adams Family, 1783–1905,” in
Catalogue of JQA's Books
, p. 135–148, esp. 144, and illustrations opposite p. 142, 146 [Quincy arms in the lower left quadrant of the shield]).
All that the journals of the House and Senate record is the naming of a joint committee to consider how “to prevent the ill consequences of any combinations . . . to promote undue distinctions among the citizens of this free State and tending to establish an hereditary nobility.” Soon thereafter, a new joint committee was created to inquire into details and report back (Records of the States, Microfilm, Mass. A. 1b, Reel No. 11, Unit 1, p. 389, 16 Feb.; p. 420, 26 Feb.). But a condemnation of the Cincinnati attributed to the legislature was published (see John Thaxter to JA, 19 Jan., Adams Papers).
The State of Maryland had sent Samuel Chase, a former congressman and a friend of JA's from 1774, to England to try to recover the state's stock in the Bank of England, which two loyalists had carried off with them (
DAB
).
The following note is written on a separate sheet.
Tristram Dalton to JA, 6 April (Adams Papers).
1784-06-05
I have the pleasure to inform you of my safely being lodged in our Haverhill Dwelling, last Friday night, and found all in good Health. Billy was sadly dissappointed in not finding his Sister.1 “When Mamma will Aunt Cranch bring little dear Sister home?” The Box of turtles you sent him, though greatly pleased with them, would hardly make up for the loss of her.
Alas! my Sister this will be a sad week to my Braintree Friends. My Spirit feels the pressure. Whatever you may think, after you have collected all your phylosophy, and placed it as a mighty rampart about your Heart, one affectionate look from our dear Sisters speaking Eyes, will fix the Fear of separation, and in spite of all your efforts leave you overwhelmed and lost in Grief.
It is too tender, even for me to reflect upon.
I must think of the pleasure it will give to her Friend and Son to clasp their Dearest connections once more in their Arms, and how happy I shall be to see them return all together, blesed again in the sweets of domestic Life, and in each others Society.
I hope Betsy will be a good Girl, and give you as little trouble as possible. Kiss her, for her pappa and me.
I received sister Adams Letter she mentioned by the post.2
I wish if Sister Adams is not gone, you would inform her that I shall take it as a great favour, if she could without too much trouble 338send me by Cousin Billy Smith a pair of black sattin Shoes, and black lace enough to go round a Cloack. I will give her credit for it, if she will send by him the Cost.
I send a Box with a Bonnet and a white Gown, Cousin Betsy knows how she wears it. In haste ever Yours
William Smith Shaw, age six, missed his sister, Elizabeth Quincy Shaw, age four.
Letter not found.
1784-06-06
Last night I received yours of the 1. with the Letter from your Mother to you,1 by which it appears so uncertain when She will arrive or embark, that if you can persuade Mr. Smith to come over here with the Ladies when they arrive, I would not have you wait for them.
Make a Visit to Mr. Whitefoord,2 and ask the favour of him in my name to procure you a Place in the Gallery of the House of Commons, to hear the Debates.
You Say nothing of our Books at Stockdales; have you shipped them? And by whom? If not do this Business as soon as possible. I am impatient to collect together here, all the little Things which belong to me, that I too may be in a Condition to return home, upon Occasion. I expect soon what we left at Paris. I am amazed that the Opportunity by Calahan has been neglected, and that because Letters were not received.3 How could Letters be expected from me when I had reason to expect every Moment, their Arrival in England?
My best Respects to Mr. Laurens Mr. Chase and Mr. Gorham when you see them, and to all other Acquaintances.
If you can get a few Opportunities in the House of Commons, I would not have you wait for any Thing else except shipping the Books. Indeed I dont know but you might as well bring them with you to Helvoot, you might send them to Harwich by the Machine4 I suppose. I want you here, as a Secretary, as a Companion and as a Pupill. Leave a Letter for Your Mamma and Sister, with Mr. Puller or Mr. Copeley,5 that if they should arrive they may know you have been over to meet them, and that I beg them to come here with Mr. Smith as soon as possible. I have now no Expectation of their Arrival before the month of August or latter End of July, perhaps not before the Fall. Happy Mr. Jay! Happy Mr. Laurens! in their Prospects of 339Seeing home. I wish I had been wise enough, to have persisted in my Plan of going home too. But the Resolution of Congress of the 1. May 1783,6 and the desire of doing Some little service in the Execution of it if I could, deceived me. What will now be the Consequence I know not. It has put me to sea, in an Ocean of Uncertainties, public and private. The Return of Mr. Laurens and Mr. Jay, will make still further alterations probably in the Intentions of Congress. I have nothing to do but wait, here untill I know. Come to me, and help me, for I must remain here now untill the Ladies arrive, and I hope untill I embark for Boston.
See JQA to JA, 1 June, note 1, above.
Caleb Whitefoord had been secretary to the British peace commissioner Richard Oswald in 1783 (
DNB
).
JA is reacting to the opening paragraph of AA's letter of 12 April, above; see also JQA to JA, 18 May, note 1, above.
That is, by stage or mail coach (
OED
).
Richard or Charles Puller, JA's London bankers (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:172); the painter John Singleton Copley, whom JA had met, for the first time since the Revolution, in London in Nov. 1783 (same, 3:150).
Naming JA, Benjamin Franklin, and John Jay as ministers to negotiate a commercial treaty with Great Britain.
1784-06-06
Last Wednesday Mr. W. Vaughan, got me introduced into the house of Commons, and I was there, from about 2. in the afternoon till 1. the next morning. The Subject, was a very dry, uninteresting one to me, it was the Westminster election, and the time, till 10 at night was taken up in hearing the Council
The other day, I met with Govr. Pownall who desired me to present his Compliments to you; he wishes to know something about the business of the donation,3 but I told him I believed you had heard nothing of it; he is going to spend some time in the South of France.
I saw Mr. Temple this day: he desired I would send you the enclosed Letter, on account of the paragraph marked + thus. He would wish to have the Letter by the return Post.4
Captn. Callahan informs me that a wedding, was talked of in our family when he left America; if so I fear we shall not have the pleasure of seeing my Sister here.
Mr. Jay sailed about a week since from Dover; Mr. Laurens left this place last evening for Falmouth, to sail for New York in the Packet.
Elision points in the MS, here and below.
This may refer to Nathaniel Gorham's effort to raise funds for the rebuilding of Charlestown, Mass. (see Richard Cranch to JA, 20 Aug. 1783, and note 1, above). JA and JQA had visited Thomas Pownall at his home at Richmond Hill, Surry, in Nov. 1783. Pownall had been governor of Massachusetts, 1757–1760, and was warmly thought of by many Americans for his liberal views on colonial administration in the years before the Revolution (JQA, Diary
, 1:206;
DNB
).
See JA to JQA, 11 June, note 1, below.
1784-06-06
A young Gentleman of 17, must not talk of low Spirits for Small disappointments. He must reconcile his Mind to them. He will meet with many. My Friend Dr. Warren often told me, I was the most uniformly lucky Man, he ever knew,2 and indeed I must acknowledge, I have been often fortunate, both before and Since his Compliment. Notwithstanding which my Life has been a Series of dissappointments, chequered with only now and then a Ray of good Luck, and this rather for the Public than myself.
If you Still find a difficulty to get a Look at the British orators dont distress yourself, but return. You may embark with the Books for Rotterdam or come by the Way of Harwich as you please. If Mr. Smith cannot come with the Ladies, you must go over again when they arrive. Get the Books on their Way at all Events.
I Should think that Mr. Copeley Mr. West, Mr. Oswald or Mr. Stockdale might ask a Member to let you make Use of his Name, or I Suppose that for a Guinea to the Door Keeper he would admit you, but I would not advise you to go alone.
Desire Mr. Copeley to get a Frame made for my Picture and do you give him the Money. He will tell you how much and give you a Receipt.3 The Frame should be made, to take to Pieces, so that it may be removed to the Hague or to Boston, in time. Thus this Piece of Vanity will be finished. May it be the last.
The Sooner you come here the better. I will immediately introduce you to the foreign Ministers, and all the Principal People, and you will find yourself very well here. Your Studies can be no where So well prosecuted. I would have you finish Suetonius and begin Ovid.4 I am now Sorry I interrupted your Career, but it will do you no harm. A Change of Air and Diet and an Increase of Exercise, are very usefull sometimes. Besides you have now Seen England in its Bloom and Verdure. I will take the Dutch Gazettes and We will learn together the Language, which I find may easily be done. Dont fatigue yourself in travelling. Keep your Mind easy and your Body cool, your Spirits chearfull and your humour gay. Let nothing frett you, or grieve you but your own faults which I hope will be few. Nothing Should distress Us in this World but our own Blunders. Hardly any Man that ever existed, met with more Vexations than I have, and although I have not been always able to observe my Maxim, I have often found an 342Advantage in it. So I recommend it to you in its Utmost Extent. Have a Care of Mistakes. Be Sure you do your own Duty; fill your own Sphere: and then leave the Rest.
I cant be quite reconciled to your coming off, without one look at the Commons. Beg Mr. Vaughan, Mr. any Body to go with you, and if no other Way will do give Money to the Door Keeper. Dr. Jebb,5 perhaps would oblige you, or Mr. Jennings so far as to ask this favour of some Member. Talents at Negotiation much inferiour to yours, I should think might carry such a Point.
This letter would appear to be a second answer to JQA's letter of 1 June, above; note JA's reference in the first sentence to the “low Spirits” of which JQA complained on 1 June.
Compare Dr. Joseph Warren's remarks to JA of 1 Jan. 1773 (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:77).
In Dec. 1783, JA had paid one hundred guineas for this portrait, the only known life-sized painting of him; but despite his payment and his directions here to have a frame made for it, he did not receive the portrait until 1817, shortly after Copley's death. Engravings were made from the portrait in 1786 and 1794. See Oliver, Portraits of JA and AA
, p. 23–38, and illustrations 9–17.
Between 1 March and 13 May, JQA translated into French Suetonius' lives of Caesar, Augustus, Tiberius, and Claudius, and copied his earlier translation of Suetonius' Caligula, which he had made from May to July 1783. Upon his return to The Hague, he translated Suetonius' Nero (9–26 July), thus completing his 462–page translation of the first six of Suetonius' Lives of the Twelve Caesars. Also at The Hague, JQA had finished (29 Feb.) his translation into English of Virgil's Aeneid, begun in Nov. 1783 (237 p.), and translated Tacitus' Agricola into French (60 p.). These translations are in M/JQA/44 (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 239), and M/JQA/45 (same, Reel No. 240). He does not seem to have begun his study of Ovid, however, until he purchased the poet's works in March 1785, in Paris (JQA, Diary
, 1:235, and note 1).
Dr. John Jebb, a warm friend of America, with whom JA and JQA had dined in Nov. 1783 (JQA, Diary
, 1:202, and note 1).
1784-06-11
I am so pleased with your Letters, in general, that you may well believe that of the 6. has contributed very much to my Happiness.
As you have found the Way into the Gallery, I hope you will not neglect it, but attend every Day. It is a great and illustrious School.
I return you inclosed, the Letter from Mr. Dexter to Mr. Temple,1 to whom present my Compliments. In a Letter I wrote a Year ago to Mr. Adams2 I urged upon him to make and publish a Collection of his Writings and I have mentioned it many Times in Conversation with Americans. It is a Work which ought to be given to the Public: But Mr. Adams will never do it. It will be done, imperfectly by some 343other, hereafter. My Advice to you is to Search for every Scratch of his Pen, and lay it up with Care.
My Respects to G. Pownal and Mr. Jackson. I have no News about the Donation.3 Thank Mr. Jackson for introducing his polish Acquaintance,4 and assure him that his Friends Shall ever meet with a cordial Reception from me and his Intelligence will be not only agreable but usefull to me.
I have not yet seen Mr. Bingham nor the Packet by him.
I would not have you stay long. I want you. Send me my Books &c. I dout whether your Mamma will come: but could judge better, if I had the Packet by Mr. Bingham.
I should be glad to see the Resolves against the Cincinnati, and any other News from America.
See JQA to JA, 6 June, above. The letter is likely that of [Sept. 1782], in MHS, Colls.
, 6th ser., 9:482–484, in which the Boston merchant Samuel Dexter asserts that in 1775 the Massachusetts provincial congress had given him custody of all the letters found in Gov. Thomas Hutchinson's Milton home, and that the Rev. William Gordon had them for only a brief period (see JA, Papers
, 3:117). Dexter had made extracts from these letters demonstrating that John Temple, far from being a loyalist, was denounced by Hutchinson, who wanted his removal from his customs house position because he was so much liked by the colonists. In copying out the extracts, Dexter did not sign his name; but in his letter to Temple, Dexter expressed his willingness to be identified. The extracts, with commentary, appeared in the Continental Journal (Boston), 26 Sept. 1782, signed simply “Y.” In writing to Temple, Dexter mentioned “malicious invectives” against Temple “and my old friend Mr. Adams.” Although Dexter does not make clear whether he meant JA or Samuel Adams, this reference may have led JA to comment below on Samuel Adams' reluctance to publish his papers.
JA to Samuel Adams, 5 April 1783 (NN: George Bancroft Coll., printed in NYPL, Bull., 10:235 [April 1906]; see JA to AA, 28 March 1783 and note 10, above).
See JQA to JA, 6 June, note 3, above.
An unnamed Polish nobleman of wide acquaintance among the influential about whom Jonathan Jackson wrote at some length in a letter to JA of 7 June (Adams Papers).
1784-06-15
I this day receiv'd your favour of the 11th. instant and expect to send the Books away, in the course of this week, if I receive no contrary orders from you I shall leave this place, to morrow se'en
P.S. There is a young American here named Murray3 from Maryland, he is studying Law in the Temple, and intends making a Tour thro' Holland this Summer; perhaps he will go over at the same time I do.
JQA's quotation from Burke's speech does not convey the main thrust of Burke's argument: that the House of Commons was threatened as the protector of the people's liberties. For a full summary of Burke's speech and motion, see
Parliamentary Hist.
, 24:943–975.
Edward, first Baron Thurlow, was lord chancellor of Great Britain, presiding over the Court of Chancery from 1778 to 1792. In the 1770s he had vigously defended Britain's efforts to quell the rebellion in America.
DNB
.
William Vans Murray, then age twenty-four, 345quickly became a close friend of JQA. The two corresponded in 1784–1785, and again, very frequently, from 1797 to 1801, when JQA was U.S. minister to Prussia, and Murray succeeded JQA as U.S. minister at The Hague. While in this post, Murray played a crucial role in promoting peace between the United States and France, following the XYZ Affair and the quasi war of 1799–1800. See JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:188, note 1; JQA, Diary
, 1:265, and note 3.
1784-06-18
As You have been so kind as to undertake the care of Mr. Adams'es Estate and affairs during the absence of his family, for which it is my desire that you would regularly charge your time and trouble, the power of Attorney1 will enable you to transact all Buisness relative to the estate, but as there are some few things which could not be particularized there I have committed them to this paper as they occured to my mind. First all monies due to Mr. Adams to be paid to you. Mr. Pratt my tenant to setle Quarterly with you agreable to the lease. The House Rent in Boston will become due the last day of july. It Stands at 60 pounds pr annum. A small peice of land which Mr. Boies2 of Milton hires adjoining to his House in Dorset Alley now occupied by Mrs. Otis is let to him at 6 dollers a year and becomes due in August. The Rent due from the Medford Farm Mr. Shaw is to receive for the present Year and to account with you for the same. The next Quarters rent will be due 11th of july. He is desired to consult you from time to time respecting repairs. Mr. Shaw is to draw upon you for money from time to time for the Board and instruction of our two sons which stands at 12 shillings a week a peice, and for what ever other necessary charges of cloathing Books &c. which they may stand in need of. The dwelling house, Garden and furniture to be left in the care of Pheby and Abdee, who are to have their Rent the privilege of occupying the kitchen, Buttery, 2 Back chambers and cellar with the yard belonging to the house upon condition that they keep out all Hogs cattle &c., but this does not mean to exclude the cattle belonging to the Farm from passing through the yard in the winter Season. They are to be allowed to keep a pig, in the yard upon which the Barn stands and which I used to occupy for the same purpose. They are during the present year to have the use of the Garden east of the House and that part of the Great Garden next the road—all the fruit which grows in the Garden. Mr. Pratt and his wife may have liberty to eat currents out of the Garden but no Children to be permitted to go in to the garden. They Pheby is to be allowed 346a pint of milk a day. But in case that there should not be more than a pint a day in the winter season, then it is to be divided. They are allowed to clear up Brush and Birches in what is called Curtises pasture—but to take no wood. I give them 6 pd. of salt pork, 6 pd. of tallor in consideration of Phebys making up what is now in the house into candles and disposeing of them—1 Bushel of corn, 1 Barrel of cider or what remains in the house. I give her also a pig seven weeks old 3 pd. hogs lard and what Salt Beaf there is in the house. What Salt pork, hogs lard, tallor are left after what I have given her is deducted, she is to dispose of and account with you for the Same. The House and furniture to be taken care of by opening and airing rubbing and cleaning it—Pheby always to be under your direction and controul to be continued or displaced when ever you think proper, and always to apply to you for advice and direction. They are to be allowed the use of the Team in the fall to bring up a load of sea wead. What ever money you may receive more than sufficient for the expences of the children, you will be so kind as to employ to the best advantage. Mr. Pratt is desired to consult you in the same manner he would Mr. Adams respecting the concerns of the Farm. The Library to be under the care of Mr. Cranch. No Books to be Lent out unless to him and Mr. Tyler without the your permission of. No house furniture to be lent out. Mr. Adams account Books to be left in the hands of Mr. Tyler who is desired to collect what debts are due, and pay the same to you. In November you will be so good as to give on my account the Sum of 2 dollors to the widow Abigail Feild 2 dollors to the widow Sarah Owen who lives in the same house with her sister Feild, 2 dollors to Miss Hannah Hunt and 2 dollors to the widow Hannah Bass, 1 dollor to Mrs. Fuller and 1 dollor to the widow Mary Howard and 1 dollor to the wife of John Hayden who is an aged woman and one of my pensioners—1 dollor to the widow Mary Green.
No power of attorney dated in June or earlier has been found; see JA's power of attorney to Cotton Tufts, dated 6 Sept., below.
Perhaps James Boies (Boyes), owner of paper and slitting mills on the Neponset River in Milton in the 1760s and 1770s (JA, Legal Papers
, 1:68–72, 81–84).
1784-06-18
In my last Letter, I informed you of my intention to set off for the Hague next Wednesday; since that I have thought that it would be more prudent for me to wait 'till the Saturday after;1 because Mr. Smith is now in the Country, and will in all probability return before in the course of the next week, and I shall then be able to see him before I go: I believe he intends returning to America with Captn. Callahan, who sails by the middle of next month; in that case he will not be able to go with the Ladies, to Holland if they come; however when he arrives I shall know for certain what his intentions are. . . . The wind has been for several days very favourable, for arrivals, and one or two Vessell's are hourly expected from Boston; this is another Reason for me to wait; for surely the first Vessell will bring letters, that will inform us whether the Ladies come over this Season or not. . . . However I expect to hear from you both by next tuesday's and next friday's posts, and if you then think I had best wait no longer I shall certainly leave this place, tomorrow se'ennight: either alone, or in Company with the young Gentleman I spoke of in my Last.2
I was in the house of Commons the day before yesterday again, and heard the debates upon the subject of parliamentary reform. I was witness to something very extraordinary: I mean that Mr. Fox spoke with Mr. Pitt in support of the motion, and Mr. Dundas, with Lord North against it. . . . I have never been so much pleased with the debates as that day. Alderman Sawbridge, moved for a Committee, “to enquire into the State of Parliamentary representation,”3 and after several of the secondary speakers had delivered briefly their opinions, Lord North, made a masterly speech, against the motion, and was about two hours and an half delivering it, but Mr. Pitt in a speech of a little more than an hour's length took Lord N—'s arguments all to pieces, and turned them all against them; he spoke in a most striking and pathetic manner of the unfortunate situation in which this Country now is, and endeavoured to show that, it was for the most part owing to the defects of the representation in Parliament; this speech confirmed me in my opinion that he is the best speaker in the house, and I really think, that
348Mr. Dundas spoke for about half an hour against parliamentary reform, at least for the present time. . . . Mr. Fox then spoke near an hour and a half extremely well for the motion; he made use of a great number of very artfull and specious arguments against Mr.
JQA probably did leave London about 26 June—“the Saturday after” that he projects here—because by 1 July he was again entering letters into JA's Letterbook at The Hague (Adams Papers).
William Vans Murray.
Opening quotation mark supplied. JQA is paraphrasing John Sawbridge's motion of 16 June: “That a committee be appointed to take into consideration the present state of the Representation of the Commons of Great Britain in parliament” (
Parliamentary Hist.
, 24:980).
At least twenty members of Commons spoke to this motion, with Pitt, North, and Sawbridge speaking several times (same, 24:975–1006). William Pitt, the prime minister, initially urged Sawbridge to withdraw the motion because he intended to bring in a motion for parliamentary reform in a later session, at what he judged would be a more favorable time (24:976). Sawbridge, however, insisted on an immediate consideration of the issue, and after Lord North's long denunciation of any and all attempts at reform (24:987–992), Pitt felt that he had to support Sawbridge, and he vigorously attacked North, not only for opposing reform, but also for his management of the American war (24:998–999). Henry Dundas, M.P. for Edinburghshire, treasurer of the Navy, member of the Board of Trade, and a firm supporter of Pitt on most questions, then opposed Sawbridge. Dundas expressed his doubt that the Commons could ever be reformed, but unlike Lord North, he was disturbed by the historic corruption of parliamentary representation (Namier and Brooke, House of Commons
, 2:354–355;
Parliamentary Hist.
, 24:999). Finally, Charles James Fox, richly enjoying the irony of a debate that found William Pitt in agreement with him, supported Sawbridge's motion for reform. Fox used the occasion to attack both Crown influence in the Commons and Mr. Pitt, whom he charged with a lack of respect for the nation in his attack on Lord North's leadership during the American war when Pitt knew perfectly well that the war, which Fox had always opposed, had enjoyed popular support (24:999–1000).
With both the Fox-North and the Pitt coalitions temporarily in disarray, Sawbridge's motion failed, 199–125. Pitt did introduce a parliamentary reform measure in Feb. 1785, but after weeks of debate the prime minister was no more successful in carrying reform than the radical London alderman had been. The reform of the House of Commons' uneven 349electoral districts and its pocket and rotton buroughs had to wait until 1832.
John Sawbridge, the younger brother of Catharine Macauley, the historian so much admired by JA and other Americans of whiggish views, had introduced motions for shorter parliaments every year since 1771. A founding member of the Supporters of the Bill of Rights and an ally of John Wilkes, Sawbridge had served as sheriff (1769–1770), alderman (1769), and lord mayor (1775–76) of London, and had sat for the City in Commons almost continuously since 1774. He was an ardent friend of America and one of Lord North's fiercest opponents during the War for Independence. In March 1785 it was Sawbridge who successfully moved, over William Pitt's objections, that Charles James Fox be finally seated for Westminster (Namier and Brooke, House of Commons
, 3:409–411).
Shakespeare, Hamlet, I, ii, lines 187–188.
1784-06-18
The Oportunity that now presents of sending this by your most amiable Friend, while it makes me glad to think that so great an Addition will be made to your Happiness by the arrival of two Persons so deservedly dear to you; yet at the same time our Loss is such, as, in spight of all our Philosophy must throw a melancholly Shade over our remaining social Enjoyments. May Heaven preserve those dear Objects of your Love! Our Hopes have long been that you would have return'd to us America and added to the general Happiness by further helping us to conduct and regulate the Motions of that great political system, to the bringing of which into Being your unequal'd Exertions have so essentially contributed. But this Happiness must be postponed. I heartily wish you Success in your further Labours for the good of your Country, and will wait with Patience for that happy Period when I shall again be able to tell you by Word of Mouth with what sincere Friendship and high Esteem I am your affectionate Brother
Mrs. Adams and Miss Nabby will inform you of our Domestick and Family Circumstances. Please to give my kindest Regards to your Son, and tell him I should be happy to receive a Line from him.
1784-06-20
Little my Dear Mrs. Dana did I think I should leave America without seeing you, but a slow fever, your absence and now a thousand thousand cares are like to deprive me of that pleasure. I must 350therefore submit to biding you adieu in this way. I am going to embark very soon upon the mighty waters. Never did I think I could have been persuaded to such an undertakeing unaccompanied with Husband son or some near connection, but thus it is. Hope that springs Eternal in the Humane Breast, I pray may in some early day realize to me the promised blessing. You know the joy of meeting the long absent partner of your Heart without the personal dangers to which Your Friend may be exposed in search of that happiness.2 May your Seperations in future be of short duration and your happiness be as large as your wishes. Make my Respectfull Regards to Mr. Dana and tell him I was much dissapointed in not seeing him at Braintree. Let me hear of your welfare, and recollect that the daughter; is bethrothed and that She must be called Harriet.3 Make my Compliments to Your Brother and Sister,4 and accept my dear Madam the affectionate Regard of Your Friend
On 20 June, AA and AA2 departed from Boston for London on the Active, Capt. Nathaniel Byfield Lyde.
Francis Dana had returned to Elizabeth Ellery Dana from Europe on 12 Dec. 1783 (AA to JA, 7 Dec. 1783, above, under “December 13”).
The daughter in this cryptic sentence refers to Elizabeth Dana's unborn child, whom AA evidently wished the Danas to name Harriet, if a daughter, and whom she apparently imagined as marrying one of her sons. Elizabeth Dana did in fact give birth to her first daughter on 29 Sept., but Francis Dana, writing to JA on 12 Dec. (Adams Papers), explained that: “She is not named Hariot, as Mrs. Adams requested, but Martha Remington after our NEHGR
, 8:318 [Oct. 1854]).
Elizabeth Ellery Dana, the eldest of seven children, had two brothers, William and Edmund Trowbridge, and three sisters, Lucy (wife of William Channing), Ann, and Almy (later married to William Stedman). She also had several quite young half-brothers and sisters (same, p. 318, 320).
1784-06-21
I received your Letter of the 15th. on the 18th. and that of the 18th. this moment, and am happy to find that you Spend So much Time and take so much Pleasure in Chancery and Parliament.
Present to Mr. Vaughan and Mr. Whiteford, my Thanks for their Politeness to you.
I want to know if the Books are on their Way. You Should tell me 351Something of them in every Letter untill they are gone off, by Sea or Land.
Your Mothers Voyage is Such an Uncertainty that I would not have you wait longer, than the day you have fixed for your Departure. I know nothing in particular of the Young Gentleman you mention: But my Advice in general is to have a Care of Templars.1 You should remember I have no Secretary or Companion, and I cannot do without you. You may be here in 3 days from London, and if the Ladies arrive you may go again in 3 more, if Mr. Smith goes home.
Mr. Bingham and his Lady have been here and Spent a few Days with me. I introduced them to the Princess of Orange and the young Princess conversed with her, very agreably in English.2 Last Evening came an Invitation to them to sup at Court this night, but they went off on Saturday for Amsterdam.
You have had a Taste of the Eloquence of the Bar and of Parliament: but you will find Livy and Tacitus, more elegant, more profound and Sublime Instructors, as well as Quinctilian Cicero and Demosthenes.
There will be everlastingly a Demades and an Aeschines to plague a Demosthenes.3 Wherever a great able and Upright Man appears, there will be ever a Swarm of little, corrupt, weak or wicked ones, who will find among the People Such Numbers like themselves, as to form a Body capable of obstructing diverting and interrupting him, so that he will be able to serve the publick only now and then and generally by surprize and4 against their Will. Such will be the Fate of Mr. Pitt, if he persevers in the Line of Integrity he has taken.
This however Should not discourage, for Integrity is the only Line in which a Country can be greatly served.
If JA is expressing a distrust of the law students of the Middle Temple, where William Vans Murray was studying, the origins of that distrust are not known to the editors.
JA gives further details on Anne Willing Bingham and the Dutch court in his Diary (
Diary and Autobiography
, 3:167).
JA inserted “and an Aeschines” above the line. Demosthenes, Athens' greatest orator, was his city's most outspoken opponent of the growing power of Phillip of Macedon, and contended with the Athenian orator Aeschines throughout the 340s B.C. over the most effective policy for maintaining the independence of the Greek city states. The Athenian politician Demades, who was more deeply influenced, and corrupted, by Phillip and his successor, Alexander the Great, than was Aeschines, became an implacable foe of Demosthenes. After Macedon's final triumph over the resistance of the Greek city states in 322 B.C., Demades condemned Demosthenes to death. The great orator, in flight from Athens, then committed suicide (Oxford Classical 352Dictionary). Although JA applies this historical lesson to William Pitt the younger in this paragraph, he sounds like he is remembering his own struggles as a political leader and diplomat.
JA inserted “by surprize and” above the line.
1784-06-26
Mr. Dodge has just informed me of his design to go to Boston tomorrow, and has kindly offered to convey a Letter. I thank you for Yours,2 and more for the Care of our little Daughter, and for the affection you discover in writing to me so much about her. I find that almost every thing is of importance, that relates to our dear Children. She never lodged out of the House a night in her life without me before now, and I feel that her absence, has touched some maternal strings, that never before were put in motion, though her Father sometimes calls me Pelican, and believes I think but little
Indeed my Sister I was glad I left her with you, for though when I got home I was much fatigued with the heat, &c., Susa desired me to let her go the next day which was Saturday to see her Sister. I gave her leave, but was sorry immediately, for it was so near the Sabbath that there was no probability of my procuring any other help. But fortunately for me the Girl that sometimes used to assist me, came home from Election, Just time enough to milk my Cows, that night, though very tired with her little Excursion, which she had made on foot. When I came to over look my family matters, and find how little attention had been paid to my milk, and to every thing else I was determined she should never come into the house to do any more for me. Accordingly when she returned, we told her, we had no further service for her. It was almost ten Clock, and it rained. My heart aked you may believe, but since she had told me that our kindness had been her snare, I hoped the severity of Justice would restore her to a proper state of mind. We have now got rid of root, and branch. I hope this affair will not make me a tyrant to my help.
Mr. Thaxter got here a Friday, will go to Mrs. Wests tomorrow.
Where now is our dear Sister Adams, and our charming Niece, upon the mighty billows! May gentle Zephyrs waft them safely to their distined Shore.
Ah! my Sister my spirit was witness to the parting Scene. I saw all the various passions rioting in my nabby's Face. I saw——I saw the struggle in the Parents Brawful absolute necessi
Eliza and I can dream you know. If Sister is not yet gone she must not know that my Spirit nightly visits her, though I am sure it is no spirit of mine, if it would not gladly calm every anxious thought, and sweetly lull her fears to rest.
It is bed time and I am called, but I must be as good as my word to Billy, for he will ask me in the morning. Billy says “Sister must be a good Girl, and when she comes home not pester him. Please to give my Love to her and tell her I long to kiss her,” and he is not the only one that wants to I can assure him.
I can
The date assigned is the nearest Saturday—“ Sabbath Eve”—to 29 June, the date in the docketing (which could have been the date on which Mary Cranch received the letter). The letter may, however, be of an earlier Saturday in June; in the sixth paragraph, beginning “Eliza and I can dream. . .,” Elizabeth seems unsure whether AA has yet sailed.
Not found.
The pelican, in fable and in Christian symbolism, would tear open its breast to feed its young with its blood.
In the imagined parting scene here, the “various passions rioting in my nabby's Face” must refer to AA2's mixed feelings upon leaving Royall Tyler.
1784-06
There is no Accomplishment, more usefull or reputable, or which conduces more to the Happiness of Life, to a Man of Business or of Leisure, than the Art of writing Letters. Symplicity, Ease, Familiarity and Perspicuity, comprehend all the necessary Rules. But these are not acquired without Attention and Study. The Habit you now form will go with you through Life. Spare no Pains then to begin well. Never write in haste. Suffer no careless Scroll ever to go out of your hand. Take time to think, even upon the most trifling Card. Turn your Thoughts in your Mind, and vary your Phrases and the order of your Words, that a Taste and Judgment may appear, even in the most ordinary Composition. I cannot offer you my Example, with my Precept.
comprehended.” At the bottom of the page, JQA wrote in quotation marks, also in a somewhat later hand: “Nothing has so much influence over the human heart as the voice of undoubted friendship; 354we know that our friend may possibly be mistaken, but we are certain he can never deceive us; we may differ from him in opinion, but we can never treat his unself counsels with contempt.”
1784-07-03
From the first of April to this time, I have been in constant and anxious Expectation of hearing of your Arrival in London. Your Letters encouraged me to hope and expect it, otherwise I should have been with you at Braintree before now. I still expect to hear of your arrival every moment, but as your last letters by Mr. Warren1 expressed a doubt, it is possible, even that this Letter may find you in America. If it does, I shall leave it to your discretion, to embark or not, if you embark, burn the inclosed.2 But notwithstanding that you will probably have to return again to America in the Spring with me, if you do not embark, send the enclosed on to the President of Congress, and I will be at home as soon as I can. But I fear it will not be before the Spring, perhaps not before June or July; if you conclude to come to me, you may marry your Daughter beforehand if you will and bring her Husband with her. If you do not come, you may still marry your Daughter if you think proper.
My own Opinion is, you had better Stay. I will come home, and make my Hill shine as bright as General Warren's, and leave Politicks to those who understand them better and delight in them more, Breed my Boys, to the Bar and to Business, and My Girls too, and live and die in primaeval simplicity and Innocence. You may depend upon it, I will not be jockied again. Yours &c.
AA to JA, 12 April, and AA to JQA, 25 April, both above, brought by Winslow Warren to London, in Capt. Callahan's ship.
In the letter to the president of Congress (Thomas Mifflin) of the same date (LbC, Adams Papers), which he may have enclosed with an RC of this letter to AA, JA expressed his doubt whether Congress still wanted him to negotiate a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, since he had never received a commission for this task. He then repeated his desire to return to America and requested a letter of recall, which was required for decency's sake in taking leave of the States General of the Netherlands. He concluded: “it is my unalterable Resolution, not to remain in Europe, consuming in vain but unavoidable Ostentation, the Labour of my fellow Citizens, any longer than I can see a Probability of being of some use to them.” It appears almost certain that this letter never reached Congress.
1784-07-03
I wrote you a few Lines1 by your most amiable Partner who sailed in a Ship commanded by Capt. Byfield Lyde, from Boston, the 20th. Ulto. I hope that before you receive this you will have had the inexpressible Happiness of meeting her and your dear Daughter in Europe. Our worthy Friend the Honble. Cotton Tufts Esqr. wrote you this Morning, since which the Secretary has deliver'd me the inclosed Act. As the Doctor intended it for you but was gone out of Town before I received it, I now enclose it to you by favour of the Honble. Mr. Tracy.2 Our Friend the Honble. James Lovell Esqr. was this Day chosen Naval Officer for the Port of Boston. I hope the Post will afford him a genteel Living. His Virtues and great Sufferings in the common Cause have entitul'd him to a much better Support than he has hitherto met with. Our Friends are all well. I am with the greatest Love and Esteem for you and your dear Connections, your affectionate Bror.
I long to hear of the safe arrival of our dear Friends.
That of 18 June, above.
The secretary of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts was John Avery Jr. (“A Register for the Commonwealth of Massachusetts,” p. 2, in A Pocket Almanack. . .1784, T. & J. Fleet, Boston). The bearer of this letter was probably not the Newburyport merchant Nathaniel Tracy, owner of and passenger on the Ceres, but Thomas Jefferson, who took passage on this ship and carried Cotton Tufts' letter of 3 July to JA, above; see note 4 there, and Jefferson, Papers
, 7:311, 321, 358.
Only one act passed by 3 July in the session of the Massachusetts legislature that began in late May would have profoundly interested JA—that designed to protect American commerce from the measures being taken by Great Britain. On 30 April, Congress had resolved to urge the states to grant to it, for fifteen years, the power “to prohibit any goods, wares or merchandize from being imported into or exported from any of the states” in ships owned or navigated by subjects of any country that had not signed a commercial treaty with the United States. Further, aliens were not to import into or export from the United States any goods not the products of their country of citizenship unless “authorised by treaty” signed with the United States. Massachusetts passed the appropriate legislation on 1 July, with the proviso that it would not be effective until every state had passed the same law (
JCC
, 26:321–322; Mass., Acts and Laws
, 1784–1785, p. 41).
1784-07-03
Since Mrs. Adams's Departure I have revolved within myself, whether you would not have an Inclination to purchase the piece of Land on Pens Hill (belonging to the Estate of the Honle. James Verchild late of St. Kitts deceased)1 which you have for some years past improved. His Heirs, I am informed, are now in England, that the Estate in the West Indies is under Mortgage, But that part of it which is in this State is free. I am told that he has a Son by Name James who is probably the Heir to it. Mr. Cranch has wrote to his Kinsman Mr. Elworthy to enquire out the lawful Heir and to confer with Him upon the Subject so far it relates to that which he has under Improvement. There is also a piece of Land belonging to the same Estate, which for many years past was improved by Col. Quincy and which His Heirs would wish to purchase. As these Lands cannot be an Object to the Heirs Worth Keeping, I should suppose they would readily agree for the Sale of them either in Person or by Authorizing some Person here for that Purpose. Should you obtain any Intelligence with respect to the lawful Heir of these Lands and their Disposition to sell, youll be pleased to give me the earliest Intelligence.
A Bill passed Yesterday for voting certain Powers in Congress—x a Copy of which is enclosed.2 Mr. Partridge one of our Delegates to Congress is returned. Mr. Gerry is expected dayly. Mr. Dana remains at Annapolis as one of the Committee of the States,3 the Committee I am informed, will probably adjourn to Trenton on or before September next.
For 8 or 9 Months past we have been alarmed with repeated Accounts of Encroachments on our Eastern Territories by British Subjects, they are rapidly forming Settlements to the Westward of what we suppose to be the River St. Croix intended by the Treaty. But of this You have already or probably will have more particular Information. Mr. Cranch presents Love &c.
x
I expected the Secretary would have furnished me with a Copy timely enough to have enclosed it before I should go Home it being Saturday and my Horse
Presumably James George Verchild, who also owned the Braintree house in which Richard Cranch lived (William Cranch to Richard Cranch, 26 April 1806, MHi: Cranch Family Papers).
Enclosed with Richard Cranch to JA, 3 July, above.
Under the Articles of Confederation, Congress was empowered to create a committee made up of one delegate from each state to act while Congress was in recess. Congress spelled out the powers of the committee and appointed its members on 29 May, and adjourned on 3 June (
JCC
, 27:474–477, 555–556).
This passage, keyed to the “x” in the text, was written in the margin. Thomas Jefferson sailed from Boston on 5 July, and presumably took Cranch's letter of 3 July, above, as well as this letter and Lovell's letter of
Papers
, 7:2). On this same date, Tufts wrote a brief letter to
AA
(Adams Papers); its only news was the death of her Braintree neighbors Joseph Nightengale Sr., and Deacon Savil's widow.
1784-07-05
Suppose every proper Epithet to occupy these two upper Lines.
Under them all I most cordially salute you. Once upon the Arrival of a Ship from France “you was too happy to find Time for answering Letters.”2 I do not now want any Answer. All I wish is that you may steal from yourself and one other a Minute for reading this short Scrawl. Your Benevolence and your Curiosity secure my Wish; and, here you are, if there is a Providence protecting Virtue—Don't let that if throw my Paper into the Fire, for it was not a mark of real Supposition. Here you are, I say, going to receive what you did not expect or even wish for five minutes ago.—an Addition to your Felicity.
You once wept at my confidential Communication of the veritable Cause of my seemingly obstinate and naughty long Seperation from my dear Wife and Children.3 To the Tears then shed, I owe the Gratitude of an Information that two days ago I was most unexpectedly appointed Naval Officer of this Port, instead of that Draft of small Beer which I have told you I should want, cannot fail to afford a very competent Support to a Family whose Wellfare you have proved to be one of your tender Concerns. I had often told my Confidents that I could not expect even a decent Sustinence till the Reign of Portia's Husband here when an Application for FavoChild unnecessary but has even overruled the little Doings of a big one of the latter Class5 to prevent my Success.
James Lovell received his appointment as naval officer at Boston on 3 July (Richard Cranch to JA, 3 July, above), which, he says below, occurred “two days ago.” The 5th was also the day that Thomas Jefferson sailed for Europe, apparently taking this letter with him (Cotton Tufts to JA, 3 July, above). Lovell, AA's closest correspondent outside her family, exchanged nearly one hundred letters with her between 1777 and 1782, the years of his service as a Massachusetts delegate in Congress. This is his only known letter to AA between May 1782 and 1789. See vols. 2 and 4:indexes; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 1:288, note 1.
Closing quotation mark supplied. The reference must be to JA's return from France in 1779, but if AA did write something similar to the quoted passage, it is in a letter that has not been found.
See AA to Lovell, 13 May 1781, and Lovell's reply of 16 June 1781, especially his reference there to “small Beer,” which he uses again in this paragraph (vol. 4:112–113, 148–151).
Lovell's predecessor was Nathaniel Barber (“A Register for the Commonwealth of Massachusetts,” p. 28, in A Pocket Almanack. . . 1784, T. & J. Fleet, Boston).
Perhaps a reference to Gov. John Hancock.
from the ocean
I have been 16 days at sea, and have not attempted to write a single Letter; tis true I have kept a journal1 when ever I was able, but that must be close locked up; unless I was sure to hand it you with safety.
Tis said of Cato the Roman censor, that one of the 3 things which he regreted during his Life, was going once by sea when he might have made his journey by land; I fancy the philosopher was not proof against that most disheartning, disspiriting malady, Sea sickness. Of this I am very sure, that no Lady would ever wish; or a second time try the Sea; were the objects of her pursuit within the reach of a land journey; I have had frequent occasion since I came on Board, to recollect an observation of my best Friends, “that no Being in Nature was so dissagreable as a Lady at Sea,” and this recollection has in a great measure reconciled me to the thought of being at sea without him; for one would not wish my dear sister; to be thought of, in that Light: by those to whom we would wish to appear in our best array; the decency and decorum of the most delicate female must in some 359measure yeald to the necessitys of Nature; and if you have no female, capable of rendering you the least assistance; you will feel gratefull to any one who will feel for you and relieve, or compassionate your sufferings.
And this was truly the case of your poor sister, and all her female companions, when not one of us could make our own Beds; put on, or take of our shoes, or even lift a finger. As to our other cloathing we wore the greater part of it, untill we were able to help ourselves; added to this misfortune Brisler my Man servant was as bad as any of us; but for Jobe,2 I know not what we should have done; kind, attentive quick, neat, he was our Nurse for two days and Nights, and from handling the sails at the top gallant masthead, to the more femenine employment of making wine cordial, he has not his equal on Board; in short he is the favorite of the whole ship.
Our sickness continued for ten days; with some intermissions. We crawled upon deck when ever we were able, but it was so cold and damp that we could not remain long upon it, and the confinement of the Air below, the constant rolling of the vessel and the Nausea of the Ship which was much too tight, contributed to keep up our disease. The vessel is very deep loaded with oil and potash, the oil leaks the potash smoaks and ferments, all adds to the flavour. When you add to all this the horrid dirtiness of the ship, the slovenness of the steward, and the unavoidable sloping spilling occasiond by the tossing of the Ship, I am Sure you will be thankfull that the pen is not in the hands of Swift, or Smollet, and still more so that you are far removed from the Scene. No sooner was I able to move; than I found it necessary to make a Bustle amongst the waiters, and demand a Cleaner abode; by this time Brisler was upon his feet; and as I found I might reign mistress on Board without any offence I soon exerted my Authority with scrapers mops Brushes, infusions of viniger; &c. and in a few hours you would have thought yourself in a different Ship. Since which our abode is much more tolerable and the Gentlemen all thank me for my care; our Captain3 is an admirable Seaman—always attentive to his Sails, and his rigging, keeps the deck all night, carefull of every body on Board; watchfull that they run no risks, kind and humane to his Men; who are all as still and quiet as any private family, nothing cross or Dictatorial in his Manners, a much more agreable Man than I expected to find him; he cannot be called a polished gentleman; but he is so far as I have Seen; a very clever Man.
We have for passengers a Col. Norten,4 who is a grave sedate Man, 360of a Good Natural understanding, improved by Buisness, and converse with Mankind; his litterary accomplishments not very great. A Mr. Green, a scotch Man I am persuaded, high perogative Man plumes himself upon his country; haughty and imperious, but endeavours to hide this with the appearence of politeness; which however he is too apt to transgress upon any occasion; whenever any subject arises, which does not intirely agree with his sentiments. He calls himself an english Man, has been in the British Service during the war as a secretary on Board some of the British Admirals; he is a Man of sense and of reading, the most so of any we have on Board.5 Next to him is Dr. Clark6 to whom we are under obligations for every kindness, and every attention that it is in the power of a Gentleman and a physician to shew. Humane Benevolent tender and attentive, not only to the Ladies, but to every one on Board, to the servant, as well as the master, he has renderd our voyage much more agreeable and pleasent than it possibly could have been without him, his advice we have stood in need of, and his care we have felt the Benifit of, a Brother could not have been kinder, nor a parent tenderer, and it was all in the pleasent easy cheerfull way, without any thing studied Labourd, or fullsome, the natural result of a good Heart, possesst with a power of making others happy.
Tis not a little attention that we Ladies stand in need of at sea, for it is not once in the 24 hours that we can even Cross the cabbin; without being held, or assisted. Nor can we go upon deck without the assistance of 2 Gentlemen; and when there, we are allways bound into our Chairs: whilst you I imagine are scorching under the mid summer heat; we can comfortably bear our double calico Gowns; our Baize ones upon them; and a cloth cloak in addition to all these.
Mr. Foster7 is an other passenger on Board, a Merchant; a Gentleman soft in his manners; very polite and kind, Loves domestick Life, and thinks justly of it. I respect him on this account. Mr. Spear brings up the Rear, a single Gentleman; with a great deal of good humour, some wit; and much drollery, easy and happy blow high or blow low, can sleep and laugh at all seasons. These are our Male companions. I hardly thought a Leiut. Mellicot worth mentioning who only is I believe a mere pot companion, tho he keeps not with us, except at meal times, when he does not behave amiss. My Name sake8 you know, she is a modest pretty woman; and behaves very well. I have accustomed myself to writing a little every Day when I was able; so that a small motion of the Ship does not render it more unintelligible than u
l.
But there is no time since I have been at sea; when the Ship is what we call still; that its motion is not equal to the moderate rocking of a cradle. As to wind and weather since we came out; they have been very fortunate for us in general, we have had 3 Calm days, and 2 days contrary wind with a storm, I call'd it, but the Sailors say it was only a Breeze. This was upon the Banks of Newfoundland, the Wind at East. Through the day we could not set in our Chairs, only as some Gentleman set by us, with his Arm fastned into ours; and his feet braced against a table or chair that was lashed down with Ropes, Bottles, Mugs, plates crasshing to peices, first on one side; and then on the other. The Sea running mountain high, and knocking against the sides of the vessel as tho it would burst the sides. When I became so fatigued with the incessant motion; as not to be able to set any longer; I was assisted into my Cabbin,9 where I was obliged to hold myself in; with all my might the remainder of the Night: no person who is a Stranger to the sea; can form an adequate Idea, of the debility occassiond by sea Sickness. The hard rocking of a Ship in a storm, the want of sleep for many Nights, alltogether reduce one to such a lassitude, that you care little for your fate. The old Sea men thought nothing of all this, nor once entertaind an Idea of danger, compared to what they have sufferd; I do suppose it was trifling, but to me it was allarming and I most heartily prayed: if this was only a Breeze; to be deliverd from a storm.
Our accommodations on Board are not what I could wish, or hoped for. We cannot be alone, only when the Gentlemen are thoughtfull enough to retire upon deck, which they do for about an hour in the course of the day; our state rooms are about half as large as Cousin Betsys little Chamber, with two Cabbins in each. Mine had 3, but I could not live so; upon which Mrs. Adams'es Brother10 gave up his Berth to Nabby, and we are now stowed, two and two. This place has a small grated window, which opens into the Companion, and is the only air admitted. The door opens into the Cabbin where the Gentlemen all Sleep; and wh
If the wind and weather continues as favorable as it has hietherto 362been; we expect to make our passage in 30 days, which is going a hundred miles a day. Tis a vast tract of ocean which we have to traverse; I have contemplated it with its various appearences; it is indeed a secret world of wonders, and one of the Sublimist objects in Nature.
They proclaim the deity, and are objects too vast for the controul of feble Man, that Being alone, who maketh the Clouds his Chariots and rideth upon the wings of the wind;12 is equal to the Goverment of this Stupendous part of Creation.
And now my dear sister after this minute account of my important self, which judgeing by myself, you take an affectionate interest in, I call upon you to inquire after your welfare, my much Esteemed Brothers, and my dear Neices? Not a day, or Night, but I visit your calm retreat, look at my own deserted Habitation, and recollect past endearments, with a melancholy composure. And realy am so vain, as to commisirate you, on account of the vacuity I fancy my absence occasions.
We are so formed, says an injenious writer, as to be always pleased with some what in prospect, however distant or however trivial; thus do I gratify myself with the Idea of returning to my Native land, tho the prospect is distant. Pleasures, says Pope are ever in our hands or Eyes. I have lost part of the other line, but the Idea is, that if We are not in the present possession of them, they rise to us in prospect. I will now tell you, where I am sitting, at a square table in the Great Cabin, at one corner of which is Col. Norten and Mr. Foster engaged in playing back Gammon, at the other, Mr. Green writing, and at the fourth, Dr. Clark eating ham. Behind Col. Norten, Mr. Spear reading Tompsons Seasons with his Hat on, young Lawrence behind me reading Ansons Voyages, Ester kniting, the Steward and Boys Bustling about after wine and porter, and last of all as the least importantly employ'd Mrs. Adams, and Nabby in their Cabbin a sleep and this at 12 oclock in the day. O Shame! The Captain comes down and finds me writing, kindly tenders me some large paper to write upon. I believe he thinks I shall have occasion for it. This man has a kindness in his disposition which his countanance does not promise.
Mr. Green comes down from deck and reports that the Mate says we are 16 hundred miles on our Way. This is good hearing. I can scarcly realize myself upon the ocean, or that I am within 14 hundred 363miles of the British coast. I rejoice with trembling. Painfull and fearfull Ideas, will arise and intermix, with the pleasureable hopes of a joyfull meeting of my long absent Friend. I frequently recollect some lines of Miss Mores, in her Sir Eldred of the Bower.13 Discribing a mixture of hope and anxiety, she says
I shall write whilst I am on Board when ever I can catch a quiet time, it is an amusement to me, reading tires me, work I do sometimes, but when there is no writing there is less pleasure in working; I shall keep the Letter open untill I arrive and put it on Board the first vessel I find comeing to America. Tis impossible for me to find any variety at Sea to entertain my Friends with, so that this Letter with all its inaccuracies must be submitted to them. Do not however expose me, especially where I have a little credit; you know very well that affection and intimacy will cover a multitude of faults.
If I did not write every day, I should lose the days of the month, and of the week, confined all day to day on account of the weather; which is foggy, misty, and wet. You can hardly judge how urksome this confinement is; when the whole ship is at our Service; it is little better than a prison; we Suppose ourselves near the western Islands.14 O dear variety! how pleasing to the humane mind is Change; I cannot find such a fund of entertainment within myself as not to require outward objects for my amusement. Nature abounds with variety, and the mind unless fixed down by habit, delights in contemplating new objects, and the variety of Scenes which present themselves to the Senses, were certainly designd to prevent our attention from being too long fixed upon any one object; and this says a late celebrated medical writer; greatly conduces to the Health of the animal frame. Your studious people and your deep thinkers, he observes, seldom enjoy either health or spirits. This writer I recommend to your perusal; and will tell you that you may borrow him it of our Friend Mrs. Warren, tis Buchans domestick Medicine.15 I have read him since I came to Sea with much pleasure.
I have been in much trouble, upon looking over my Letters since I came on Board, to find those given me, by my Friend Mrs. Warren; 364missing; I cannot account for it, in any other way; than that I must have put them into the pocket of the Chaise, when I received them; which I recollect; and I did not think to take them out; you remember the day, with all its circumstances, and will accordingly apoligize to our Friend, whose goodness, I know will pardon the omission; nor add to my mortification, by charging it to inattention.
An other wet drisly day, but we must not complain, for we have a fair wind; our sails all square and go at 7 knots an hour. I have made a great acquisition, I have learnt the Names and places of all the masts and sails; and the Captain compliments me by telling me that he is sure I know well enough how to steer to take a trick at Helm; I may do pretty well in fair weather, but tis your masculine Spirits that are made for Storms. I love the tranquil scenes of Life; nor can I look forward to those in which tis probable I shall soon be engaged, with those pleasureable Ideas; which a retrospect of the past presents to my mind.
I went last evening upon deck, at the invitation of Mr. Foster to view that phenomenon of Nature; a blaizing ocean. A light flame Spreads over the ocean in appearence; with thousands of thousands Sparkling Gems, resembling our fire flies in a dark Night. It has a most Beautifull appearence.16 I never view the ocean without being filled with Ideas of the Sublime, and am ready to break forth with the psalmist, “Great and Marvellous are thy Works, Lord God Almighty; in Wisdom hast thou made them all.”17
Yesterday was a very pleasent day, very little wind; but a fine sun and smooth sea. I spent the most of the day upon deck reading; it was not however so warm; but a Baize gown was very comfortable; the ship has gradually become less urksome to me. If our cook was but tolerably clean, I could realish my victuals, but he is a great dirty lazy Negro; with no more knowledge of cookery than a savage; nor any kind of order in the distribution of his dishes, but hickel tapickelta,
A Sunday I wrote part of a Letter to Sister Shaw;18 since which I have not used my pen, even in my journal. Monday we had a fair wind but too much to be able to write, as it was right aft, and we pitch'd exceedingly, which is a motion more dissagreeable to me than the rocking's tho less fatigueing; a twesday a Calm. Should you not suppose that in a Calm we at least had the Satisfaction of lyeing still? Alass it is far otherways; as my flesh, and bones, witness. A Calm generally succeeds a storm or a fresh Breeze; the Sea has a great swell after the wind is silent, so that the Ship lies intirely at the mercy of the waves, and is knocked from side to side with a force you can form no Idea of without experience; I have been more wearied and worn out with the motion and exercise of a calm, than in rideing 50 miles in a day. We have had 3 days in succession nearly calm. The first is the most troublesome, as the motion of the Sea Subsides in a degree. It is however a great trial of ones patience, to think yourself within a few days of your desired port, to look at it, as the promised land; and yet to be held fast.
I begin to think that a Calm is not desireable in any situation in life, every object is most Beautifull in motion, a ship under sail trees Gently agitated with the wind, and a fine women danceing, are 3 instances in point; Man was made for action, and for Bustle too I believe. I am quite out of conceit with calms. I have more reason for it too, than many others, for the dampness of the ship has for several day threatned me with the Rheumatisim, and yesterday morning I was seazed with it in good earnest; I could not raise my Head, nor get out of bed without assistance, I had a good deal of a fever and was very sick; I was fearfull of this before I came to sea and had medicine put up proper, which the doctor administerd. What with that, good Nursing and rubbing, flannel, &c. I am able to day to set up in my Bed, and write as you see. To day we have a small wind, but tis night a Head. This is still mortifying, but what we had reason to expect. Patience, patience, patience is the first second and third 366virtues of a seaman, or rather as necessary to them, as to a statesman.19 3 days good wind would give us land.
We have an other wet misty day; the Cabbin so damp that I dare not set in it; am therefore obliged confined as it is to keep in my own little room; and upon my bed. I long for the day which will give us land. Ester makes but a poor hand at sea; scarcly a day but what she is sick some part of it, I hope she will be the better for it when she gets on shore. We have but one passenger which we should have been willing to have been without; I have no particular reason to dislike him, as he is studiously complasant to me; but I know his politeness to me, is not personally upon my own account; but because of my connection which gives me importance sufficient to intitle me to his notice. Nabby says he is exactly Such a Character as Mr. Anger;20 I realy think there is a stricking resemblance; he is always inquiring who was such a General? What was his origin and rank in Life? I have felt a Disposition to quarrel with him several times; but have restraind myself; and only observed to him mildly, that merit; not tittles, gave a man preeminence in our Country, that I did not doubt it was a mortifying circumstance to the British nobility, to find themselves so often conquerd by mecanicks and mere husband men—but that we esteemed it our Glory to draw such characters not only into the field, but into the Senate; and I believed no one would deny but what they had shone in both. All our passengers enjoyed this conversation, and the Gentleman was civil enough to drop the Subject, but the venom Spits out very often; yet the creature is sensible and entertaining when upon indifferent Subjects: he is a haughty Scotchman. He hates the French, and upon all occasions ridicules them and their Country. I fancy from his haughty airs, that his own rank in Life has not been superiour to those whom he affects to dispise. He is not a man of liberal Sentiments, and is less beloved than any passenger we have on Board. A mans humour contributes much to the making him agreable, or other ways, dark and sour humours, especially those which have a spice of malevolence in them are vastly dissagreable. Such men have no musick in their Souls. I believe he would hardly be so complasant if he knew how meanly I thought of him; but he deserves it all, his whole countanance shews his Heart.
Give me joy my dear sister, we have sounded to day and found bottom 55 fathom. We have seen through the course of the day 20 367different Sail, Spoke with a small Boat, upon a smuggling expedition, which assured us we were within the Channel.
This day four weeks we came on Board, are you not all calculating to day that we are near the land? Happily you are not wrong in your conjectures, I do not dispair of seeing it yet before night, tho our wind is very Small and light. The Captain has just been down to advise us as the vessel is so quiet, to get what things we wish to carry on shore into our small trunks. He hopes to land us at Portsmouth 70 miles distant from London tomorrow or next, day. From thence we are to proceed in post chaises to London. The ship may be a week in the channel before she will be able to get up.
Be so good as to let Mrs. Feild know that Ester has stood her voyage as well as I expected. She has been very sick Sometimes, but not a day since a few of the first, but what she has been able to go upon deck when it was proper weather. She says she is not home sick, nor has ever repented her comeing. I have sometimes thought she had reason too, and have wonderd how she could help it when she has sufferd so much, and no greater temptation to carry her out, than just comeing with me; she has not wanted for any kind of care, as the doctor has been very good, Jobe and Brisler very attentive. The doctor thinks she will enjoy her Health much better than ever.
Heaven be praised I have Safely landed upon the British coast. How flattering how smooth the ocean how delightfull was Sunday the 18 of July. We flatterd ourselves with the prospect of a gentle Breeze to carry us on shore at Portsmouth where we agreed to land, as going up the channel always proves tedious, but on sunday Night the wind shifted to the south-west, which upon this coast, is the same with our north East winds: it blew a gale on sunday night on monday and monday night equal to an Equinoctial. We were obliged to carry double reef top sails only, and what added to our misfortune was; that, tho we had made land the day before it was so thick that we could not certainly determine what land it was; it is now twesday and I have slept only four hours since Saturday night, such was the tossing and tumbling in Board our ship. The Captain never left the deck the whole time either to eat or sleep, tho they told me there was no danger, nor do I suppose that there realy was any; as we had sea room enough. Yet the great number of vessels constantly comeing 368out of the channel and the apprehension of being run down, or being nearer the land than we imagined kept me constantly agitated. Added to this I had a voilent sick head ack. O! what would I have given to have been quiet upon the land. You will hardly wonder then at the joy we felt this day in seeing the cliffs of Dover: Dover castle and town. The wind was in Some measure subsided. It raind, however; and was as squaly as the month of March, the sea ran very high. A pilot boat came on Board at about ten oclock this morning; the Captain came to anchor with his ship in the downs and the little town of Deal lay before us. Some of the Gentlemen talkd of going on shore with the pilot Boat, and sending for us if the wind subsided. The boat was about as large as a Charlstown ferry boat and the distance from the Ship about the same twice as far as from Boston, to Charlstown. A Shore as bald as Nantasket Beach, no wharf, but you must be run right on shore by a wave where a number of Men stand to catch hold of the Boat and draw it up. The surf ran six foot high.
But this we did not know untill driven on by a wave, for the pilots eager to get money assured the gentlemen they could land us safe without our being wet, and we saw no prospect of its being better through the day. We accordingly agre'd to go. We were wraped up and lowerd from the ship into the boat; the whole ships crew eager to assist us, the gentlemen attentive and kind as tho we were all Brothers and sisters! We have Spent a month together, and were as happy as the sea would permit us to be. We set of from the vessel now mounting upon the top of a wave high as a steeple, and then so low that the boat was not to be seen. I could keep myself up no other way than as one of the Gentlemen stood braced up against the Boat, fast hold of me and I with both my Arms round him. The other ladies were held, in the same manner whilst every wave gave us a Broad side, and finally a Wave landed us with the utmost force upon the Beach; the Broad Side of the Boat right against the shore, which was oweing to the bad management of the men, and the high Sea.
London,
ca.22 July
(Thus far I had proceeded in my account when a summons to tea prevended my adding more; Since which I have not been able to take my pen; tho now at my Lodgings in London I will take up the thread where I left it, untill the whole Ball is unwound; every particular will 369be interesting to my Friends I presume, and to no others expose this incorrect Scral.)
We concequently all pressd upon the side next the Shore to get out as quick as possible, which we need not have done, if we had known what I afterwards found to be the Case, that it was the only way in which we could be landed, and not as I at first supposed oweing to the bad management of the Boatmen; we should have set still for a succession of waves to have carried us up higher, but the roar of them terrified us all, and we expected the next would fill our Boat; so out we sprang as fast as possible sinking every step into the sand, and looking like a parcel of Naiades22 just rising from the sea. A publick house was fortunately just at hand, into which we thankfully enterd, changed our cloathing, dried ourselves and not being able to procure carriages that Day we engaged them for Six oclock the next morning, and took lodgings here there, all of us; ten in Number. Mr. Green set of immediately for London—no body mourn'd.
We were all glad to retire early to rest. For myself I was so faint and fatigued that I could get but little; we rose by 5 and our post Chaise being all at the door we set of in the following order. Mr. Foster myself and Ester in one, Dr. Clark and Nabby in the second, Col. Norten Mrs. Adams and Brother in the 3 and Mr. Spear and Lieut. Millicot brought up the rear. Our first Stage was 18 miles from Deal, to Canteburry where we Breakfasted, the roads are fine, and a stone a Novelty. I do not recollect to have seen one, except the pavements of Canteburry, and other Towns; from Deal to London which is 72 miles; vast Feilds of wheat, oats, english Beans, and the horse Bean, with hops: are the produce of the country through which we past; which is cultivated like a Garden down to the very edges of the road, and what surprized me was, that very little was inclosed within fences. Hedg fence, are almost the only kind you see, no Cattle at large without a herdsman, the oxen are small, but the Cows and Sheep very large, such as I never saw before. When we arrived at the end of our Stage; we discharge the first carriages, call for New ones which will be ready in a few moments after you issue your orders. Call for Breakfast. You have it perhaps in ten moments for ten people, with the best of attendance and at a reasonable price.
Canteburry is a larger town than Boston, it contains a Number of old Gothick Cathedrals, which are all of stone very heavy, with but few windows which are grated with large Bars of Iron, and look more like jails for criminals, than places designd for the worship of the 370deity. One would Suppose from the manner in which they are Gaurded, that they apprehended devotion would be stolen. They have a most gloomy appearence and realy made me shudder. The Houses too have a heavy look being chiefly thatched roofs or coverd with crooked brick tile. Now and then you would see upon the road a large woods looking like a Forest, for a whole mile inclosed with a high Brick Wall or cemented stone, an enormous Iron gate would give one a peep as we passt of a large pile of Building, which lookd like the castles of some of the ancient Barons; but as we were strangers in the Country, we could only conjecture what they were, and what they might have been.
We proceeded from Canterburry to Rochester about 15 miles,23 an other pretty town, not so large as the former, from thence to Chatam where we stoped at a very Elegant Inn to dine. As soon as you drive into the yard you have at these places as many footmen round you as you have Carriages, who with their politest airs take down the step of your Carriage assist you out, inquire if you want fresh horses or carriages; will supply you directly, Sir, is the answer. A well dresst hostess steps forward, making a Lady like appearence and wishes your commands. If you desire a chamber, the Chamber maid attends; you request dinner, say in half an hour, the Bill of Fare is directly brought, you mark what you wish to have, and suppose it to be a variety of fish, fowl, meat, all of which we had, up to 8 different dishes; besides vegetables. The moment the time you stated, is out, you will have your dinner upon table in as Elegant a stile, as at any Gentleman's table, with your powdered waiters, and the master or Mistress always brings the first Dish upon table themselves. But you must know that travelling in a post Chaise, is what intitles you to all this respect.
From Chatham we proceeded, on our way as fast as possible wishing to pass Black Heath before dark. Upon this road, a Gentleman alone in a chaise past us, and very soon a coach before us stoped, and there was a hue and cry, a Robbery a Robbery. The Man in the chaise was the person robbed and this in open day with carriages constantly passing. We were not a little allarmed and every one were concealing their money. Every place we past, and every post chaise we met were crying out a Robbery. Where the thing is so common I was Surprized to see such an allarm. The Robber was pursued and taken in about two miles, and we saw the poor wretch gastly and horible, brought along on foot, his horse rode by a person who took him; who also had his pistol. He looked like a youth of 20 only, 371attempted to lift his hat, and looked Dispair. You can form some Idea of my feelings when they told him aya, you have but a short time, the assise set next Month, and then my Lad you Swing. Tho every robber may deserve Death yet to exult over the wretched is what our Country is not accustomed to. Long may it be free of such villianies and long may it preserve a commisiration for the wretched.
We proceeded untill about 8 oclock. I was set down at Lows Hotel in Covent Gardens, the Court end of the Town. These Lodgings I only took for one night untill others more private could be procured as I found Mr. Adams was not here, I did not wish such expensive appartments. It was the Hotel at which he kept when he resided here.24 Mr. Spear set out in quest of Mr. Smith, but he had received intelligence of my comeing out with Capt. Lyde and had been in quest of me but half an hour before at this very place; Mr. Spear was obliged to go first to the custom house, and as good fortune would have it, Mr. Smith and Mr. Storer, were near it and saw him allight from the coach, upon which he informd them of my arrival. Tho a mile distant, they set out upon a full run (they say) and very soon to our mutual satisfaction we met in the Hotel. How do you and how do ye? We rejoice to see you here, and a thousand such kind of inquiries as take place between Friends who have not seen each other for a long time naturally occured.
My first inquiry was for Mr. Adams. I found that my son had been a month waiting for my arrival in London, expecting me in Callighan, but that upon getting Letters by him, he returnd to the Hague. Mr. Smith had received a Letter from his Father acquainting him that I had taken passage in Capt. Lyde. This intelligence he forwarded three days before I came,25 so that I hourly expect either Mr. Adams or Master John. I should have mentiond that Mr. Smith had engaged lodgings for me; to which Mr. Storer and he accompanied me this morning after paying a Guiney and half for tea last evening and Lodging and Breakfast, a coach included; not however to carry me a further distance than from your House to our own; the Gentlemen all took less expensive lodgings than mine, excepting Dr. Clark who tarried with us, said he would not quit us untill we were fixed in our present Hotel, the direction to which is Osbornes new family Hotel, Adelphi at Mrs. Sheffields No. 6. Here we have a handsome drawing room Genteely furnished, and a large Lodging room. We are furnished with a cook, chamber maid waiter &c. for 3 Guineys per week—but in this is not included a mouthfull of vituals or drink all of which is to be paid seperately for.
I have little time for writing now, I have so many visitors. I hardly know how to think myself out of my own Country I see so many Americans about me; the first persons who calld to see me after my arrival here, were Mr. Jackson Mr. Winslow Warren Mr. Rogers Mr. Ward Boylstone, Mrs. Atkingson, and yesterday mor'g before I had Breakfasted,26 (for the fashonable hours of the city had taken hold of me, not out of choice but necessity Miss AParson Walter and Mrs. Hollowell.28 Both appeard very glad to see me, Mrs. Hollowell treated me with her old affibily and engaged me to dine with her to day. Not says she to a feast, for we make none, but to an unceremonious family dinner. Luxery says she is the mode, but we know too, how to practise frugality and oconomey.
I am not a Little surprized to find dress unless upon publick occasions, so little regarded here. The Gentlemen are very plainly dresst and the Ladies much less so than with us. Tis true you must put a hoop on and have your hair dresst, but a common straw hat, no Cap, with only a ribbon upon the crown, is thought dress sufficient to go into company. Muslins are much in taste, no silks but Lutestrings29 worn but send not to London for any article you want, you may purchase any thing you can Name much lower in Boston. I went yesterday into Cheepside to purchase a few articles, but found every thing higher than in Boston. Silks are in a particular manner so. They say when they are exported there is a draw back30 upon them which makes them lower with us.
Our Country, alass our Country they are extravagant to astonishment in entertainments compared with what Mr. Smith and Mr. Storer tell me of this. You will not find at a Gentlemans table more than two dishes of meat tho invited several days before hand. Mrs. Atkinson went out with me yesterday and Mrs. Hay to the shops. I returnd and dined with Mrs. Atkinson by her invitation the Evening before, in company with Mr. Smith Mrs. Hay Mr. Appleton.31 We had a turbot; a Soup and a roast leg of Lamb, with a cherry pye. I was more gratified by the social friendly stile in which I was treated than if a sumptuous feast had been set before me. Mr. Goreham, Dr. Parker, Mr. Bromfeild,32 a Mr. Murray from the Hague came to see 373me yesterday morning, and when I returnd last evening I found cards left by a Number of Gentlemen, Some of whom I knew others I did not. But knowing Mr. Adams and being Americans they calld to make their compliments. Prentice Cushing I met with yesterday at Mr. A
The city of London is pleasenter than I expected, the Buildings more regular the streets much wider and more Sun shine than I thought to have found, but this they tell me is the pleasentest season to be in the city. At my lodgings I am as quiet as any place in Boston, nor do I feel as if it could be any other place than Boston. Dr. Clark visits us every day, says he cannot feel at home any where else, declares he has not seen a handsome woman since he came into the city, that every old woman looks like Mrs. Haley35 and every young one like, like the d—l. They paint here, near as much as in France, but with more art, the head dress disfigures them in the Eye of an American. I have seen many Ladies; but not one Elegant one since I came; there is not to me that neatness in their appearence which you see in our Ladies.
The American Ladies are much admired here by the Gentlemen, I am told, and in truth I wonder not at it. O my Country; my Country; preserve; preserve the little purity and simplicity of manners you yet possess. Believe me, they are jewells of inestimable value.
The softness peculiarly characteristick of our sex and which is so pleasing to the Gentlemen, is Wholy laid asside here; for the Masculine attire and Manners of Amazonians.
This moment a very polite card is deliverd me from Mrs. Hallowell desireing me to remove my lodging to her House whilst I continue in London—to which I have replied with thanks excuseing myself, that I am very well accommodated and in hourly expectation of my son, not the less obliged however by her politeness. Mr. Ellworthy36 I have not yet seen, tho I have had Several Messages from him. This is not oweing to inattention in him, but to being informd that every 374thing was done for me before my arrival which I stood in need of. Our ship is not yet got up the Channel.37 What a time we should have had of it, if we had not landed.
Mr. Smith expects to sail on Monday or twesday, I shall keep open this Letter untill he goes. Let Sister Shaw see it, and read such parts as you think proper to the rest of our Friends, but do not let it go out of your hands. I shall not have time to write to the rest of my Friends, they must not think hardly of me. I could only repeat what I have here written, and I think it is best to have the whole Bugget38 together. Besides Nabby writes to all her acquaintance39 which must answer for me. Remember me to them all, first to my dear and aged parent,40 to whom present my duty—to Dr. Tufts to my Aunt41 to Uncle Quincy to Mr. Wibird, to all my Friends and Neighbours. Tell Mrs. Feild that Ester is very well that She sleeps in the Same Chamber with me; and keeps in it constantly, Which I chuse rather than that She Should mix below with Dick Tom and Harry whom I know nothing of. My drawing room and Chamber are up one pair of stairs. Into a closet by my chamber, water is conveyd by pipes, and as there is not half an inch of Ground unoccupied we have no occasion to go out of our rooms, from one week to an other, for by ringing the bed chamber bell, the Chamber Maid comes; and the drawing room Bell brings up the other waiters; who when you go out attend you from the Stairs to the Carriage, the Land Lady waiting at the foot to recive you, and so again upon your return. This is the stile of the Hotels.
I went yesterday accompanied by Mr. Storer and Smith to Mr. Copelys to see Mr. Adams picture. This I am told was taken at the request of Mr. Copely and belongs to him. It is a full Length picture very large; and a very good likeness. Before him stands the Globe: in his hand a Map of Europe, at a small distance 2 female figures representing peace and Innocence.43 It is a most Beautifull painting. From thence we went to what is calld Mr. Copelys exhibition. Here is the celebrated picture, representing the death of Lord Chatham in the House of Commons, his 3 Sons round him, each with strong expressions of Grief and agitation in their countanances. Every Member is crouding round him with a mixture of surprize and distress.44 I saw in this picture, what I have every day noticed since I came here, a Strong likeness of some American, or other, and I can scarcly persuade myself, but what I have seen this person, that and the other
375 376before, there countanances appear so familiar to me, and so strongly mark our own Decent.
There was an other painting which struck me more than this. It is the death of Major Peirson the particulars account of which I inclose to you;45 I never saw painting more expressive than this. I lookt upon it untill I was faint, you can scarcly believe but you hear the groans of the sergant who is wounded and holding the hankerchief to his side, whilst the Blood Streams over his hand. Grief dispair and terror, are Strongly marked, whilst he grows pale and faint with loss of Blood. The officers are holding Major Peirson in their Arms, who is Mortally wounded, and the black servant has leveld his peice at the officer who killd him. The distress in the countanance of the women who are flying, one of whom has a Baby in her Arms, is Beautifully represented. But my discriptions, of these things give you but a faint resemblance of what in reality they are.
From thence I went to see the celebrated Mrs. Wright,46 Mr. Storer, and Smith, accompanying us. Upon my entrance (my Name being sent up) she ran to the Door, caught me by the Hand, “Why is it realy and in truth Mrs. Adams, and that your daughter? Why you dear Soul you, how young you look! Well I am glad to See you, all of you Americans! Well I must kiss you all.”47 Having passt the ceremony upon me and Nabby, she runs to the Gentleman. “I make no distinction,” says she, and gave them a hearty Buss, from which we had all rather have been excused; for her appearence is quite the slattern. “I love every body that comes from America,” says she, “here,” running to her desk, “is a card I had from Mr. Adams. I am quite proud of it, he came to see and made me a noble present, dear creature I design to have his Head.” “There,” says she pointing to an old Man and women who were sitting in one corner of the room, “is my old Father and Mother. Dont be ashamed of them because they look so. They were good folks,” (these were there figures in wax work), “they turnd quakers and never would let their children eat meat, and that is the reason we were all so injenious; you had heard of the ingenious Mrs. Wright in America I suppose.” In this manner She ran on for half an hour. Her person and countanance resemble an old maiden in your Neighbourhood Nelly Penniman, except that one is neat, the other the Queen of sluts, and her tongue runs like, Unity Badlams.48 There was an old Clergyman sitting reading a paper in the midle of the room, and tho I went prepaird to See strong representations of real Life, I was effectually deceived in this figure for 10 minuts, and was finally told that it was only Wax.
377From Mrs. Wrights I returnd to my Hotel, dresst and at 4 went to dine with Mrs. Hollowel; he had in the morning been to see me and Mr. Thomas Boylstone, both of whom urged me to take up my Lodgings with Mrs. Hollowell. I chose to decline, but went and dined with them, here I found Parson Walter. We had a handsome dinner of salt fish pea soup Boild fowl and tongue roast and fry'd Lamb, with a pudding and fruit. This was a little in the Boston stile. Mr. Smith and Storer dined with us. Mr. Hollowell lives handsomely, but not in that Splendour which he did in Boston. On Sunday I engaged to take a Coach for the day which is only 12 and 6 pence sterling, and go to church to the foundling Hospital, Mrs. Atkingson Smith and Storer with me.
Well my dear sister if you are not tired with following me I will carry you to the Foundling Hospital49 where I attended divine service yesterday morning. Realy glad I was, that I could after so long an absence, again tread the Courts of the most high and I hope I felt not unthankfull for the mercies I had received.
This Hospital is a large Elegant Building situated in a Spot as airy, and much more Beautifull than Boston Common. The chapel which is upon the second floor is as large as where Mr. Apely what is called the Old South with us. There is one row of Galleries: upon the floor of this Chapel there are rows of seats; like
I dined with Mr. and Mrs. Atkinson in company with Mr. Jackson, Smith &c. Mr. Atkinson is a very modest worthy Man and Mrs. Atkinson a most amiable woman, you see no parade no ceremony. I am treated with all the kindness of a sister, in as easy a way as I could wish. As I took the Carriage for the day; after forenoon service, we rode out to see Mrs. Atkinsons twins, who are at Nurse at Islington; about 2 miles from the city. It is a fine ride. We went through a Number of the great Squares. Portland Square is one of the finest. In short the representations which you and I, amused ourselves with looking at, not long ago, are very near the Life. When we returnd we dined, and at six oclock went to the Magdeline Hospital,50 which is 3 miles from where I dined, for this is a Monstrous great city. We were admitted with a ticket, this assembly was very full and crouded. Yet no Children or Servants are admitted. In Short I begin to hope that this people are more Serious and religious than I feard they were. Their is great decorum and decency observed, here are only two small Galleries which hold the unhappy beings who are the Subjects of this Mercifull institution. Those who attend the Service, are placed upon seats below like
Returnd about 8 oclock, found many cards left for me, some from Virginians some from Marylanders some from Conneticut. Col. Trumble has call'd twice upon me but I was so unfortunate as not to be at home. Amongst the Americans who calld yesterday to see me during my absence was Mr. Joy.51 He left his Name and direction with a polite Billet, inviteing me to dine with him a twesday if I was not engaged, and if I was the first day I was disengaged. I have replied to him that I will wait upon him on wednesday. Invited by Mr. Jackson
On Saturday Mr. Elworthy calld upon me, and tenderd me any service I could wish for; I thanked him, but Mr. Smith Storer and Dr. Clark render any other assistance necessary, as either and all of them are ready and willing to oblige me. On Sunday morning Mr. and Mrs. Elworthy, came to see me. She is a very agreeable Women, and looks like one of us, that she had more of our American neatness about her than any Lady I have seen, for I am yet so unpolite as not to be reconciled to the Jaunty appearence, and the Elegant Stoop. There is a rage of fashion which prevails here with dispotick Sway, the coulour and kind of silk must be attended to; and the day for putting it on and of, no fancy to be exercised, but it is the fashion and that is argument sufficient to put one in, or out of countanance. I am comeing on half way; I Breakfast at 9 and dine at 3 when at home, but I rise by six. I am not obliged to conform in that, but the other hours I am forced to submit to upon account of company. This morning Dr. Clark and Col. Trumble are to Breakfast with me. I long for the hour when I shall set of, for the Hague or see Mr. Adams here; I meet with so many acquaintance here; that I shall feel loth 380to quit the city, upon that account. There are no Americans in Holland and the language will prevent any Sociability but what I find in my own family. But having a house, Garden, and Servants, at command, feeling at home will in some measure compensate for the rest. I have a journey of 80 miles to make to Margate52 before I can embark, and as soon as Mr. Jefferson arrives suppose we must go to France. I have not executed your orders with regard to Sattin because upon inquiry I find you can Buy cheeper with you; I have not found any thing except shoes that are lower. Such a sattin as my black you must give as much sterling for a yard as I gave lawfull Money. No silk but Lutestring and those which are thinner are worn at this Season; mode cloaks Muslin and Safnet, Gauze Hats Bonnets and ribbons—every thing as light and thin as possible, different gowns and skirts. Muslin Skirts flounced; chintz with Borders, white, with a trimming that looks like Gartering. The Silk which is most in taste is what is calld new mown Hay, the pattern I inclose and this part of the Letter is for the tastety53 folks of my acquaintance. Mr. Smith brings home a Specimin of the Newest fashion hats.
Determined to Tarry at home to day and see company. Mr. Joy came in and Spent an hour. He is the Same pleasing Man you formerly knew him, that Bashfull difidence is supplied by a manly confidence, and acquaintance with the world has given ease and politeness to his Manners; he realy is quite the accomplished Gentleman, bears a very good Character, has made a great deal of Money, and married a Yorkshire Lady of a handsome fortune about
I have walked out to day for the first time, and a Jaunt Mr. Storer has led me. I shall not get the better of it for a week. The walking is very easy here, the sides of the street being wholy of flat stones, and the London Ladies walk a great deal, and very fast. My walk out, and 381in was only four miles, judge you then what an Effect it had upon me. I was engaged to dine out. I got home at one but was obliged to lie upon the bed an hour, and have not recoverd it yet.
At four I was obliged to go out. Mr. Joy lives 3 miles from where I lodge, the house in which he lives is very Elegant; not large but, an air of taste and neatness is seen in every appartment.
We were shewn into the drawing room where he waited us at the door, and introduced us to his Lady and her sister.
She is quite young, delicate as a lily, modest and diffident, not a London Lady by any means. After we had dinned, which was in company with 5 American Gentlemen, we retired to the drawing room, and there I talked off the Ladies reserve, and she appeard agreeable. Her dress pleased me and answerd to the universal neatness of the appartments furniture and entertainment. It was a delicate blew and white copper plate calico with a blew Lutestring skirt flounced, a Muslin Apron and a hankerchief, which are much more worn than Gauze; her hair a fine black, drest without powder; with a fashionabl cap, and Straw ribbons, upon her head and Breast, with a Green Moroco Sliper. Our dinner consisted of fryed fish of a small kind; a boiled ham a fillet of veal a pair of roast ducks an almond pudding; current and goose berries, which in this country are very fine. Painted Muslin is much worn here, a straw hat, with a deep Crown lined, and a white Green, or any coulourd ribbon you chuse. I returnd and found a Number of Cards left from Gentleman who had called during my absence. To morrow I am invited to dine again with Mr. Atkingson and Lady. I feel almost ashamed to go again, but not being otherways engaged they insist upon it. It is a thanksgiving day, for the Peace. I design to hear Mr. Duchee who officiates at the Assylum or orphan house.54
I found myself so unwell that I could not venture to day into a crouded assembly. My walk Yesterday gave me a pain in my head, and stiffned me so that I can scarcly move. Nabby too has the London cold, which they say every body experiences who comes here. But Mr. and Mrs. A
To day my dear Sister I have determined upon tarrying at home in hopes of seeing my Son; or his Pappa; but from a hint dropt by Mr. Murray I rather think it will be my Son, as political reasons will prevent Mr. Adams'es journey here. Whilst I am writing a servant in the family runs puffing in, as if he was realy interested in the matter. “Young Mr. Adams is come.”57 “Where where is he,” we all cried out? “In the other house Madam, he stoped to get his Hair dresst.” Impatient enough I was, yet when he enterd, (we have so many Strangers), that I drew back not realy believing my Eyes—till he cried out, “Oh my Mamma! and my dear Sister.” Nothing but the Eyes at first Sight appeard what he once was. His appearence is that of a Man, and in his countanance the most perfect good humour. His conversation by no means denies his Stature. I think you do not approve the word feelings, but I know not what to Substitute in lieu, or even to discribe mine. His sister he says he should have known in any part of the World. He inquired if his Cousin Betsy had received a long letter of Several pages which he wrote her in April.58
Mr. Adams chuses I should come to the Hague, and travell with him from thence. Says it is the first journey he ever lookd forward to with pleasure since he came abroad; I wish to set out on fryday, but as we are obliged to purchase a Carriage and many other matters to do, Master John thinks we cannot go untill the twesday after. In the mean time I shall visit the curiositys of the city, not feeling 20 years younger, as my best Friend says he does,59 but feeling myself exceedingly Matronly with a grown up Son on one hand, and Daughter upon the other, and were I not their Mother, I would Say a likelier pair you will seldom see in a summers day.
You must supply words where you find them wanting and imagine what I have left unfinished, for my letter is swelled to such a Bulk, that I have not even time to peruse it. Mr. Smith goes to morrow morning, and I must now close requesting you to make the distribution of the little matters I send as directed. Tell Dr. Tufts my dear 383and valued uncle, and Friend, that I design to write to him by the next vessel.
Particularly remember me to Uncle Quincy to Mrs. Quincy and Nancy to all my dear Boston Friends. Tell Mr. Storer, that Charly is very good to me; and that walking with Nabby the other day; she was taken for his wife. Ask him if he consents? Mr. and Mrs. Atkinson treat me like a sister, I cannot find myself in a strange land. I shall experience this when I get to a country the language of which I cannot speak. I sincerely wish the treaty might have been concerted here. I have a partiality for this Country—but where my treasure is there shall my heart go.60 I know not when to close. You must write often to me and get Uncle Smith to cover to Mr. Atkinson, then where ever I am the letters will come safe. Adieu once more my dear sister and believe me most affectionately yours
Printed in JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:154–166; hereafter cited as AA's Journal.
Job Field, for whom AA had obtained a place on the crew of the Active. Field was one of several prisoners of war from Braintree to whom JA had sent money out of his own pocket. Held in Plymouth, England, they were freed through a prisoner exchange in 1782, and returned to their Braintree homes (vol. 4:257, and note 3; AA's Journal, p. 155, and note 5).
Nathaniel Byfield Lyde of Boston.
Beriah Norton, colonel in the Dukes co. militia regiment and senator from that county (same, p. 155; Massachusetts Soldiers and Sailors of the Revolutionary War, Boston, 1896–1908).
Green was secretary to British Adm. Marriot Arbuthnot (AA's Journal, p. 155).
Dr. John Clarke, was the sixth in a line of notable physicians, all with the same name (Henry R. Viets, A Brief History of Medicine in Massachusetts, Boston, 1930, p. 39, 73).
Joseph Foster of Boston, a part owner of the Active (AA's Journal, p. 156, note 2).
Love Lawrence Adams, daughter of Rev. William Lawrence of Lincoln. Her husband Joseph Adams, a physician, was a loyalist refugee (same, p. 155;
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 11:245).
Here and once in the following paragraph AA uses “cabbin” to mean “berth” (
OED
). In other places “cabin” means a room, and later in this same day's entry she refers to the “Great Cabbin” where the passengers ate and where the men slept at night. AA and her maid occupied two berths in one “stateroom,” here a sleeping room; Love Adams and AA2 had the two berths in the other stateroom. See under “Fryday
Probably Abel Lawrence; he was then nearly thirteen years old (Vital Records of Lincoln, Massachusetts, Boston, 1908, p. 52).
Persons of the opposite sex who lay, at least partly clothed, in the same bed; this was a widespread courtship custom in eighteenth-century New England (
OED
). CFA Jr. provided the first full discussion of bundling, and quoted this passage, in “Some Phases of Sexual Morality and Church Discipline in Colonial New England,” MHS Procs.
, 2d Ser., 6:477–516 (June 1891), see p. 503–509.
Psalms 104:3.
Hannah More, an intimate of David Garrick, Dr. Samuel Johnson, and other literary figures of her day, published “Sir Eldred of the Bower” in 1776 (
DNB
).
That is, the Azores. If the position of the Active given in the dateline of this letter (44° N, 24° W) is accurate, AA was, on 6 July, some four hundred miles north, and already slightly east, of the Azores. See AA to Royall Tyler, 10 July, and AA to Elizabeth Shaw, 11 July, both below.
William Buchan, Domestic Medicine; or, the Family Physician, Edinburgh, 1769, with many later editions. See AA's Journal, p. 158
384and note 1. JA's library contains a 7 vol. French edition, 1781–1782, published in Geneva (
Catalogue of JA's Library
).
AA is describing phosphorescence, or more properly bioluminescence, caused by the slow oxidation of material found in certain marine organisms. See also AA's Journal, p. 164–165.
Opening quotation mark supplied. AA quotes Psalms 104:24, slightly altered; see also Psalms 139:14; Revelations 15:3.
11 July, below.
See JA's characterization of a politician (to Benjamin Rush, 8 Feb. 1778, JA, Papers
, 5:404).
AA2 compares Mr. Green to Oakes Angier in her letter to Elizabeth Cranch, 9 July, below. Angier had studied law with JA, ca. 1766–1768, and he remained a friend of JA's for many years, but AA took a dislike to him in 1774 (vol. 1:83, and note 4, 140–141).
It appears from the text that AA wrote the material from “Deal july 20” to this point at the inn at Deal, between taking lodging there and tea time. She wrote all of the material from this point to the end of the letter at “Osbornes new family Hotel, Adelphi at Mrs. Sheffields No. 6,” to which she moved, from “Lows Hotel in Covent Gardens,” on the morning of 22 July, her first full day in London.
Actually, river nymphs in Greek mythology (
OED
).
AA's geography is somewhat inaccurate here. If she was remembering a town about 15 miles toward London from Canterbury, it was probably Sittingbourne. Chatham and Rochester are close together, another ten miles west, toward London.
AA is imprecise and perhaps misleading here. It was at Osbourne's Hotel, in the Adelphi Buildings in the Strand (to which AA moved on 22 July; see the following paragraph), that JA and JQA stayed in the fall of 1783. David Low's hotel on the western side of Covent Garden, her first lodging, had opened in 1774 as London's first family hotel. See JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:148–149, note 1; Wheatley, London Past and Present
. “Mr. Smith,” below, was AA's cousin, William Smith Jr., of Boston.
On 16 July, in a letter not found, William Smith Jr. sent JA the news that AA would arrive with Capt. Lyde; JA replied to Smith on 19 July (LbC, Adams Papers).
It would appear that all five persons visited AA before her late breakfast on 22 July, her first day at Osborne's Hotel. Daniel Denison Rogers, a Boston merchant, and his wife, Abigail Bromfield Rogers, had sailed for Europe in 1782, and lived mostly in England, where they became socially intimate with the Adamses, until their return to Boston in 1786 (vol. 4:343, and note 1). Elizabeth Storer Atkinson was Charles Storer's sister (
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 12:213–214). On Ward Nicholas Boylston, see note 28.
The closing parenthesis is supplied; it could as plausibly follow “. . . hair dresser,” or perhaps “at 9 oclock.”
Mary Boylston Hallowell, first cousin of JA's mother, Susanna Boylston Adams Hall, was the mother of Ward Nicholas Boylston who had taken the Boylston name to obtain an inheritance from his uncle Nicholas Boylston (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 1:295, note 1). The Hallowells and Ward Boylston were loyalists, as was Rev. William Walter, also formerly of Boston. He had served Trinity Church in that town but fled with the British in 1776 and later went to New York to serve the loyalists there. At the war's end he migrated to Nova Scotia. In 1784 he was in London seeking compensation for his losses (
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 14:111–121).
Dresses made of a light, glossy silk (
OED
).
A British import duty on silk that was refunded, in part, for goods that were re-exported to America (
OED
). Drawbacks had been a standard feature of certain import duties just before the Revolution, notably upon tea.
Katherine Hay, wife of Capt. John Hay, was the daughter of Daniel Farnham, a tory lawyer from Newburyport; the Adamses would see her again in Paris in September (JQA, Diary
, 1:210–211, note 2). John Appleton, a merchant and son of the Boston merchant Nathaniel Appleton, had known JA and JQA in France and Holland in 1780 (vol. 3:390, note 1; JQA, Diary
, 1:36, note 2).
Henry Bromfield Jr., a Boston merchant, joined two other American merchants to establish the firm of Sigourney, Ingraham, and Bromfield in Holland in 1781, and had known JA and JQA since that year or earlier (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:ix; JQA, Diary
, 1:81, and note 1, 87).
C. W. F. Dumas, his wife and daughter had been living at the American legation building in The Hague (see JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:9–10, note 6).
AA to JA, 23 July, below.
Probably Mary Wilkes Hayley; see Eunice Paine to AA and AA2, 7 July, note 4, below.
Husband of one of Richard Cranch's nieces; see AA to Elizabeth Shaw, 28 July, below.
Here and below AA means the shipping channel of the River Thames; her earlier uses of “channel” referred to the English Channel.
That is, budget bag or pouch, or its contents (
OED
); see AA to Mary Cranch, 2 Aug., note 1, below.
The only AA2 letters written between June and Aug. 1784 known to the editors are two received by Elizabeth Cranch, of 9 and 30 July, both below.
That is, AA's mother-in-law, Susanna Boylston Adams Hall.
Lucy Quincy Tufts.
On this day, learning that Prentice Cushing was departing immediately for America, AA wrote a fairly brief letter to Mary Cranch; most of the text merely gives the contents of this letter in condensed form (MWA: Abigail Adams Corr.). AA did, however, add a few details of her life in London. Speaking of JQA's friend William Vans Murray, she reported that he “entertains me with encomiums upon John, has some how, found my weak side (perhaps you will say that is not hard to do).” After referring to her visits to various London sites, she added: “I have refused going to any place of publick Amusement untill Mr. Adams comes, or Master John.” Finally, she described the furnishings of her room at Osborne's Hotel: “My drawing room and chamber are very Elegant. A light Green borderd with Gold a Soffa and red Morocco chairs with arms to them 2 card tables and a dining table with 2 Elegant Glasses make up the furniture of the room, in short nothing but the dust is wanting to have every thing Heart can wish.”
AA then resumed this journal letter, and sent it to Boston with William Smith Jr. at the end of the month (see under “fryday
See Oliver, Portraits of JA and AA
, p. 23–27; JA to JQA,
This remarkable “history painting” caused an artistic and political sensation in London upon its public presentation in May 1781, and firmly established Copley's reputation in England. The artist based it on life portraits of over fifty individuals, all peers of the realm or relatives of Chatham. It dramatizes the final collapse of William Pitt the elder, earl of Chatham, during a debate on the war in America in the House of Lords (not Commons, as AA believed) on 7 April 1778. Chatham lived for another month as an invalid, but did not attend Parliament again. See Jules David Prown, John Singleton Copley, 2 vols., Cambridge, 1966, 2:275–291, and figs. 392–415. This painting is now in the Tate Gallery, London.
If AA is referring to a separate enclosure, it has not been found; she may simply be introducing her detailed description, below. Copley's “Death of Pearson,” a vivid recreation of the successful British repulsion of the French invasion of the island of Jersey on 5–6 Jan. 1781, was exhibited to great acclaim in May 1784. The American artist John Trumbull, who had just arrived in London in June, was deeply moved by this work. Trumbull's first history painting based on the American Revolution, “The Death of General Warren at the Battle of Bunker's Hill,” presented in London in 1786, owed much to “The Death of Pierson.” See Prown, Copley, 2:302–310, and figs. 442–464. This painting is also in the Tate Gallery, London.
Patience Wright, a New Jersey Quaker, came to London in 1772, already skilled as a wax modeller. Her London “repository” of busts and full figures was soon well patronized by the king and queen, and the upper classes. During the American Revolution she had worked as an American spy, in close contact with Benjamin Franklin.
Notable American Women
.
The editors have supplied the quotation marks in this paragraph and added commas as needed.
JA makes several casual references to the numerous Penniman family of Braintree in the 1760s (
Diary and Autobiography
, vol. 4:index; see also
Braintree Town Records
). “Unity Bedlam is likely either Unity Moss Badlam (Bedlam), who had married Samuel Badlam of Weymouth in 1748, or her daughter, Unity, born in 1755, both of whom AA and her sisters would have known while growing up in Weymouth (Vital Records of Weymouth, Massachusetts to the Year 1850, 2 vols., Boston, 1910).
Established in 1739, the Foundling Hospital enjoyed the patronage of noble women and the support of artists and musicians, among them Hogarth and Handel. The latter gave benefit concerts there and presented his manuscript of the Messiah to the institution. The chapel was completed in 1747. After 1760 the hospital ceased admitting foundlings and accepted only the illegitimate children of mothers who were known, and whose situation could be determined by the staff. Hugh Phillips, Mid-Georgian London, London, 1964, p. 205; Wheatley, London Past and Present
.
Founded in 1758, Magdalen Hospital on Blackfriars Road was a refuge and place of reform for prostitutes. It accommodated about eighty women. Their singing for visitors behind a screen was a practice carried on well into the nineteenth century (Leigh's New Picture of London, London, 1834, p. 234).
Michael Joy, son of a loyalist Boston housewright, left Massachusetts with his parents when the British left Boston in 1776. The family settled in England, where Michael became a housebuilder, and later engaged in shipping and trade. Joy and several friends visited JA and his colleagues at Passy in May 1778. In the late 1780s he visited America and befriended Jeremy Belknap, whom he advised concerning the publication of Belknap's History of New Hampshire. Shortly thereafter, at Belknap's urging, he took an interest in the Massachusetts Historical Society, of which the became a corresponding member in 1816. The maiden name of Joy's wife was Hall (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:310–311;
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 17:546–549).
A port at the northeastern tip of Kent, not far north of Deal, used for North Sea crossings to the Netherlands.
AA's spelling of “tasty,” meaning characterized by having good taste; now rare (
OED
).
Rev. Jacob Duché, former chaplain to the Continental Congress, became a loyalist in 1777, to JA's disgust, and promptly sailed for England. He returned to America in 1792. The Asylum, founded in Lambeth in 1758, was a refuge for orphan girls (JA, Papers
, 3:245; 5:403, and note 4; Leigh's New Picture of London, p. 234).
The Draper's Hall, on Throgmorton Street near the Stock Exchange, was built in 1667 to replace the great house of Thomas Cromwell, owned by the Draper's Guild since the 1540s, but destroyed in the great London fire of 1666. The Hall was restored in 1774, following another fire, by the Adam brothers, builders of the Adelphi Buildings in which various Adamses stayed in 1783 and 1784. Wheatley, London Past and Present
.
AA would write to Elizabeth Cranch on 1 Aug., from London, and to Lucy Cranch on 5 Sept., from Auteuil, near Paris, both below.
The editors have supplied the quotation marks in this paragraph and added commas as needed.
JQA to Elizabeth Cranch, 18 April, above.
See JA to AA, 26 July, below, delivered to AA by JQA.
See Matthew 6:21; Luke 12:34.
1784-07-07
It is now the 7th. of July, the 18th. day Since we Saw You Quit our shores to seek a happier Climate. We perceived the Active passing as we went up to Publick worship, there we did not forget to ask favour for our friends (who had commited themselves to the Variable Elements) of him who alone Governeth. Our fondest wishes have been granted as far was we can yet know; a happier season for the Voyage has not been known. We kept your Journal from day to day. Fair winds and a plenty of it, but very little Sick, arrived on the Grand Bank by thursday &c. Imagination was please'd and while it was following you 387felt satisfied, but awaking to the reallity that you was gone the Countenance Sadned. Time which is to be the restorer of our Union is yet Young. We hope pleasures from it as it advances. Tis a great want which we Sustain at present but an account of your Safe arrival and happy meeting of a Husband and Son will reconcile us to the Chasm here.
I pouted at my Knight1 last Evening for Letting Mr. Jefferson go without our knowlege but breakfasting with your Sister this morning heard there is another Vessel to sail this week. I have come home eager to improve the privilege you kindly afforded me to keep alive the remembrance which will Ever be dear to my almost desolated bosome. My visit to Mrs. Quincy and the company she introduced me to awoke many Ideas which have long Slept in darkness. I wisht to write from thence but the aparatus was disperst. Death and mariage have made very great alterations in the house.2 Mr. Guild was so good as to come the Evening after you Sailed and assured us that you were in good Spirits on board. We were next day refresst with your first report and fine hopes Sent by the pilot and we further hear that you were Seen a week out and going fast. These are our Consolations and my ardent wish is that this may find you in possession of all your heart can desire. Please to make my Love and best wishes acceptable to Mr. Adams and your Son. You have many more intelligent Correspondents. Therefore I withdraw, leaving you the Leizure you have from Novelty and parade to Enjoy the Testimonies of friendship which Every ship will be charged with from your desiring Americans. No materiel alterations have taken place Since your absence within my Knowledge. I shall be proud to add at any time to your intelligencies. This for the first from your much Obliged friend and servt
And Now miss Nabby will you ask your mamas pardon for me that I tack on to hers a line for You. Tis to go a great way and among friends we may be prudent of making the packet too large. If I am Wrong instruct me and I shall be proud to be inform'd of any inaccuracy. My heart can never Err Essentialy toward your happy family, it is possest of so perfected an Esteem that a very little flightiness apart it Must ever Express the most proper truths. I hope I may congratulate you by the receipt of this of having been received into the arms of a Father and a Brother. Happy child—may Every circumstance be propitious to your warmest wishes. I fancy you at 388the receipt of this in the midst of London. Tis not so warm as tis here I hope, but what can not Youth and firm health such as you Enjoy I trust Endure when all the Spirits are in tune.
Youll write by the first opportunity and give us somthing to say to Each other and to write to you. My Don is remarkably Silent. He galanted me up from the Lower house on my feet last Evening but I heard nothing of his Knight Errentry, he is not worth a pin. He has promisd me one of your Bottles of salts, perhaps when I am possest of that I may be able to rouse his Genious.
If you See or correspond with Charles Storer make my Compliments to him, tell him that I fear Mr. Butterfly has dipd his wings into Some Tempting Sweetmeats at St. Quintins and clogd them So that he Cannot Escape.
My imagination will perpetually wander after you, and very many Scenes do I divert myself with as asking by you, give us Some Specimens of real
Poor Mrs. Holy4 balkd of her Exhibitions of fire works in independence Evening by the churlishness of the master of the Ceremonies, but youll hear more of it from abler pens. Da da.
yine July. 7th. 1784.”
This individual has not been identified; he may have been a member of Gen. Joseph Palmer's family, with whom Eunice Paine was living at this time. He is probably the man referred to as “my Don” in Eunice's letter to AA2, which she added to the text of this letter, below.
Col. Josiah Quincy died in March; his daughter Elizabeth married Benjamin Guild in May. Left in the colonel's home were his widow, Ann Marsh Quincy, and their daughter, Ann (Nancy).
Eunice Paine, the unmarried sister of Robert Treat Paine, was a friend of JA and AA from the 1750s; this is the first extant letter from her to any Adams since 1775. See vol. 1:197–198, 209–211; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 1:120–121, and note 25.
Perhaps Mary Wilkes Hayley, sister of the English politician John Wilkes. Mrs. Hayley visited Boston toward the end of the War for Independence, where AA had met and conversed with her (see JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:160, and note 2).
1784-07-09
My Dear Eliza will be one of the first to inquire after the welfare of her friend. Nor shall she be the last unanswered. Thus far we have proceeded on our voyage with as good weather and in as good health as we could expect. We find many things disagreeable and many inconveniencies, which might have been remedied had we have known them. Others that are the necessary attendants of a sea Life which I assure you exceeds my expectations, in the disagreeable. Were I to give you an account of our passengers at this moment, I should not, perhaps do them the justice that they deserve—for I am a little out of humour with some of them. They are sivil—indeed—most of them. Mr. Green—who you had the felicity of seeing at Uncle Smith the morning we met, there, you may possibly recolect the first impression that I received, and I assure you that it has been gradually increasing in the same stile. If you had the same idea of Mr. Anger as I have, you would receive a just idea of this Man. In person, Manners, and disposition, he is the most exact resemblance, that it would be possible to draw. Judge you, how agreeable he is to me.1 The rest of our shipmates are tolerably agreeable. Dr. Clark has been a counterpoise to them all. To him we are indebted, for every sivility and attention that it is in the power of Man to offer. It seems as if he was providentially sent with us. Had we searched the whole circle of our acquaintance—or indeed the Whole State of Massachusets, this should have been the person that we should have made choice of. We have wanted his assistance in the line of his profession, and have received it, not as confering a favour but as contributing to our happiness. His humanity and benevolence would lead him to aleviate the distresses of every situation and every station of Life.
The first week we were sea sick the greater part of the time, and I assure it exceeds every idea that I had formed. Ester remained sick longer than any of us, but has now quite recovered. Briesler was very sick for a few days. That we were deprived of both their services, Job Feild, supplied the place of both and I think I never knew so good a nurse, as a Man. The gruel that Job made had a relish that no one else could give it. It seemed like being at home almost, to have so many of our own people about us. We have quite recovered any return of this disagreeable complaint.
390My friends will I doubt not judge that the new scenes that are presenting to me, will furnish me with many and copious subjects for letters. Let me assure them that, a life on Ship board, has so little variety and so few anecdotes Worth relating that I fear they will all be disappointed, oweing to the expectation they have formed. Observations on the weather and wind with the variation of the compass, and a few of the like remarks, make the importance, and variety, of a sea Life. Tis these little circumstances represented in an interesting manner that render them pleasing. I can only lament that it is not my talent.
Remember me Eliza to all my friends, every one of whom will claim an additional share of my remembrance, to My Grand Mamma in particular if I should not have time to write after my arrival. It is not in my power to particularize every one. To Lucy I shall write as soon as an opportunity presents. My Love to her, to your Brother, respects to your Pappa and Mamma, and believe me your friend
See AA's equally negative description of Mr. Green, in which she refers to AA2's comparison of Green to Oakes Angier, under “Fryday
1784-07-10
Latitude of 47–25 Longitude 261
As well in compliance with your request, as to gratify my own inclination I take my pen after 3 weeks absence to inquire after you: you have been frequently in my thoughts during this interval, and I have traced you in my imagination, Sometimes in one Situation, and sometimes in an other. I have fanci'd you riseing with the morning sun,
From thenought wish to be, will make you what you ought to be. True greatness has its seat in the heart, it must be Elevated by asspiring to great things and by dairing to think yourself capable of them.
Upon all occasions I have deliverd my sentiments to you with freedom; and shall continue to do; but it remains with you to give them energy and force. Your favorite Rochefoucault observes we may give advice, but we cannot give conduct.2 If I could I would kindle in your Breast a spirit, of emulation, and ambition, that should enable you to shine with distinguished Brightness as a deep thinker a close reasoner an eloquent Speaker, but above all a Man of the strickest honour and integrity, for without these, the former would be only of temporary duration and the fame acquired by them would be like a faint metor gliding through the Sky, shedding only a trancient light, whilst the latter like the fixed stars never change their place but shine on to endless duration; here let me add the sentiments of a celebrated writer,
“Take care to have sentiments and thoughts worthy of you, virtue raises the dignity of Man, and vice degrades him. If one was unhappy enough to want an honest Heart, one ought for ones own Interest to correct it; nothing makes a Man truly valuable but his Heart, and nothing but that can make him happy, since our happiness depends only on the nature of our inclinations. If they are such as lead us to triffling passions, we shall be the Sport of their vain attachments. They offer us flowers, but says Montaign, always mistrust the treachery of your pleasures.”
And why all this grave advice my dear Madam to one who so well knows his duty? Aya my dear sir who of us practise so well as we know? Nobody take a reproof so kindly as he who deserves most to be commended; we are always in want of a Friend who will deal plainly and gently with us. “Be to our faults a little blind, be to our virtues ever kind.”3
Having followed you through some of your persuits by a parrelel 392of opinion I conceive you interested in my happiness and Success. You have I doubt not traversed the Latitudes and Longitudes of my European voyage, now passing Cape Sable then the Grand Banks and next in succession near the Western Islands where I now am. Hitherto our voyage has been fortunate and the weather in general favourable. We were most severely afflicted with sea sickness for 8 or ten days. Many circumstances contributed to keep up the disorder, which might have been prevented by a cleaner ship and better accommodations; but custom which reconciles us to many untoward events, has renderd our habitation more tolerable, and some alterations for the better which have taken place in the oconomy of our dwelling, with the hopes of a speedy releasment from it serve to keep us in tolerable Spirits. I cannot think however that the ocean is an Element that a Lady can delight in; or that any thing less than necessity would tempt one to cross it. Considering we have a number of passengers brought together by chance rather than inclination, I esteem myself very happy in the collection; all of them married Gentlemen except one, and he said to be engaged: they are very civil and polite endeavouring all in their power to render the passage agreeable and pleasent to us. From Dr. Clark we have received every attention of a Gentleman and physician, both of which we stood in need of. The necessary forms of previous acquaintance we have not felt the want of been banished by the Benevolence of his disposition has banished ceremony and his Brotherly kindness, in short I believe he merits the Eulogyum of the most politely attentive married Gentleman I have known. Mr. Foster is a Gentleman whose manners are soft modest and pleasing. They all know what belongs to the decorum of Gentlemen and practise accordingly.
The Ships company is as peaceable and quiet as a private family, and Capt. Lyde the more he is known, will be the more valued. He has not all the polish of a fine Gentleman, but he has that which is more valuable to his passengers, a strikt attention to his Ship and a Humanity and kindness which his countanance does not promise.
Pray how does Braintree look, is the Season favourable? On ship Board we are almost frozen; the old camblet cloak is of Emminant Service upon deck to wrap round us, and our Baize gowns are rather thin without the addition of a cloak. Has not habit led you to visit the cottage altho deserted? Recalling to your rembrance what it once was; I have vanity enough to commisirate all your Situations, and Benevolence enough to wish my place happily supplied by pleasures from some other Scource.
393Remember me kindly and affectionately to all our B
If both this position and that heading the letter from AA to Mary Cranch, 6 July, above, are correct, the Active had by 10 July sailed northwest to a position about 200 miles north, and 100 miles west of its position on 6 July. This could have happened if the ship was taking a long tack in the face of steady winds from the northeast.
One of the over five hundred Maxims of François, Duc de La Rochefoucauld, published in various editions during his life, beginning in 1665, and long after his death in 1680. JA bought a Paris 1777 edition in 1780. See Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale
;
Catalogue of JA's Library
.
Opening quotation mark supplied. The sentence is adapted from Matthew Prior's “An English Padlock,” lines 79–80.
1784-07-11
Latitude 34, 25 Long 35
This day 3 weeks I came on Board this Ship; and Heaven be praised, have hietherto had a favourable passage. Upon the Banks of Newfoundland we had an easterly Storm, I thought, but the Sailors say it was only a Brieze. We could not however sit without being held into our chairs, and every thing that was moveable was in motion, plates Mugs bottles all crashing to peices: the Sea roaring and lashing the Ship, and when worn down with the fatigue of the voilent, and incessant motion, we were assisted into our Cabbins; we were obliged to hold ourselves in, with our utmost Strength, without once thinking of closeing our Eyes, every thing wet, dirty and cold, ourselves sick; you will not envy our situation. Yet the returning sone, a smooth sea and a mild Sky dispelld our fears, and raised our languid heads.
There is not an object in Nature, better calculated to raise in our minds sublime Ideas of the Deity than the boundless ocean. Who can contemplate it, without admiration and wonder.
I have contemplated it in its various appearences since I came to Sea, smooth as a Glass, then Gently agitated with a light Breize, then lifting wave upon wave, moveing on with rapidity, then rising to the Skyes, and in majestick force tossing our ship to and fro, alternately riseing and sinking; in the Night I have beheld it Blaizing and Sparkling with ten thousand Gems—untill with the devoute psalmist I have exclamed, “Great and Marvellous are thy Works, Lord God Almighty, In Wisdom hast thou made them all.”2
It is very difficult to write at sea, in the serenest Weather the vessel rolls; and exceeds the moderate rocking of a cradle, and a calm gives one more motion, than a side wind going at 7 and 8 knots an hour: I am now setting in my State room, which is about 8 foot square, with two Cabbins, and a chair, which compleatly fills it, and I write leaning one Arm upon my cabbin, with a peice of Board in my lap, whilst I steady myself by holding my other hand upon the opposite Cabbin; from this you will judge what accommodations we have for writing; the door of my room opens into the Great Cabbin where we set, dine, and the Gentlemen sleep: we cannot Breath with our door shut, so that except when we dress and undress, we live in common. A sweet Situation for a delicate Lady, but necessity has no law: and we are very fortunate, in our company.
We have 6 Gentlemen passengers and a lad, Brother to Mrs. Adams whom I find a very agreeable modest woman. There are two State rooms; one of which I occupy with my Maid, the other Mrs. Adams and Nabby; when we first came on Board, we sufferd exceedingly from sea Sickness, which is a most disheartning disorder. This held us in some degree for ten days; and a more than ordinary motion will still affect us. The Ship was very tight, and consequently very loathsome. In addition to this our cargo was not of the most odorifferous kind consisting of oil, and potash, one of which leaked, and the other fermented, So that we had that in concert with the sea Smell. Our cook and steward is a laizy dirty Negro, with no more knowledge of his Buisness than a Savage. Untill I was well enough to exert my Authority, I was daily obliged to send my Shoes upon deck to have them Scraped: but the first time we were all able to go upon deck; I Summoned my own man servant, who before had been as sick as any of us; and sent him down with all the Boys I could muster; with Scrapers mops Brushes infusions of vinegar &c. and in a few hours 395we found there was Boards for a floor. When we returnd, we scarcly knew our former habitation; since which I have taken upon me the whole direction of our cabbin, taught the cook to dress his victuals, and have made several puddings with my own hands. We met with a great misfortune in the loss of our cow, which has deprived us of many conveniences. The poor creature was so bruized in the storm which we had, that they were obliged to kill her the next day.
Our Captain is the very Man, one would wish to go to sea with, always upon deck a nights, never sleeps but 6 hours in the 24, attentive to the clouds, to the wind and weather; anxious for his Ship, constantly watchfull of his Sails and his rigging, humane and kind to his Men, who are all quiet and still as a private family. Nor do I recollect hearing him swear but once since I came on board, and that was at a vessel which spoke with us, and by imprudent conduct were in danger of running on Board of us. To them he gave a Broadside.3 Since that I have not wished to see a vessel near us. At a distance we have seen several sail. We came on Board mere Strangers to the passengers, but we have found them obligeing and kind, polite and civil, particularly so a Dr. Clark, who has been as attentive to us as if we were all his Sisters; we have profitted by his care, and advice, during our sea sickness when he was Nurse, as well as physician. Doctors you know have an advantage over other Gentlemen, and we soon grow fond of those who interest themselves in our welfare, and particularly so of those who Show tenderness towards us in our Sickness.
We have a Mr. Foster on Board, who is a very agreeable Man, whose manners are soft and modest, indeed we have not a dissagreeable companion amongst them, all except one are married Men. Dr. Clark is a great favorite of Nabbys. He found I believe, that the mind wanted soothing, and tenderness, as well as attention to the Body. Nobody said a word, nor do I know from any thing but his manner of treating her, that he suspected it,4 but he has the art of diverting and amuseing her, without seeming to try for it. She has behaved with a dignity and decorum worthy of her.
I have often my dear Sister lookd towards your habitation, since I left America; and fancied you watching the wind; and the weather, rejoiceing when a favourable Brieze was like to favour our passage, and lifting up a pious Ejaculation to Heaven for the Safety of your Friends, then looking upon the children committed to your care with additional tenderness. Aya why drops the tear as I write? Why these tender emotions of a Mothers Breast, is it not folly to be thus agitated 396with a thought?—Nature all powerfull Nature! How is my dear Brother?5 He too is kindly interested in my welfare. “Says, here they are” and there they go. Well when is it likely we shall hear from them? Of a safe arrival I hope to inform you in ten days from the present; I will not seal my Letter but keep it open for that happy period, as I hope it will prove.
You must excuse every inaccuracy and be thankfull if you can pick out my meaning. The confinement on Board Ship is as urksome as any circumstance I have yet met with; it is what we know there is no remedy for. The weather is so cold and damp, that in the pleasantest day we can set but a little while upon deck. There has been no time so warm, but what we could bear our Baize Gowns over our double calico, and cloaks upon them whilst you I imagine are panting under the mid Summer heat. Tell Brother Shaw I could realish a fine plate of his Sallet, and when his hand is in a few of his peas; but not to day, I would not have him send them, as I am now upon a low Diet, for yesterday my dear Sister I was seazed with a severe fit of the Rheumatism, which had threatned me for several days before, occasiond I Suppose from the constant dampness of the ship. I was very sick full of pain a good deal of fever and very lame, so that I could not dress myself. But good nursing and a good physician, with rubbing, and flannel, has relieved me.7
The geographical coordinates given in the dateline are highly unlikely; the Active was probably at least 1000 miles north and 500 miles east of this position by this date (see AA to Mary Cranch, 6 July, and note 14, and AA to Royall Tyler, 10 July, and note 1, both above; and AA's Journal, entries for 3 and 17 July, in JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:162, 166). AA started this letter on Sunday, 11 July (see the opening sentence of this letter, and AA to Mary Cranch, 6 July, above, under “thursday 15 of july”). The text closely resembles the early parts of her 6 July letter, which should be compared for additional details and consulted for annotation. See also AA's Journal, in JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:154–166; hereafter cited as AA's Journal.
Psalms 104:24.
This incident occurred on 3 July (AA's Journal, p. 162).
AA refers to AA2's sadness at departing from Royall Tyler; see AA's Journal, p. 160–161.
Rev. John Shaw, AA's brother-in-law. The opening quotation marks in the following passage would logically follow, not precede, “Says,” with the closing marks following “. . . them?”
AA says below that she came down with rheumatism “yesterday”; in her letter to Mary Cranch, 6 July, above, under “thursday 15 of july,” she says this attack occurred “yesterday morning.”
The opening sentence of AA's next letter to Elizabeth Shaw, of 28 July, below, states that this sentence did close this letter.
1784-07-23
new family Hotel, Adelphi at
Mrs. Sh
At length Heaven be praised I am with our daughter safely landed upon the British Shore after a passage of 30 days from Boston to the Downs. We landed at Deal the 20 instant, rejoiced at any rate to set our feet again upon the land. What is past, and what we sufferd by sickness and fatigue, I will think no more of. It is all done away in the joyfull hope of soon holding to my Bosom the dearest best of Friends.
We had 11 passengers. We travelled from Deal to London all in company, and tho thrown together by chance, we had a most agreeable Set, 7 Gentlemen all except one, American, and marri'd men, every one of whom strove to render the passage agreeable and pleasent to us. In a more particular manner I feel myself obliged to Mr. Foster who is a part owner of the Ship, a modest kind obliging Man, who
Dr. James Lloyd of Boston; his son James became a classmate of JQA's at Harvard (
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 12:184–193).
In her letter to Mary Cranch of 6 July, above, at the end of the section dated “
AA perhaps misunderstood what Jefferson said. Col. David Humphreys accompanied Jefferson from Philadelphia to New Haven in May–June and then returned to New York, where he took the packet for France on 15 July, ten days after Jefferson sailed from Boston for England and France (see Elbridge Gerry to AA, 18 May, note 3, above).
That of 19 June (Adams Papers, printed in Jefferson, Papers
, 7:309–310).
From John Thaxter and Mercy Otis Warren, both 1 June, Tristram Dalton, 16 June, Joseph Palmer, 16 June, and Samuel Adams, 20 June (all Adams Papers); and from Richard Cranch, 18 June, above.
To be wasted away, diminished in weight, through cares or suffering (
OED
).
1784-07-26
Your Letter of the 23d. has made me the happiest Man upon Earth. I am twenty Years younger than I was Yesterday. It is a cruel Mortification to me that I cannot go to meet you in London, but there are a Variety of Reasons decisive against it, which I will communicate to you here. Meantime, I Send you a son who is the greatest Traveller, of his Age, and without Partiality, I think as promising and manly a youth as is in the World.
He will purchase a Coach, in which We four must travel to Paris. Let it be large and Strong, with an Imperial,1 and Accommodations for travelling. I wish you to See the Hague before you go to France. The Season is beautifull both here and in England. The Journey here will be pleasant excepting an Hour or two of Sea sickness between Harwich and Helvoet Sluis. You may come conveniently with your two Children and your Maid, in the Coach, and your Man may ride on Horseback, or in the Stage Coach.
I can give you no Council, about Cloaths. Mr. Puller will furnish the Money you want, upon your Order or Receipt. Expences I know will be high but they must be born, and as to Cloaths for yourself and Daughter, I beg you to do what is proper let the Expence be what it will.
400Every Hour to me will be a Day, but dont you hurry, or fatigue or disquiet yourself upon the Journey. Be carefull of your Health.
After Spending a Week or two here, you will have to set out with me to France, but there are no Seas between, a good Road a fine season and We will make moderate Journeys and See the Curiosities of Several Cities in our Way—Utrecht, Breda, Antwerp, Brussells &c &c.
It is the first Time in Europe that I looked forward to a Journey with Pleasure. Now, I promise myself a great deal. I think it lucky that I am to go to Paris where you will have an opportunity to see that City, to acquire its Language &c. It will be more agreable to you to be there, than here perhaps for some time.
For my own Part I think myself made for this World.2 But this very Idea makes me feel for a young Pair who have lately seperated. If my Consent only is Wanting they shall be asunder no longer than they choose. But We must consult upon Plans about this. They have discovered a Prudence. Let this Prudence continue and All will be right by and by.
A box or trunk for luggage attached to or fitted onto the roof of a coach (
OED
); JA describes its use upon his first mention of purchasing a coach, in his letter to William Smith Jr., 19 July (LbC, Adams Papers).
The text was omitted from this point to the end of the paragraph in JA, Letters, ed. CFA, 2:107.
1784-07-27
With the tenderest emotions of a father's heart, I congratulate you on your agreeable voyage, and happy arrival; and hope that your journeys in Europe, and your returning voyage to your own country, will be equally prosperous.
At your age, travels are pleasing and instructive. But that you may be able to derive the full benefit from them, let me recommend to you to keep a journal.
I have never had influence enough with your brother to prevail upon him to attend to this exercise, as pleasant as it is useful. But the punishment of this negligence is certain; if he lives sixty years, he will spend them all in continual repentance, and self-reproaches. A regular journal of his travels would be very valuable.2
401I cannot reproach myself, because my eyes have made it impracticable.3 With the utmost difficulty have I performed the writing, which my public duty required of me; and I may add, that my head and heart have been so occupied with necessary business, that objects of curiosity, and even the fine arts, had few attractions for me.
Your case and that of your brother are very different. In travelling with me, through the Dutch and Austrian Low Countries to France, you will have a great opportunity.4
In London you see one of those enormous masses of human nature, which exhibit to view its utmost extremes of grandeur and littleness, of virtues and vices, of wisdom and folly. In Paris you will see another; and all along between them, are countries and cities which will deserve your attention.
I need not say to you, that the end of travel, as well as study, is not the simple gratification of curiosity, or to enable one to shine in conversation, but to make us wiser and better.
The British Museum, Sir Ashton Lever's Museum, Wedgwood's Manufactory of Earthen Ware, Parker's Manufactory of Glass, I saw with great pleasure. You cannot see Mrs. Siddons, as she is absent. Westminster Abbey, and St. Paul's Church you should see.5
But I presume you will not be long in England after your brother's arrival.
Jour. and Corr.
, 1:3–5.)
The date is likely a printing or transcription error. JA did not know of AA2's arrival in London, on 20 July, until he received AA's letter of 23 July, which he answered on the 26th (both above).
For JA's first known exhortation to JQA to keep a diary, in 1778, and JQA's initially sporadic but often successful attempts to do so, from Nov. 1779 through Dec. 1783, see vol. 3:92–93, 224, note 1, 400, 425, note 1; JQA, Diary
, 1:xxxvii–xli. On 8 Aug., after an eightmonth hiatus, JQA resumed his Diary, and after another lapse in the fall, he began keeping it regularly in Jan. 1785.
JA had complained of inflamed eyes and weak vision since 1774. See vol. 2:163, 243; vol. 4:37, 45; JA, Papers
, 2:200, 404; 3:11, 49, 87; 4:413.
Compare JA's attitude here toward his own duty to perform “necessary business,” and his belief that AA2 and JQA had much greater cultural opportunities than he did, with his earlier celebrated observation that he “must study Politicks and War that my sons may have liberty to study Mathematicks and Philosophy . . . . in order to give their Children a right to study Painting, Poetry, Musick, Architecture, Statuary, Tapestry and Porcelaine” (to AA,
See JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:149–151, note 3; JQA, Diary
, 1:197–201.
I think when I finishd the last page I was rubbing myself up on Board Ship.2 But this was not the only rubbing I had to go through, for here is the stay maker, the Mantua maker, the hoop maker, the shoe maker, the miliner and hair dresser all of whom are necessary to transform me into the fashionable Lady. I could not help recollecting Molieres fine Gentleman with his danceing master his musick Master &c.3 nor dispiseing the tyranny of fashion which obliges a reasonable creature to submit to Such outrages. You inquire of me how I like London. For particulars I refer you to sister Cranches Letter,4 but I charge you as you expect to hear again from me, not to expose it, or let any body see it, except Brother Shaw, who is one and the same with yourself. My Lads may read it if they please. I assure you my dear sister I am better pleased with this city than I expected. It is a large magnificent, and Beautifull city, most of the Streets 40 feet wide built strait, the houses all uniform, no you once had some knowledge. Nay Blush not my sister, he is still a Character that you need not blush at having an Esteem for.6 I was unfortunately not at home. He left his card with his Name, and direction and a polite 403Billet requesting me to dine with him to day if I was not engaged, and if I was, the first day I was disengaged. He married a Yorkshire Lady and is in high esteem here. So tomorrow I dine with him, being the first day I have. I have received great politeness and attention from some of my (Tory) acquaintanc. Mr. and Mrs. Hollowell came to see me upon my arrival, invited me to dine with them, and then sent an invitation to me to take up my Lodgings with them whilst I resided in town the city, then sent and presst me to accept the offer, but I excused myself not chuseing on many accounts to encumber a private family, and having a large leavie, to Speak in Stile. I however accepted their invitation to Dinner, and was treated with a great deal of hospitality and kindness. Mrs. Atkinson
Tis Nine oclock and I have not Breakfasted, for we dine at four and I am half dead. Dr. Clark one of my fellow passengers whom I mentiond before and Col. Trumble are to Breakfast with me, and here they are.
From nine till 2 I have not had a moment. Mr. Appleton, Mr. Joy Mr. Cushing Mr. Murray Mr. Storer and Smith have all been to make their morning visits. Morning in this country signifies from Nine oclock till 3 and from that hour till four, you are left to yourself to dress for dinner. I do not conform wholy, when I dine at my Lodgings, I have dinner at 3, but an earlier hour would Subject me to company. The buisness of this city is all done before dinner. I have never Supped abroad, Suppers are little practised here, unless upon publick invitations. Mr. Smith received a Letter from Mr. Adams last evening in replie to one he wrote him informing him that I had taken passage in Captain Lyde.7 He tells him that it is the most agreeable News Next to that of my certain arrival, gives some directions with regard to me, expects to be obliged to set out for France as soon as I reach the Hague. Before this; he has from my own hand, received an account of my arrival.8 This is wednesday; on fryday, I expect either Mr. Adams, or Master John, and this day week, I shall set of for the Hague. I design to see this week, Westminster Abbey, and the British Museum, together with Mr. Wests paintings. I have been to see a very Elegant picture of Mr. Adams which belongs to Mr. Copely, and 404was taken by him, it is a larg full length picture. He is drawn with a Globe before him: the Map of Europe in his hand and at a distance 2 female figures representing Innocence, and Peace. It is said to be an admirable likeness.9 I went from Mr. Copelys to the Hay Market, to what is called Mr. Copelys exhibitions. These are open only for a certain Season: there are two or 3 most
Here is Mr. Storer come to Breakfast with me and then I am going out to Cheep Side; if to be found, but it is not this Side Boston I assure you; I am astonished to find that you can purchase no article here by retail but what comes much dearer than in Boston. I had heard these Stories; but never believed them before. I shall dine with Mr. Joy to day and when I return I will tell you all about our entertainment.
I went out yesterday as I told you I should; I had never been out before but in a Coach. Mr. Storer advised me to walk as it was a fine morning and the sides of the streets here are laid with flat stone as large as tile. The London Ladies walk a vast deal and very fast. I accordinly agreed to go out with him, and he led me a jaunt of full four miles. I never was more fatigued in my life, and to day am unable to walk across the room; having been on Board ship for some time, and never being used to walking: it was two miles too far for my first excursion; but if I was to live here I would practise Walking every day when the weather was pleasent. I went out at Nine and did not return untill one, when I was obliged to lye upon the bed an hour before I could dress me. In the mean time Mrs. Copely called upon me; and the Servant came up and asked me if I was at Home? The replie ought to have been no, but Ester not being yet accustomed to London Stile, replied yes. Fortunately Nabby was near dresst, so we past off Miss Adams, for Mrs. Adams, one being at home, the other not. You must know, having brought a concience from America with me, I could not 405reconcile this to it, but I am told not realy Mrs. Adams” Says he “She is gone out, and I am very sorry for it.”11
Well say you, but have you been yet to dine as you told me, with my old Friend? Yes I have: and was much pleased. This Gentleman retains all that pleasing softness of manners which he formerly possesst, in addition to these, he has all the politeness and ease of address which distinguish the Gentleman. He has been Married to a Yorkshire Lady about 3 Months, a Lady of fortune I am told. She has been Educated in the Country, and has none of the London airs about her. She is small, delicate as a Lily and Blushing as a rose, diffident as the sensitive plant which shrinks at the touch, their looks declare a unison of Hearts; Mr. Joy has made a great deal of money during the war and lives Elegantly, the dinning room and morning room were the most elegant of any I have Seen, the furniture all New, and had an air of neatness which pleased me; I am in Love with what I have seen of the London Stile of entertaining company. There were 4 American gentlemen who dinned with us. I would mention that fish and poultry of all kinds are extravagantly high here; we had a table neatly set, fish of a small kind, at the head; a ham in the middle, and a roast fillet of veal at the foot, peas and collyflower, an almond pudding and a pair of roast ducks were brought on, when the fish was removed, cherries and coosburries. One servant only to attend, but he a thorough master of his Buisness. This I am told was a much higher entertainment than you will commonly meet with at a Gentlemans table who has an income of 10 thousand a year. I have dined out Six times by invitation and have never met with so much as or so great a variety as yesterday at Mr. Joys table. This is a day set apart for publick thanksgiving for the peace. The Shops are all shut and there is more the appearence of Solemnity than on the Sabbeth, yet that is kept with more decency and decorum than I expected to find it. The Churches which I attended last Sunday were large, yet were they crouded. I was to have attended divine Service to day at the Assylum or orphan House where Mr. Duchee formerly of Philadelphia, and chaplin to Congress, officiates, but my walk yesterday and a bad head ack prevents me; for in this country they keep the doors 406and windows shut; this in a crouded assembly is not only prejudicial to Health, but I soon grow faint; Nabby has taken a Sad12 cold by comeing out last Sunday from the Magdelin, tho we were in a coach; but tis the fashion they Say for all Stranger to have colds and coughs. I wonder not at it if they attend publick assemblies. It has not been warm enough, since I came into the city, to Set with the windows open, and for two Nights past I have had my bed warmed. Mr. and Mrs. Atkinson would not excuse us from dinning with them to day. Charles Storer calld for us about 3 oclock. This is a fine young fellow, uncorrupted amidst all the licentiousness of the age, he seems like a child to me; is as attentive and obligeing as possible. There is not a day when I do not have 10 to a dozen Americans to see me, many of the refugees amongst them. Mr. Leanard of Taunton13 made me a visit to day, assured me Mrs. Leanard would call upon me. Col. Norton Mr. Foster Mr. Spear Mr. Appleton Mr. Mason14 Mr. Parker have been our morning visitors. Dr. Clark comes 2 miles twice a day to see us, and is like one of our family. When say you do you write
In the afternoon I called and drank tea with Mr. and Mrs. Elworthy to whom I had letters, and who very early called upon me. Mrs. Elworthy is a Neice of Brother Cranchs. They are Buisness folk, worthy good people, make no pretentions to fine living, but are of the obligeing Hospitable kind. He lives near a publick Building call'd Drapers Hall. The tradesmen of this Country are all formed into companys, and have publick Buildings belonging to them. This is a magnificent Eddifice at the end of which is a most Beautifull Garden surrounded by a very high wall, with four alcoves and rows of trees placed upon each side the walks: in the middle of the Garden is a fountain of circular form, in the midst of which is a large Swan; out of whose mouth the water pours; and is convey'd there by means of pipes under ground. Flowers of Various Sorts ornament this Beautifull Spot: when you get into these appartments and others which I have Seen similar; you are ready to fancy yourself in Fairy land, and the representations which you have seen of these places through Glasses,15 is very little hightned.
407Whilst we were at dinner to day a Letter was brought to Nabby from her cousin Betsy.16 You can form an Idea how pleasing it was to hear from home only 25 days since. Dear Romantick Girl, her little narative of her visit to the deserted cottage made me weep; my affection for which is not lessned by all the Magnificent Scenes of the city, tho vastly beyond what our country can boast. Mr. Jefferson had a very quick passage, and tho he saild a fortnight after me, arrived here only Six days after me. He landed at Portsmouth and is gone on for France; this I imagine will make an alteration in my excursion to the Hague, as my Friends here advise me not to go on, untill Mr. Adams is acquainted with Mr. Jeffersons arrival. I know he must go to Paris, and by going directly there much time fatigue and expence will be Saved.
Either Master John or his Pappa will be here to day, unless detained by the wind. Mr. Smith sets of tomorrow in order to embark for America, so that my Letter must Soon come to a close. I send a Book for my little Nephew, and as I am going to France, I think to purchase your lace there where it can be bought upon better terms than here. Remember me to Mr. Thaxter. Tell him he must write to me, and he will find me punctual in return.
AA's references toward the end of the long opening paragraph to Michael Joy's invitation to dine, and to the invitation that she received from Jonathan Jackson and William Vans Murray to attend a play (see AA to Mary Cranch, 6 July, above), date the first part of the text to 27 July.
See AA to Elizabeth Shaw,
Molière, Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme. JA's library has incomplete editions of Molière, in French, published in Paris, 1760, and London, 1784 (
Catalogue of JA's Library
).
AA to Mary Cranch, 6 July, above. The latter part of that letter supplies further details on most of the subjects treated below.
C. W. F. Dumas and his family.
The editors have found no other evidence suggesting a courtship or a close friendship between Elizabeth Smith Shaw and Michael Joy before the Joy family left Massachusetts in 1776, but Joy could have been the unidentified “Pollio” mentioned in Elizabeth Smith to AA, 8 Feb. 1774, vol. 1:96. Elizabeth Smith married Rev. John Shaw in 1777.
JA to William Smith Jr., 19 July (LbC, Adams Papers).
AA to JA, 23 July, above.
Compare this description with AA to Mary Cranch, 6 July, following “Sunday morg july 25,” where AA says that Copley's portrait 408“is . . . a very good likeness.”
With Copley substituted for Kneller, these are the first two lines of Alexander Pope's epitaph “On Sir Godfrey Kneller,” a German-born portrait painter of Britsh rulers and other prominent figures, who died in 1723. Pope's lines were inscribed on Kneller's monument in Westminster Abbey.
DNB
.
The editors have supplied the quotation marks in this paragraph.
Thus in MS.
In 1816, JA named Daniel Leonard, originally of Taunton, Mass., as one of his “three . . . most intimate Friends” seduced away by Gov. Thomas Hutchinson to the loyalist cause during the Revolution (the other two being Samuel Quincy and Jonathan Sewall). In 1774–1775, Leonard wrote the anonymous “Massachusettensis” letters, to which JA responded in his “Novanglus” letters of 1775. JA, however, did not know that Leonard was his antagonist until the 1820s. See JA, Papers
, 2:217, 221–222.
Perhaps Jonathan Mason Jr. of Boston, who clerked in JA's law office briefly in 1776, and later became a Federalist state legislator, and a U. S. senator and congressman. A Mr. Mason visited JA in Paris in Nov.–Dec. 1782. See vol. 4:335, and note 6; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:58, 91;
DAB
.
Probably painted glass slides inserted into a magic lantern, a device of mid-seventeenth-century invention (
OED
, under “magic lantern”).
Not found; see AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch, 30 July, below.
There is no break in AA's paragraph at this point, but her expectation of JQA's or JA's arrival suggests 30 July for this passage; William Smith Jr.'s departure “tomorrow” argues even more strongly for the 30th, since he was scheduled to depart, and did depart, on 31 July. AA2's receipt of Elizabeth Cranch's letter “to day” dates the composition of the beginning of the paragraph at 29 July. See AA to Mary Cranch, 6 July, above, under “fryday
John and Sarah White, Nathaniel Peaslee Sargeant, and Mary Marsh were all Haverhill residents, and all appear in JQA's letters written to family members from Haverhill in the fall of 1785, below, and in JQA, Diary
, vol. 1.
1784-07-30
I was this day made very happy by the arrival of a son in whom I can trace the strongest likeness of a parent every way dear to me. I had thought before I saw him, that I could not be mistaken in him, but I might have set with him for some time without knowing him.
I am at a loss to know what you would wish me to do, as Mr. Jefferson arrived last week at Portsmouth, immediately from Boston, altho he saild a fortnight after me, and went on to Paris.
Some of my Friends suppose that you would rather I should proceed from hence; and agree upon meeting at Brussels than make the journey first to the Hague. If I was to follow my own inclinations I should set off next twesday, but our son thinks I cannot come with convenience untill fryday. We have concluded upon this, to wait your replie to these Letters untill this day week, and come to the Hague or set of for Paris as you think best, or meet you at any place you may appoint. As to the article of cloathing I am full as much at a loss as you can possibly be. I have bought a Lutestring for myself and 409Nabby which I have had made, and Nabby is equipt with a rideing dress, but I thought the fewer I purchased here the better, as I was so soon to go to Paris, where I suppose it will be necessary to conform to the fashion. If by comeing on first to the Hague, I could relieve you from any trouble, or render you any assistance, I will most cheerfully perform the journey, but Mr. Storer thinks it will be attended with less trouble and expence; which is a matter worth considering, to proceed with my family to Paris. The sooner we meet the more agreeable it will be to me, for I cannot patiently bear any circumstance which detains me from the most desirable object in my estimation that hope has in store for me. I hardly dared flatter myself with the prospect of your comeing for me yourself, and was the less dissapointed when Master John arrived. I shall feel myself perfectly safe under his care. There are many American
Nabby has had Letters from Boston, from Dr. Welch and her Cousin Betsy written only 25 days since.3 Mr. Tracy came out with Mr. Jefferson.
I have two excellent servants tho they are not used to the manners and customs of the country, one of whom the maid I am anxious for, never having had the small pox. Dr. Clark would have innoculated her upon her first comeing but I knew not whether we should stay here till she got through it.
Dated from JQA's arrival in London, on 30 July (AA to Mary Cranch, 6 July, under “fryday
For the letters to JA that AA brought with her from Boston, see AA to JA, 23 July, notes 4 and 5, above.
Dr. Thomas Welsh had married Abigail Kent, a cousin of AA (JQA, Diary
, 1:316, note 1). Neither Welsh's letter nor Elizabeth Cranch's has been found.
1784-07-30
This day
Your letter Eliza called afresh to my memory every scene that I so lately passed, a retrospect that I can never take without paying the tribute of tears. Perhaps tis a weakness, if it is, it is a weakness that I would not exchange, for every other sentiment that was ever admitted to the heart. The remembrance of our friends is indeed dear to us. I shall never entertain so unworthy an opinion of myself as to believe it possible that mine should ever forget me, let me be placed in whatever clime fortune designs me for.
Your mention of the flower reminds me of my air plant. It is yet alive and flourishes finely. The sea Aair agreed very well with its constitution, it has grown near a quarter of a yard. There is a pleasure and satisfaction in indulging these thing that contributes to our happiness greatly. You who feel them so forcibly, can judge of them in an other.
Mamma has written and is writing so fully to your Mamma that it is impossible I believe to touch a string that, has not been canvassed, and received the polish of her pen. I have written so many letters3 and have so often repeated what I have said, that I believe it will be best for my friends not to communicate any of my letter to each other. 411They will find if they do, that I have given the same thing to as many as I have different correspondents.
I fear I shall not find so leasure a time as I now have to write in a great while. When I get to learning french, I shall not be able to, leave my letters when Mr—or Mrs—Calls, and return to it again when they have left us—as is the case now.
Yesterday afternoon Mamma, myself, and Charles Storer, took a walk from Mr. Atkinsons to Mr. Elworthys, and drank tea. They are very agreeable people. Two of their Daughters I saw. One of thirteen the other five years of age. The oaldest is the one that Mr. Robbins said looked like you. I do not think there is the least likeness between ye.
More than a week we have been in this City and every hour of the time expecting my Pappa or Brother to arrive. There is a mail due to day. We are in expectation of his certain arrival. I have seen a Mr. Murry an acquaintance of my Brothers that has given me very pleasing accounts of him. Happy shall I be, to find him equal to my wishes—and happy will he be to equal my expectations. At present I am in a state of suspence, of all others the most painfull. We have a levee of American gentlemen every day, ten or a dozen are daily visiters, that it does not seem like being in a land of strangers. Indeed I have not seen but one or two Englishmen since I have been here. These folks are very sivil, but there are situations when even sivility is painfull from strangers.
Last Wedensday we dined at Mr. M. Joys. He has lately maried a Lady of fortune from Liverpool, and lives exceedingly elegant. Mrs. J. is the sweetest creature I ever saw. The most delicoy sweetness and sentiment are united in her countenance that I ever beheld, before. She appears to be very young and as much difidence and modesty about her, as in any Yankee Girl. She blushes, a sensation that the English Ladies are I believe in general Strangers to.
Mr. J—s happiness is imprinted in his countenance. They have both countenances very expressive of the happiness they seem to enjoy.
That I am in the City of London, I can scarce believe.
This moment a servant tells me that my Brother has arrived and has stoped at the next house to dress. Why has he done this. He knowns not the impatience of his sister and Mamma. My happiness is but half compleat—but why did I think of this. Let me enjoy the 412present moment and anticipate future satisfaction. I cannot write now. When I have seen him I will at least tell you how he looks, if he is any thing short of a monster I shall be disappointed, from the accounts I have had of him.
I have the pleasure to inform you Eliza that I have seen my Brother, actually seen him, and do not find him a monster as I expected. He is not larger and not so tall as Harry Otis. You may form some judgment of him. We shall not set out from this place, till next fryday. From the Hague we shall go immediately to Paris, and there expect to reside. John looks like a sober lad. I am indeed gratified, and hope to inform you that I am satisfied, when I become acquainted with him.
Mr. Smith tells me tis necessary that I should seal and deliver to him my letters this night. You will naturally suppose me much engaged by my Brother, and will excuse this little blank,4 which otherwise I would not have left. Remember me to all our friends, oald and young, and to every one of whom I have any knowledge. Your sister I shall write to in a few days. Till then assure her and yourself of the sincere regard of your Cousin
My Brother says he lately wrote you a long letter of four pages5 and sent it by a Mr. Brinton.
AA2 began this letter on 29 July, the day on which she received a letter from Elizabeth Cranch while dining with Mrs. Atkinson (AA to Mary Cranch, 6 July, under “thursday
Not found.
AA2's only other extant letter of this period is that to Elizabeth Cranch of 9 July, above.
The letter does not quite fill the last page.
That of 18 April, above.
1784-07-30
I was so lucky as to have a passage of 26 hours from Helvoet
You will perhaps have heard before this reaches you, that Mr.
413 image 414Jefferson is arrived, and is gone forward to Paris. This may perhaps alter your intentions about our going to the Hague. We shall therefore not leave this Place, untill we receive Letters from you. If you think of going directly to Paris, we might go there to meet you; or we could meet you at some other place in France—the disagreeable passage might thereby be saved—but you will be able to judge, and will be so good as to let us know your intentions, as soon as possible.
I have seen a Coach, which I think would do extremely well for your Purpose; it is large; convenient, for four Persons, and has every necessary accommodation; it is nearly new and will come I believe to about 120 Guinea's. It is second hand, but as good as if new, and I think it will be preferable to having one made, which besides being much more expensive, would, take up a great deal of time.
1784-08-01
Enclosed is a tasty ribbon for you, I do not mean to forget my other dear cousin, but could not light of one that all together pleased me at the time: Your cousin Jack, arrived here yesterday from the Hague to my no small joy I assure you. There is in his manners behaviour and countanance, Strong resemblance of his Pappa. He is the same good humourd Lad he formerly was. I look upon him Scarcly realizing that he belongs to me, Yet I should be very loth any one else should lay claim to him. I hope the two dear Boys whom I left behind, will be equally comforts and blessings to their Parents. Will you my good Girl give them from time your Sisterly advice and Warning; in this way you can repay all the little Services it was ever in my power to render you: next to my own children are those of my dear sisters in my affection and Regard; the personal merit of those who have arrived to years of maturity, need not the ties of consanguinity to endear them to me.
Your cousin has written to you largely I believe,2 for her pen has been employed ever since we left home when She was able on Board Ship; and when She could catch a moments time at home. Were you here I would introduce you to some very agreeable company, in particular to a Mr. Murray, a Friend of your cousin Jacks who is a Student in the Temple, an American who bears a very good Character 415is a young Gentleman of polite Manners easy address and real good sense, very chatty and Sentimental, writes handsomely and is really an accomplished youth. There are very few American Ladies here, but Gentlemen by the dozens, and not a day but what we have our Share of them; as you know I am fond of sociabilSituation of the foundling Hospitel would enchant you Betsy, I have wished for you, and longed to carry you with me to Drapers Garden. Find these places if you can amongst your pictures, paint has very littled hightned them I assure you: I am going to day to see Mr. Wests paintings, he is out of the city, but Mr. Trumble is a Pupil of his and resides with him when in Town. He attends us accompanied with Master Jack and Charlly
Your cousin received your Letter last thursday whilst we were at dinner at Mr. Atkinsons, Mr. Elworthy brought it, who lives but a little distance from them: you will receive your reward in the pleasure; in the painfull pleasure I assure you it gave us.3 I rose very early this morning to get an hour before Breakfast to write to one or two of my Friends. I have only my wrapping Gown on, and the clock warns me that company which I expect will be here before I am ready. Mr. Murray is to Breakfast with us and accompany us by his desire to this excursion. From Mr. Wests we are to visit the Monuments of Kings and Queens in Westminster Abbey.
Hunt Cranch, Boston”; endorsed: “Mrs AA—London Augst 1 1784 (No. 1)”; docketed on the third page: “A. Adams to Miss Eliz. Cranch London Aug 1st. 1784”; notation at the top of the first page, in Elizabeth Cranch's hand: “No. 1.”
AA may have begun this letter on 31 July, since she says below that JQA “arrived here yesterday.”
See AA to Elizabeth Shaw, 28 July, above.
1784-08-01
Your favour without a Date,1 just now received and Mr. Jeffersons Arrival, a Month sooner than he expected, have indeed changed my Plan. Stay where you are, and amuse yourself, by Seeing what you can, untill you See me. I will be with you in Eight Days at farthest, and sooner, if possible. I will cross from Helvoet
That of
To Royall Tyler, above.
1784-08-01
I have the Pleasure of yours of July 30. and advise you to purchase the Coach and prepare every Thing to set off with me to Dover in a Week from this Day. I will not loose a Moment, of the agreable Company, that I can avoid. Indeed I have repented 20 times that I did not go with you. The Pas of Calais and the Pas of Harwich will make me sick, but do me no harm.
Purchase Johnsons Lives of the Poets1 which will amuse Us on the Road. We will take the Journey fair and easy.
Mr. Elworthys Bills I will bring with me and pay in London.2
JA's library has Samuel Johnson's The Lives of the Most Eminent English Poets, London, 1783, in four volumes. Each volume has JA's bookplate; vol. 3 has his autograph.
Catalogue of JA's Library
.
JA wrote this sentence in the left margin.
1784-08-02
Before Mr. Smith went away1 I had no opportunity to ask Master John a Question but in company. I find by his accounts that Some Letters are gone to America the contents of which should they come into your hands; I hope you will keep wholy to yourself. I own I am rather surprized at them, and I think I may rely upon your prudence, and all connected with you to keep them intirely to yourselves. I have thought it a very fortunate circumstance that they did not reach me, before I saild, as they would have greatly embarrassed me. The present trial must be the test, if the Gold is genuine failing neither in weight or value, time will not diminish it—but should such a mixture of alloy be finally found in it, as to prove the coin either counterfeit, or base, it will not pass for current where it is now valued as intrinsick.2
I am anxious that you should receive this; and if at any time you wish to communicate to me, any thing that no other person ought to see, let it be always inclosed in an other Letter with such a mark upon the outside as this ⦶.
I have been so much occupied for several days that I have not had leisure to write; and am engaged for more time now than tis probable I shall tarry in London. I have been to the Tow
William Smith Jr. departed London for America on 31 July, carrying etters from AA to Mary Cranch, 6 July, and to Elizabeth Shaw, 28 July, and from AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch, 30 July, all above.
Only one JA letter to AA known to the editors was not received before AA sailed for England, that of 25 Jan.; a second, of 3 July, was written after her departure (both above). In each, JA gave his permission for AA2 to marry Royall Tyler. In January, JA wrote that AA2 could marry immediately and take over the family house while AA was abroad. In July he proposed that AA bring AA2 and Tyler, as newlyweds, along to Europe.
After JA's initial strong disapproval of Tyler in early 1783, AA had come to see a separation between AA2 and Tyler as a suitable test of the strength of their love. And none of JA's letters in the summer or fall of 1783, above, showed a clear change in his attitude toward Tyler's courtship. Thus AA's discovery, in conversation with JQA about 1 Aug., that JA had acquiesced to his daughter's marriage in his Jan. and July letters, and possibly in other letters of which there is no record, was 418acutely embarrassing to her.
JA had also written Tyler directly on 3 April, above, giving a rather general approval of Tyler's suit, but also stating that he expected AA2 to come to Europe with AA before she married. Richard Cranch received this letter and forwarded it to Tyler on 11 Aug. (Cranch to JA, 12 Aug., below).
1784-08-06
London
We have not received as yet any answer to the letters we wrote you the day I arrived in town;1 and are yet in a State of great uncertainty and doubt whether to go over to Holland or to go directly on to Paris to meet you there. We have got all ready to leave this Place to morrow morning if we had received any directions from you, and indeed we had some thoughts of setting off for Harwich at any rate to'morrow; But we have given over that intention, not knowing but you may have written us to go directly to Paris to meet you there, and may perhaps have already left the Hague. The Journey from hence to Paris would be attended with much less difficulty and much less fatigue, than to go first to Holland and immediately after to France. The Post from Holland must have been unluckily detained, and the mails are not arrived; I presume we shall receive Letters when it comes, which will direct us what to do. If our orders are for France, and we receive them to morrow, we shall leave London the next day; if for Holland we shall not be able to go, on account of the sailing of the Packet untill Tuesday. These delays are very disagreeable, but they were unavoidable; had Mr. Jefferson not arrived we should probably have been with you at this time.
I have bought the Coach of which I wrote you in my Last, and I believe that it will come upon the whole to about 120. Guineas as I wrote you. The Coach itself cost £102. 10S. the Imperial £6. 18S., but there will probably be some few trifles to add, and a Coachman's box, must be put on it at Paris, which will be about 10 or 15 Guineas more; I hope that it will prove satisfactory to you. I had it cheap because it is second hand, that is, it has been about 70. miles; it was built for a gentleman, who intended travelling thro' France, and Italy in it, but having altered his mind, disposed of it, at a low Price; the same carriage, new, would not be sold I dare say at less than £150. and perhaps more: it has every accommodation necessary for travelling, and may be converted into a town Carriage without the least diffi-419culty. I am upon the whole very well contented with it, and believe it will please you.
30 July, above.
JA arrived the following morning from The Hague, from which he had departed on 4 Aug.; the only record of his reunion with his family is in AA2's journal (
Jour. and Corr.
, 1:viii; reprinted in JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:170–171, note 1). Staying in London only one night, JA departed for Paris with his family on the following day, Sunday, 8 Aug., in the coach that JQA had just purchased. The Adamses boarded the Channel boat at Dover on 9 Aug.; upon reaching Calais they traveled in their coach through Boulogne, Amiens, and Chantilly to Paris, which they reached on the 13th. AA2's journal provides the only detailed description of this journey, but AA and JQA vividly record their impressions of certain parts of it in various letters, below. Four days after their arrival in Paris, where they lodged at the Hôtel de York, dined with Thomas Barclay and David Hartley, and received the abbés Arnoux, Chalut, and de Mably, the family moved to Auteuil, outside Paris, to a house which AA and AA2 describe minutely in their letters, below. See AA2, Jour. and Corr.
, 1:7–15;
JQA
, Diary
, 1:207–209.
1784-08-07
Long e'er this time I hope my dear Sister and Cousin have sat their Feet upon the British shore, and been made happy by the sight of their long absent Friends. Your mind must have been greatly agitated as you drew near the place where you expected to meet them, uncertain as you were whether the first inteligence would produce you the most exquisite pleasure, or the most Poignant distress. I hope you are all as Happy as this checkerd scene will permit you to be. Time will hang heavy upon me till I hear from you. I long to have the particulars of your voyage. If you was well enough to keep a journal pray send it me. I have miss'd two oppertunitys of writing to you, by not knowing of them, till it was too late. Betsy happen'd to be in Boston when one Vessell Saild and wrote by it.1 I hope you have receiv'd it. My Letters my dear Sister will not be compos'd of Politicks; I am entirly out of the line of them. Now you are absent from me I know you expect Subjects in which your Heart is more interested. The week after you left us Mr. Tyler and I carried Louissa and Polly to Lincoln and brought back Betsy.2 We found sister and her Family Well, and seemingly very happy. Sure I am She is very com-420fortably supply'd with every neccessary. Louissa shed many a Tear at being left, but I hear She soon got reconcil'd to her situation. Betsy is still with me. Lucy return'd With Mr. Shaw when he was here at commencment. When she comes home Betsy will go. We had a letter from Lucy Last Week. Sister Shaw and your dear Boys were well. Sisters Health is much mended by her journey this Spring. Billy and Betsy3 are now upon a visit of a week to Haverhill. We have had a sharp drought, scarcly a drop of rain for six weeks after you left us. Since that we have had frequent showers and things begin to revive. Every Body supposes you must have had a very short Passage, by the constant strong west winds we have had and by the uncommonly long Passages all the vessels from Europe have had. Capt. Beals was out sixty Days. He has brought a fine Family of children with him, five Sons and a little Daughter. Mrs. Beals is a Handsome amiable, Well-Bred woman exceedingly affable.4 She did not wait for a visit from me, but call'd upon us herself, (which oblig'd me especially as I was not at home when they came)5 to make her a very earley visit. If he has not brought with him too great a Tast for the Luxurys of Europe, they will be a pritty addition to our Neighbourhood. All the genttry that have come into the Town for these Several years have rather injur'd than other ways our morals. Mr. T-m-es Negro girl is dead: she was a misirable object. Mrs. T. is affraid to sleep above stairs since her death. She is affraid of a visit from her—O conscience how faithfully thou doest thy office! Mr. T. is gone to the West Indies, and since the Death of the poor Negro she is affraid also to sleep without a Man—in the next Parlour at least, and as nobody appear'd so unapropriated as Josiah Veasy she has chosen him for a protector and given him an asylum in her House. Scandal hold thy Tongue.6
Aunt Tufts has been very sick but is better. The Docr. will I suppose write. I have made several visits to your House, but I dont Love too. It has a dismal look. Pheby keeps it in nice order. It is sweept and every thing that wants it, rub'd once a week. She looks very happy and would be so I believe if some of the Neighbours did not trouble her. She says She Believes they think that you left her your Almoner, for she cannot think that they can Suppose her able to supply all their wants. They impose upon her sadly. I design'd to have told you long before now that your Mother Hall, and your Brother Adams's Family are well. I think your Mother has been better this summer than usual. We have visited each other as often as we could. She has din'd with me twice. I should have seen her to day if I had not been writing to you. You may depend upon my utmost attention to her 421Health and Happiness. I suppose Mr. Tyler will write, he is well. Tell Cousin Nabby that she has left a sorrowful looking Picture behind her. I dont like it.
Mr. Cranch is well. Betsy has had her Health very well for her, has been upon a visit of three weeks at Weymouth return'd last week. Old Mr. Nightingail is dead, and old Mrs. Savil also. Both died very suddenly, the former was found dead in his Bed, the later walk'd out in the Garden the Day before her death, and about an hour before she died she smook'd her Pipe and drank a dish of Tea, layd her head upon her Pillow and said “Tis over,” and expir'd without a Pang. They both died on the same day. Delight Newcomb langushes still, without any prospect of recovering. I think I have given a purty particular account of your Friends and acquaintance. Our Germantown Friends must not be forgot, nor our good Uncle Quincy, they are well as usual. Miss Paine wrote to you Some time past,7 but was too late for the vessel. Cousin Palmers Family mov'd to Boston this Day—and now my dear sister, the companion of my youth, My sweet Friend, when will you return? Can you conjecture? My days will, they must be lonely till you do. Let me participate in all your amusements. You my sister are one of the sentimental Travellers. You love your Pen and I expect much entertainment. Yesterday I went to see Deacon Adams.8 He had the misfortune to break his Thigh about Twelve days ago. A cart ran over it. Tis Set and we hope he will do well.
I want a Wilton carpit for our best room. It measures five and an half yards one way, and four and three quarters the other. I have been told that it can be had for five Shillings a yard in London. It will take about Twenty five yards if we get the yard wide. I should rather have it in one piece. Will you be so kind as to inquire what you can get one for? I hop'd to have sent you a Bill by this conveyence, but I have not got the money yet. You know where I expected it. Give my best regards to
Letter not found. See AA to Elizabeth Shaw, 28 July, and AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch, 30 July, both above.
Louisa Catharine Smith, Mary (Polly) Smith, and Elizabeth (Betsy) Smith were all daughters of AA's brother, William Smith Jr., and Louisa Catharine Salmon Smith. William had permanently left his family shortly before this date.
William Cranch and Elizabeth Cranch. The “Betsy” who was to go to Haverhill when Lucy Cranch returned was Elizabeth Smith.
Capt. Benjamin Beale, a Braintree native, and his English-born wife settled in the 422Squantum district in the 1780s, but built a home just west of the Adams' Old House in 1792, which still stands. Their sons Benjamin Jr. and George were good friends of the Adamses well into the nineteenth century. See AA2, Jour. and Corr.
, 2:124; JQA, Diary
, 2:166, and note 1, 267–272 passim; and Pattee, Old Braintree and Quincy
, index.
Opening parenthesis supplied.
Mr. and Mrs. “T-m-es” and their servant have not been identified. A Josiah Veasey (Veazie; Vessy) had seen military service in 1776, and was listed as paying a poll tax in 1792. See Pattee, Old Braintree and Quincy
, index.
On 7 July, above.
Ebenezer Adams.
1784-08-12
After a long Interval, I had Yesterday the great Happiness of receiving your esteemed Favour of the 3d. of April. I immediately sent the inclosed1 to Mr. Tyler. I have not seen him since your Letter came to his Hand.
When I consider the amazing Exertions of Mind that you must have been continually making, and the Anxieties that must necessarily have prey'd upon your Spirits while Events of the greatest Magnitude hung in Suspence and Uncertainty, I do not wonder that your bodily Machine has suffer'd and been much worn, under such various Pressures of Fatigue from without, and Agitations from within. I rejoice however to hear that your Health is better. The Arrival of your “dear Girls” in Capt. Lyde (which I hope has taken place before this time) will, I doubt not, greatly facilitate your Recovery, by renewing those pleasing domestick Attentions that will in some degree efface those disagreeable Impressions which an incessant Application to the most knotty and perplexing Affairs must have imprinted deep on your Mind.
I hope you will not be disappointed in your Plan of coming home next May. I wish it might be sooner. You have a very great Number of Friends in all Parts of this Commonwealth who earnestly wish for your Arrival here before April.2 We now wish more than ever to hear from Europe, as the Object of our Love and anxious Concern there is enlarged. May God preserve your most faithfull Friend, the Partner of your Cares; and your amiable Children; and return you and them again to America in Safety!
At the Desire of the Honble. C. Tufts Esqr. I have enclosed to you a very sensible Sermon preached before the General Assembly last Election, by your old Friend and Class-Mate the Revd. Moses Hemmingway of Wells.3 I also want you to read a Piece of Divinity that is like to make a great Noise in the World, written by Doctr. Chauncy 423of this Town, but printed in London this Year, by Dilly.4 The Doctor has not put his Name to it. The old Gentleman has favour'd me with the reading of one of them that was sent over to him by Doctr. Price. His Design is to prove from Scripture that the eternal Salvation of all the human Race will be the final Issue, sooner or later, of Christ's mediatorial Undertaking; tho' perhaps various successive States of Discipline, after the present, may be necessary to take place before the most hardened Sinners shall be brought to true Repentance and such a State of moral Rectitude as to fit them for Happiness. The Plan is great, and benevolent; and, I think, supported in a masterly manner.
Our Friend Deacn. Ebzr. Adams has met with a bad Misfortune about 3 Weeks ago by a Cart, which broke his Thigh; we hope he is in a good way of Recovery. Your Mother and Brother and Family are as well as usual. Your fine Boys at Haverhill were well a few Days ago. Our children are all three gone there on a Visit, so that they will have a joyous time of it. My Family and Mr. Tyler were well when I left home a few Days ago, as were also all our Friends in Braintree, Weym
JA to Royall Tyler, 3 April, above.
In time for Massachusetts' annual election for governor; JA's friends had hoped for over a year that he would return to oppose John Hancock for the governor's chair.
Enclosure not found. Moses Hemmenway, A Sermon Preached before His Excellency . . . May 26, 1784. Being the Day of General Election, Boston, 1784. Hemmenway, Harvard 1755, a moderate to liberal Calvinist and a staunch Whig, was much admired by JA from their college days, and JA visited the pastor at Wells, Maine, while riding his law circuit in the 1770s, and corresponded with him. See JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 1:357, 359; 3:260;
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 13:609–618.
If enclosed, not found. Charles Chauncy, The Mystery Hid from Ages . . . or, The Salvation of All Men, London, 1784. Printed in London because of the scarcity of Greek and Hebrew typeface in Boston, the work capped the long career of this ardent Arminian and Whig preacher, then in his eightieth year (
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 6:439–467, esp. p. 458–459).
Mary Cranch to AA, 7 Aug., above.
1784-08-24
I thank you, and my Betsy Smith for your kind Care of my dear little sick Girl. She has had 2 in her life, of such sudden and voilent ill turns before this, that frighted you so much. If she was to be sick longer than 12 hours, I should indeed be exceedingly anxious. I need not say I wish you to be so kind as to give her something for her Worms, your goodness has already done it. I hope she will be well, and not give you any further trouble. She must be good, and love you dearly for tending her. I know she cannot help it, for little Childern are not naturally ungrateful, but are always inclined to love those who are kind, and pleasant to them. I find she is Cousin Lucy's favorite, for she is always telling me of her prattle, more than I should dare to repeat, lest others should charge me with being a fond doating mamma.
How good it was in Brother Cranch to write to Mr. Shaw, and inform him of the agreeable intelligence of our worthy Brother Adam's intended return to America in the year 1785. Amen—and Amen. But I fear the Commissions he has received from Congress since the date of his Letter,1 will necessarily detain him much longer than any of them wish. But what are the sensations of Brothers and Sisters, when compard with the extatic feelings of a fond Lover, kept 18 months in fears, and doubts, and hopes and dreams of fancied Happiness. To be told—to be assured “Amelia shall be thine. We shall return.”2 It was too much. No wonder feeble nature faultered in the struggle. No wonder that the Tabril3 and the Harp, and every Instrument of musick were wished for, to vibrate in Unison with the soft thrilling of his Joy: expanded Heart. How would it have smoothed Amelia's passage, could she have known of her Fathers determination before she embarked.4 I
I do not know but Cousin Lucy will think, that there is a fatality in her coming to Haverhill, and that somebody must be sick. Miss Nancy6 has not been down stairs, only as Mr. Shaw carried her down in his arms, and put her into a Chaise to ride and then carried her up again, since Cousin Betsy was here. I am much obliged to Cousin Lucy for her kindness, for it would be impossible for me to do alone. You need not have put her in mind of assisting me. It is the nature of your dear Children, to wish to do good. So much like—their—I need 425not say who—Conscience will tell you—as mine does me, that I am your affectionate & greatly obliged Sister
PS. I am sorry Cousin Betsy had such a disagreeable ride to Lincoln. My love tender Love to the three Betsys.7
JA to Richard Cranch, 3 April, above.
No source for this quotation has been identified. The words may have been spoken by AA to Royall Tyler before her departure from Boston with AA2 (Amelia) on 20 June.
Probably a variant of the Biblical tambour, a tambourine-like instrument (
OED
).
This must refer to JA's consent to have AA2 marry Tyler. Elizabeth Shaw may have learned this from the Cranches, who could have received and opened JA's letter to AA of 25 Jan., above, after AA's departure for England, or from Tyler, who had just received JA's letter of 3 April, granting his consent.
Three or four words lost at the top margin.
Anna (Nancy) Hazen; see Elizabeth Shaw to AA,
Presumably Betsy Cranch, Betsy Smith, daughter of AA's brother William, and Betsy Smith, daughter of AA's uncle, Isaac Smith Sr.
1784-08-27
I received your Letter of the Third of April, Two Days since.
Whether from the very great Interest I have in the Subject, or some more latent cause; I never Felt more at a loss to Express myself with Propriety, than on the present Occasion. I can only generally Desire you, to accept from me, all those returns of Gratitude, which, a Man of Ingenuity may be supposed to render to the person, to whom he shall have been Indebted in a High Degree, for the Principal Enjoyments of his Life.
Marriage is indeed a “Serious Affair,” But the “Parties” have not proceeded thus far in their endeavours to attain it, without suitable Reflections upon its importance, as involving their own Happiness, and that of their Friends and Relatives.
The Young Lady probably Arrived in England, before I received Your letter, but if it had have been received previous to her Departure, and even countenanced her remaining in this Country, and the State of my Affairs had renderd an immediate Union Feasible and Prudent: Nevertheless, the many Filial Incitements she had to cross the Atlantic, would have silenced every selfish suggestion, and have induced her to Accompany her Mother.
I Feel gratified by your approbation of my Purchase in Braintree.1
426This Estate is at present encumberd by a mortgage and Lease from the Commonwealth, but the Legislature is about passing an Act, enabling the Absentees to take Possession of their Estates, by paying the Consideration of the mortgage to the Lessees:2 Thayer the present Occupier, under the Commonwealths Lease and Mortgage; is will
Accept Sir my Thanks for the kind Proffer, of the Loan of your Library; I shall endeavour to make that Use of it, which is becoming a Man, who wishes to be serviceable to his Friends and Country.
Our present “Arrangments” notwithstanding your Liberality, We—I venture to speak for your Daughter—shall chearfully submit to your Inspection and Advice, and I hope that our Union will afford you and your Lady, that Enviable Satisfaction, which Parents experience when They Perceive their Children, Usefull, Worthy, Respectable and Happy.
The Vassall-Borland property. See JA to Tyler, 3 April, and note 2, above; vols. 1:219, note 4; 3:264–266, note 3.
The editors have found no record of any such act passed in the legislative session May 1784–March 1785.
1784-09-04
It was not untill yesterday that I had the Honour of your Letter1 inquireing into the Character of Capt. Lyde, and I embrace the earliest moment Madam to inform you that Cap. Lyde has the Character of a man of Honour and integrity. Tho a perfect stranger to me untill a few Weeks before I embarked on board his ship, he treated me with great kindness and attention. And altho a rough son of Neptune in his outward appearence he really possesses a native Benevolence and goodness of heart, and is one of the most attentive and carefull seamen that perhaps ever traversed the ocean having made 43 voyages without ever having met with any dangerous accident. I could add many things more in favour of Cap. Lyde, but fear I shall increase your regreet at missing a passage with him, as he expects to sail in a very few days for America. And if you should not 427meet with any favourable opportunity of embarking this Month, I could not advice any Lady to make a voyage to America later. The passages at this season are frequently long stormy and Boisterous, our Coast a very dangerous one in the winter season, the Spring passages are generally much quicker and less hazardous. But I have myself too great an aversion to the Sea to advise with that judgment which you may meet with from more adventurous persons. For this purpose Madam give me leave to introduce to you, the Jonathan Jackson Esqr. an American Gentleman now in London, and a Relation of yours being immediately descended from a sisters of your kinsmans the Honbl. Edmund Quincy.2 This Gentleman is possessd of a most amiable disposition, is in high credit and esteem in his own Country, and respected where ever he is known. As this Gentleman is in the Mercantile line, he is perfectly acquainted with the American Captains vessels &c and will take pleasure I dare answer for him in rendering you any Service or advise you respecting your voyage to America. I inclose to you his address in London. When ever you embark Madam be pleased to accept my good wishes for your prosperous voyage and Safe arrival in a Country very dear to me, and not the less so I assure you for having visited some part of Europe. My Country can not Boast that extensive cultivation or that refinement in arts and Manners which old and more luxurious kingdoms and empires have arrived at, but you will find amongst the people of America a sincerity hospitality and benevolence of disposition which are rarely to be met with exceeded abroad. A Lady possesst with Miss Quincys accomplishments and good Sense cannot fail of Friends and admirers in America, connected too by name and Blood with a respectable family many Branches of which do honour to it.
I thank you Madam for your kind inquiries after my Health and that of my daughters which have not Sufferd by a change of climate.
The polite terms in which you are pleased to mention the publick Services of my best Friend demand my acknowledment. Nothing will give him more pleasure than promoteing harmony and the mutual advantages of both Countries. For this purpose he has incessantly Laboured for ten years past, sacrificeing his private enjoyments and domestick happiness of which he is very fond, to the publick demand. The success which has crowned his negotiations will ever be a source of pleasure to his family, and real and permanant happiness to his Country, to which he hopes to return with his family in the course of a Year or two, there to pass the remainder of his days in peace and tranquility.
428
Of 14 Aug. (Adams Papers). Anna Quincy lived in Kettering, Northamptonshire, the county from which the Quincys had emigrated to Massachusetts in the 1630s. She had recently received a letter, brought to England by AA, from her “worthy Kinsman Mr. Edmund Quincy,” that evidently encouraged her to visit America. In both the 14 Aug. letter, and her 25 Sept. reply to AA (Adams Papers), Anna refers to her “return to America,” but it is not known when her earlier visit had occurred, and AA was under the impression that Anna had never crossed the ocean.
Jackson was the son of Edward Jackson and Dorothy Quincy, sister of Edmund Quincy.
1784-09-04
Here my Dear Eliza is your friend placed in a little village two or three miles from Paris, unknowing and unknown to every person around her except our own family. Without a friend a companion, or an acquaintance of my own sex. In this may I expect to spend the next Winter, retired, within myself, and my chamber, studiously indeavouring, to gain a knowledge of the French Language which I assure you I find not a very easy matter.
There are at Present fewer American Ladies here than for some years past. Ladies of our own Country are the only ones with whom we can with pleasure or satisfaction have any society with. We have become acquainted with Mrs. Volnay,2 and find her an agreeable Woman. Mrs. Hay dined with us yesterday, with another American Lady. She intends to spend the Winter in France, but not near us3—which I regret very much. We should find so agreeable a Woman quite an acquisition.
Were I to attempt giving you my real opinion or a just description of this Country and of the City of Paris in particular I am sure you would not believe it. The people are I believe, the dirtiest creatures in the Human race. Paris has been stiled a beautifull City, perhaps it is judged by the strict rules of—architecture and proportion—but it strikes the eye as very far from beautifull. The streets are very narrow in general, and the buildings amaizing high, all built of stone, and which was once white but by the smoke and dirt they have acquired, a very disagreeable appearance. The publick building
The appearance of the lower class of people, is of a heavy leaden kind of creatures, whose greatest art and what indeed is most attended to by almost all classes is to cheat you of as much as they possibly can, in which they succeed with strangers, much to their own satisfaction.
I shall learn to prize my own Country above all others. If there is not so much elegance and beauty and so many sources of amusement and entertainment, there is what to every honest and virtuous mind will be far preferable, a sincerity, and benevolence which must be prized above every other consideration. Even those who do not possess it admire it in others. I do not see an American that does not ardently wish to return to their Country. Of this I am sure, that it is the first wish of my heart, and only not three months absent. At the end of twelve months I shall be quite satisfied with Europe, and impatient to return home.
No arrivals from America since I received yours5 by Mr. Tracy's Ship. I am impatient to hear, from my friends. If they knew what a pleasure and satisfaction they would confer upon me sure I am that they would never permit a Ship to sail without letters. You must remember that I have a dozen Correspondents, and you have to write only to one, and that one feels more interested than ever in every circumstance that may affect her friends. Tell me all about our circle, and what each have done and are doing, who is married and who Dead the two important periods you know. Our friend Miss J—is perhaps by this Mrs. R—. Ah Eliza I shall set down the day as Julia says, and leave its property
How is Nannett—on the high road. I shall be disappointed if I do not hear she is—from my observations when I last saw her. Oh that I could as easily transport myself in reality as I do in idea, amidst you all, you would indeed see a happy Girl if I could. But alas, I have long to sacrifise at the shrine of patience till my own will be quite exhausted I believe.
Remember me affectionately to your family—all of them. To your sister I shall write, from your Brother I shall be happy to hear. When 430I set down to write to my friends, and in idea place myself amongst them, I say to myself surely it is impossible that we are indeed so far seperated.
On 17 Aug., the Adamses “removed to Auteuil . . . at the House of the Comte de Rouault, opposite the Conduit. The House, the Garden, the Situation near the Bois de Boulogne, elevated above the River Seine and the low Grounds, and distant from the putrid Streets of Paris, is the best I could wish for” (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:171). Auteuil was then a village on the right bank of the Seine, about four miles west of Paris, and one mile south of Passy, where Benjamin Franklin had lived since 1777, and where Franklin, Jefferson, and JA regularly conducted their business during the Adams' stay in Auteuil. Boileau, Molière, and several other distinguished French authors had established country villas at Auteuil in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. JA and JQA had stayed at the Comte de Rouault's house from 22 Sept. to 20 Oct. 1783, while JA was recuperating from a serious illness, at the invitation of its tenant, Thomas Barclay, the U.S. consul general in France, and Barclay arranged JA's rental of the house in 1784.
The Adamses lived in the Hôtel de Rouault, a large, elegant structure built early in the century, from 17 Aug. 1784 to 20 May 1785, when they departed for London. The house is fully described in AA's letters of September and December, below. It is effectively illustrated with photographs taken in the 1940s in Rice, The Adams Family in Auteuil
; and in JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:xi–xii, and opposite p. 257 (photograph ca. 1920). Further information on the Adams' stay in Auteuil and their activities in Paris is in JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:120, note 1, 143–146, 171–178; JQA, Diary
, 1:209–266; and AA2, Jour. and Corr.
, 1:14–78.
Eunice Quincy Valnais. Eunice Quincy, a distant cousin of AA2, had married Joseph de Valnais, the French consul in Boston, in 1781 (JQA, Diary
, 1:210, note 1; AA to Mercy Warren, 5 Sept., below).
Katharine Hay was traveling with Mr. and Mrs. Samuel Mather of Boston, and would spend the winter in Beaugency, fifteen miles southwest of Orleans and about eighty miles southwest of Paris (JQA, Diary
, 1:210, and note 2; Katharine Hay to AA, 1 Nov., Adams Papers; Hay to AA, 17 Dec., and 7 March 1785, both below).
AA2 went with JQA; the play was Le mariage de Figaro (JQA, Diary
, 1:210). The Comédie Française opened its new theater, the largest in Paris (1900 seats) in 1782, at what became the Place de l'Odéon. Highly successful in the 1780s, when the Adamses and Thomas Jefferson frequently attended its productions, the theater became politically factionalized during the French Revolution, and the building was destroyed by fire in 1807. The present Théâtre de l'Odéon was built on the site in 1819. Larousse, Grand dictionnaire universel
.
Not found, but see AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch, 30 July, above.
1784-09-04
Will you not think me very unmindfull of you my Dear Lucy that I have not ere this, written you. Be assured that it has not been for 431any reason, but Want of time. A want of subject I am realy ashaimed to offer as an appology, however just it may be, when you will undoubedly suppose me presented with subjects every day to employ my pen upon. There is indeed ample scope for the immagination of an observing sentimental mind to employ itself in. You will be better convinced from my letters than from my assureances, that I either always was or have grown very stupid. A person of a sprightly imagination would find ten thousand scources of amusement and entertainment, a description of which would afford a fund of entertainment, which I pass over without even knowing that they exist.
With this crow quil that I now write and the beautifull flower garden of which I have a fine prospect from the Window I am now sitting at, and the voice of a pretty lass in a garden adjoining, would inspire your Sister Betsys imagination with poetical images sufficient to compose ten pages of poetry—while I can only view them as they realy are, and admire the variety of the flowers and their various colours with the exact proportion of their manner of growing, and can only observe upon the crow quil, that it is much smaller than a goose quil, and that I can write much better with it. Dont you think so too Lucy.1
Believe me my Cousin that comeing to Europe alters people very little. I think my Mammas head is more Metamorphosed than any think elce about us, unless it is your Cousins waist which the mantuamakers have brought to a much less compass than you would believe it possible. The former, has not gained in point of beauty I assure you. It is naturial I believe for us to suppose that people alter in a few months, if they visit Europe. When we hear from them we expect something new, and agreeable, and when we see them again we expect to find them other kind of beings than what we used to know. These expectations are false and will ever be disappointed. It is best for every one to banish the idea and to expect no more of their friends, than that they are and will be human beings. If they are humane after seing and Liveing in this European World, they deserve some merit I assure you.
We have seen but little French company yet. I have seen but one French Lady or rather I have been in company with but one. She was a Lady of Sixty years of age with whom I dined this week at Dr. Franklins.2 I wish it were possible to give you a just idea of her. I know not in America any person of any class that would serve as a description, or comparison, unless it is Mrs. Hunt3 when she is crazy. I could not judge of her conversation as I could not understand a 432word, but if it was in unison with her dress, and manners, I assure you that I consider myself fortunate that I did not. She was a person of some distinction here, a Widow, who has erected a monument to the memory of her husband. From this circumstance and from the character I had heard of her, I was very much disappointed. It would be very wrong to form a judment of the Ladies in general from this one disagreeable figure. When I become more acquainted I will give you a further idea of them.
One of my Pappas friends the Abbyes who visits us very frequently and, is a Man of a good deel of Wit, tho perhaps past sixty years old, himself, and the youngest of three who visit us,4 told me the other day that the French Ladies Counted their age, as you do a game of Piquet. They were always twenty Nine till they were sixty.
I have been writing all day to America. A good opportunity presents from hence to London, and I hear that several Ships sail for America in the course of the next week, and I would not fail to write by every opportunity that presents as I well know from experience, the anxiety of not hearing from our friends and especially of the disagreeable situation of mind when a Ship arrives without any letters.
Remember me to all our friends, to Louisa,5 in particular. I have not time or I would write to her. Write me often Lucy and believe me your friend
The formation of the characters in this letter, and even more in AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch, of this same day, above, is sharper and more precise than most of AA2's letters to Elizabeth Cranch written in America in 1782–1784.
This is the celebrated Anne-Catherine, Comtesse de Ligniville d'Autricourt, Madame Helvétius, widow of the philosophe Claude Adrien Helvétius, a near neighbor of the Adamses at Auteuil, and hostess of a major salon, often called l'Académie d'Auteuil. She was sixty-five in 1784. The dinner occurred on 1 Sept. (AA2, Jour. and Corr.
, 1:17); AA describes Mme. Helvétius even more vividly on that occasion in her letter to Lucy Cranch, 5 Sept., below. Madame Helvétius had been one of Benjamin Franklin's most intimate friends from his arrival in Passy in 1777. He called her Notre Dame d'Auteuil, proposed marriage to her in the winter of 1779–80 (she declined), and maintained a correspondence with her after his return to America. See Claude-Anne Lopez, Mon Cher Papa: Franklin and the Ladies of Paris, New Haven, 1966, chaps. 9–10, and the descriptive list of illustrations.
Not identified, but see the reference to “Miss Hannah Hunt” in Mary Cranch to AA, 6 Nov., below.
This is the Abbé Arnoux, whom AA thought to be about fifty (to Mary Cranch, 5 Sept. below). His senior colleagues were the Abbé Chalut, whom AA judged to be about seventy-five, and the Abbé de Mably, whom she thought about eighty, but who was actually seventy-five (same; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 4:59–60; JQA, Diary
, 1:260).
Perhaps AA2's cousin Louisa Catharine Smith.
1784-09-05
I am situated at a small desk in an appartment about 2 thirds as large as your own little Chamber; this appartment opens into my lodging Chamber which is handsome and commodious, and is upon a range with 6 or 7 others all of which look into the Garden. My Chamber is hung with a rich India patch,1 the bed, Chairs and window curtains of the same, which is very fashionable in this Country, two handsome Beaureaus, with marble tops make up the furniture, which wants only the addition of a carpet to give it all, the air of Elegance, but in lieu of this is a tile floor, in the shape of Mrs. Quincys carpet, with the red much worn of and defaced, the dust of which you may suppose not very favourable to a long train. But since I came we have been at the expence of having several of the floors new painted. This is done with Spanish brown and
I have however got this place to look more like neatness than any thing I have yet seen. What a contrast this to the Hague? The Garden Betsy! let me take a look at it. It is delightfull, such a Beautifull collection of flowers all in Bloom, so sweetly arranged with rows of orange Trees, and china vases of flowers. Why you would be in raptures. It is square and contains about 5 acres of land, about a 3d. of the Garden is laid out in oblongs, octagons, circles &c. filled with flowers; upon each side are spacious walks with rows of orange trees and pots of flowers, then a small walk, and a wall coverd with grape vines; in the middle of the Garden a fountain of water in a circle walled; about 2 foot, and a thin circle of fence painted Green, in the 434midst of which are two little images carved in Stone. Upon each Side, and at a proper distance, are two small alcoves filled with curious plants exoticks; and round these are placed pots of flowers which have a most agreable appearence, then a small open chineess fence coverd with grape vines, and wall fruit incloses 2 Spots upon each side, which contains vegetables surrounded by orange trees; which prevents your view of them untill you walk to them: at the bottom of the Garden are a number of Trees, the Branches of which unite and form Beautifull Arbours, the tops of the Trees cut all even enough to walk upon them, and look as I set now at the window like one continued tree through the whole range. There is a little summer house coverd by this thicket, Beautifull in ruins, 2 large alcoves in which are two statues terminate the view; the windows to all the apartments in the house are rather Glass doors, reaching from the Top to the bottom, and opening in the middle; give one a full and extensive view of the Garden. This is a Beautifull climate, soft and serene and temperate, but Paris you must not ask me how I like it—because I am going to tell you of the pretty little appartment next to this in which I am writing; why my dear you cannot turn yourself in it without being multiplied 20 times. Now that I do not like; for being rather clumsy and by no means an elegant figure, I hate to have it so often repeated to me. This room is about ten or 12 foot large, is 8 cornerd and panneld with looking Glasses, a red and white india patch with pretty borders encompasses it: low back stuft chairs with Garlands of flowers incircleing them adorn this little chamber, festoons of flowers are round all the Glasses, a Lusture hangs from the cealing adornd with flowers, a Beautifull Soffa is placed in a kind of alcove with pillows and cushings in abundance the use of which I have not yet investigated. In the top of this alcove over the Soffa in the cealing is an other Glass, here is a Beautifull chimny peice with an elegant painting of Rural Life in a country farm house, lads and lasses jovial and happy. This little apartment opens in to your cousins bed Chamber. It has a most pleasing view of the Garden, and it is that view which always brings my dear Betsy to my mind, and makes me long for her to enjoy the delights of it with me; in this appartment I sit and sew, whilst your uncle is engaged at Passy where the present negotiations are carried on,2 and your cousin John in his appartment translating lattin, your cousin Nabby in her chamber writing, in which she employs most of her time: she has been twice at the opera with her Brother, of which I suppose she will write you an account. The present owner of this House and the Builder of it, is a M. le 435Comte de Rouhaut.3 He married young to a widow worth 1,800,000 Livres per annum, 80,000 £ Sterling, which in the course of a few years they so Effectually dissipated, that they had not 100,000 £ Sterling remaining. They have been since that seperated. By some inheritances and legacies the count is now worth about a 100,000 livres a year and the Countess 75,000. They have a Theatre in this house now gone to decay, where for 8 years together they play'd Comedies and tragedies twice a week, and gave entertainments at the same time which cost them 200 £ Sterling every time, they entertaind between 4 and 5 hundred persons at a time. The looking Glasses in this house I have been informd cost 300 thousand liveres. Under this Chamber which I have discribed to you is a room of the same bigness in which is an elegant Bathing convenience let into the floor and the room is encompassed with more Glass than the Chamber, the ceiling being intirely glass. Here too is a Soffa surrounded with curtains.
Luxury and folly are strong and characteristick traits of the Builder. There are appartments of every kind in this House, many of which I have never yet enterd.
Those for which I have a use are calculated for the ordinary purposes of Life, and further I seek not to know.
Write to me my dear Girl and tell me every thing about my dear Friends and country. Remember me to your Brother, to your sister I will write, to Mr. Tyler4 I hope to be able to send at least a few lines. Tis very expensive sending letters by the post, I must look for private opportunities to London. Adieu I hear the carriage; your uncle is come. I go to hasten tea of which he is still fond: yours sincerely
This material, sometimes described as “copper plate,” was the fashionable indienne textile, also known as toiles de Jouy from the manufactory of Oberkampf at Jouy-en-Josas. An example of this pattern, depicting idyllic French rural life, is the cover design of Rice, Adams Family in Auteuil
; see p. 23, note 11 of that work.
That is, the daily meetings between JA, Franklin, and Jefferson at Franklin's house, in which they prepared to negotiate commercial treaties between the United States and several European powers. The commissioners were currently opening up communications with the Holy Roman Emperor, as ruler of the Austrian Netherlands, and with Spain, and were continuing negotiations with Prussia, which led to a commerical treaty in 1785. In addition, Franklin and Vergennes exchanged formal notes in August and September concerning the interpretation of certain articles of the Franco-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce of 1778, whereby the United States formally pledged to France most favored nation status in their commercial relations. See Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 6:819–821; Miller, ed., Treaties
, 2:158–184.
AA errs here. The Comte de Rouault bought the house, which dated from early in the century, in 1767 (Rice, Adams Family in Auteuil
, p. 26, note 12).
This is printed as “Mr. T.” in AA, Letters, ed. CFA, 1848.
1784-09-05
I promised to write to you from the Hague,1 but your uncles unexpected arrival at London prevented me. Your uncle purchased an Excellent travelling Coach in London, and hired a post chaise for our servants. In this manner We travelled from London to Dover, accommodated through England with the best of Horses postilions, and good carriages, clean neat appartments, genteel entertainment, and prompt attendance, but no sooner do you cross from Dover to Caliss than every thing is reversed, and yet the distance is very small between them.
The cultivation is by no means equal to that of England, the villages look poor and mean the houses all thatchd and rarely a Glass window in them. Their Horses instead of being handsomely harnessed as those in England are, have the appearence of so many old cart horses. Along you go with 7 Horses tied up with roaps and chains rattleing like trucks, 2 ragged postilions mounted with enormous jack Boots, add to the comick Scene. And this is the Stile in which a Duke or a count travel through this kingdom. You inquire of me how I like Paris? Why they tell me I am no judge, for that I have not seen it yet. One thing I know, and that is, that I have smelt it. If I was agreeably dissapointed in London, I am as much dissapointed in Paris. It is the very dirtyest place I ever saw. There are some Buildings and some Squares which are tolerable, but in general the streets are narrow, the shops, the houses inelegant, and dirty, the Streets full of Lumber and Stone with which they Build. Boston cannot Boast so elegant publick Buildings, but in every other respect, it as much Superiour in my Eyes to Paris, as London is to Boston. To have had Paris tolerable to me; I should not have gone to London. As to the people here, they are more given to Hospitality than in England, it is said.
I have been in company with but one French Lady2 since I arrived, for strangers here make the first visit and nobody will know you untill you have waited upon them in form.
This Lady I dined with at Dr. Franklings. She enterd the Room
437 438with a careless jaunty air. Upon seeing Ladies who were strangers to her, she bawled out ah Mon dieu! where is Frankling, why did you not tell me there were Ladies here? You must suppose her speaking all this in French. How said she I look? takeing hold of a dressing chimise made of tiffanny which She had on over a blew Lutestring, and which looked as much upon the decay as her Beauty, for she was once a handsome woman. Her Hair was fangled, over it she had a small straw hat with a dirty half gauze hankerchief round it, and a bit of dirtyer gauze than ever my maids wore was sewed on behind. She had a black gauze Skarf thrown over her shoulders. She ran out of the room. When she returnd, the Dr. enterd at one door she at the other, upon which she ran forward to him, caught him by the hand, helas Frankling, then gave him a double kiss one upon each cheek and an other upon his forehead. When we went into the room to dine she was placed between the Dr. and Mr. Adams. She carried on the chief of the conversation at dinner, frequently locking her hand into the Drs. and sometimes spreading her Arms upon the Backs of both the Gentlemans Chairs, then throwing her Arm carelessly upon the Drs. Neck.
I should have been greatly astonished at this conduct, if the good Doctor had not told me that in this Lady I should see a genuine French Woman, wholy free from affectation or stifness of behaviour and one of the best women in the world. For this I must take the Drs. word, but I should have set her down for a very bad one altho Sixty years of age and a widow. I own I was highly disgusted and never wish for an acquaintance with any Ladies of this cast. After dinner she threw herself upon a settee where she shew more than her feet. She had a little Lap Dog who was next to the Dr. her favorite. This She kisst3 and when he wet the floor she wiped it up with her chimise. This is one of the Drs. most intimate Friends, with whom he dines once every week and She with him. She is rich and is my near Neighbour, but I have not yet visited her. Thus my dear you see that Manners differ exceedingly in different Countries. I hope however to find amongst the French Ladies manners more consistant with my Ideas of decency, or I shall be a mere recluse.4
You must write to me and let me know all about you. Marriages Births and preferments—every thing you can think of. Give my respects to the Germantown family. I shall begin to get Letters for them by the next vessel.
AA may refer to a letter that has not been found, but in her 6 July letter to Mary Cranch, above, under
Madame Helvétius; see AA2 to Lucy Cranch, 4 Sept., and note 2, above.
The rest of this sentence was omitted from AA, Letters, ed. CFA, 1840, but restored in the 1841 and 1848 editions.
AA wrote “or I shall be a mere recluse,” in finer, lighter characters, apparently as an afterthought.
1784-09-05
It is now the 5th of September, and I have been at this place more than a fortnight, but I have had so many Matters to arrange, and so much to attend to, since I left London, that I have scarcly touchd a pen. I am now vastly behind hand in many things which I could have wished to have written down and transmitted to my American Friends, some of which would have amused them: and others diverted them. But such a rapid succession of events, or rather occurrences have been crouded into the last two Months of my Life, that I can scarcly recollect them, much less recount them by detail. There are so many of my Friends who have demands upon me, and who I fear will think me neglegent that I know not which to address first.
Nabby has had less of care upon her, and therefore has been very attentive to her pen, and I hope will supply my difficiences.
Auteuel is a Village 4 miles distant from Paris, and one from Passy. The House we have taken is large, commodious, and agreeably situated, near the woods of Bolign
But with an expence of 30,000 liveres in looking Glasses there is no table in the house better than an oak Board, nor a carpet belonging to the House. The floors I abhor, made of red tile in the shape of Mrs. Quincys floor cloth tile. These floors will by no means bear water, so that the method of cleaning them is to have them wax't and then a Man Servant with foot Brushes drives round Your room danceing here, and there, like a merry Andrew. This is calculated to take from your foot every atom of dirt, and leave the room in a few moments as he found it. The house must be exceeding cold in winter. The dinning rooms; of which you make no other use, are laid in small stone like the red tile, for shape and size. The Servants appartments are generally upon the first floor; and the Stairs which you commonly have to assend to get into the family appartments; are so dirty that I have been obliged to hold up my Cloaths as tho I was passing through a cow yard. I have been but little abroad; it is customary in this country for strangers to make the first visit. As I cannot speak the language, I think I should make rather an awkward figure; I have dined abroad several times; with Mr. Adams'es particular Friends the Abbes, who are very polite and civil, 3 Sensible worthy Men. The Abbe Mabble has lately published a Book which he has dedicated to Mr. A.1 This Gentleman is near 80 years old2 the Abbe Charnon 75 and Arnou about 50, a fine sprightly Man, who takes great pleasure in obligeing his Friends, their appartments were really nice. I have dinned once at Dr. Franklings, and once at Mr. Barcleys our Consuls, who has a very agreeable woman for his wife, and where I feel like being with a Friend. Mrs. Barcley has assisted me in my purchases, gone with me to different shops &c. Tomorrow I am to dine at Monsieur Grands. But I have really felt so happy within doors, and am so pleasingly situated that I have had little inclination to change the Scene. I have not been to one publick Amusement as yet, not even the opera tho we have one very near us.3 You may easily suppose I have been fully employed beginning house keeping anew, and Arrangeing my family, to our no small expence and trouble, for I have had bed linnen table linnen to purchase and make, spoons and forks to get made of silver 3 dozen of each, besides tea furniture, china for the table, servants to procure &c. The expence of living abroad I always supposed to be high, but my Ideas were no ways adequate to the thing. I could have furnished myself in the Town of Boston with every thing I have, 20 and 30 per cent cheeper than I have been able 441to do it here. Every thing which will bear the name of Elegant, is imported from England, and if you will have it, you must pay for it, duties and all. I cannot get a dozen handsome wine Glasses under 3 guineys, nor a pair of small decanters, for less than 1 and half. The only gauze fit to wear is english at a crown per yard, so that realy a guiney goes no further than a Copper with us. For this House Garden Stables &c we give 200 Guineys per year. Wood is 2 Guineys and half per Cord. Coal 6 livers per Basket about 2 Bushel. This article of fireing we calculate at a 100 Guineys per Year. The difference of comeing upon this negotiation to France, and that of remaining at the Hague where the House was already furnisht at the expence of a thousand pounds Sterling, will increase the expence here to 600 Guineys or 700, at a time too, when congress have Cut of 500 Guineys from what they have heretofore given.4 For our coachman and horses alone, (Mr. Adams purchased a coach in England) we give 15 Guineys per month. It is the policy of this country to oblige you to a certain number of servants, and one will not touch what belongs to the buisness of an other, tho he or she has time enough to perform the whole. In the first place there is a Coachman who does not an individual thing but attend to the Carriages and horses. Then the Gardner who has buisness enough. Then comes the cook, the Maiter de Hotle, his Buisness is to purchase articles into the family and oversee that no body cheats but himself, a valet de Chamber John Head Hair dressing here is very expensive unless you keep such a Madam in the house. She Sews tolerably well so I make her as usefull as I can, she is more particularly devoted to Madamosel. Ester diverted me yesterday evening by telling me that she heard her go muttering by her chamber door after she had been assisting Nabby in dressing. Ha mon dieu, tis provokeing, tis provokeing. She talks a little english. Why whats the matter Paulin, what is provokeing? Why Mademosel look so pretty I so Mauvai.
There is an other indispensable Servant who is called a Frotteurer. His buisness is to rub the floors,5 and to do a still dirtier peice of Buisness, for it is the fashion of the country, and against that neither reason convenience or any thing else can stand, or prevail, tho there 442is plenty of land and places sufficiently convenient for Buildings, no such thing is known out of your own House, to every appartment of which, you have accommadations. But I hate them as a part of their poison.
We have a servant who acts as Maiter de Hottle, whom I like at present, and who is so very gracious as to act as footman too, to save the expence of an other servant; upon condition that we give him a Gentlemans suit of cloath in lieu of a Livery. Thus with 7 servants and hireing a chore woman upon occasion of company, we may possibly make out to keep house; with less we should be hooted at as ridiculous and could not entertain any company. To tell this in our own Country would be considerd as extravagance, but would they send a person here in a publick Character to be a publick jeast.6 At Lodgings in Paris last year, during Mr. Adams negotiations for a peace, it was as expensive to him as it is now at house keeping without half the accommodations.
Washing is an other expensive article. The servants are all allowed theirs; besides their wages, our own cost us a Guiney a week; I have become Steward and Book keeper determining to know with accuracy what our expences are, and to prevail with Mr. Adams to return to America if he finds himself straigtned as I think he must be. Mr. Jay went home because he could not support his family here, with the whole Sallery. What then can be done, curtailled as it now is with the additional expence. Mr. Adams is determined to keep as little company as he possibly can, but some entertainments we must make and it is no unusual thing for them to amount from 50 to 60 Guineys at a time. More is to be performed by way of negotiation many times at one of these entertainments, than at 20 serious conversations, but the policy of our country has been, and still is, to be a penney wise, and a pound foolish. We stand in sufficient need of oconomy, and in the curtailment of other salleries I suppose they thought it absolutely necessary to cut of their foreign ministers, but my own interest apart, the system is bad, for that Nation which degrades their own ministers by obligeing them to live in narrow circumstances cannot expect to be held in high estimation themselves. We spend no evening abroad, make no suppers attend very few publick entertainments or spectacles as they are called, and avoid every expence which is not held indispensable. Yet I cannot but think it hard, that a Gentleman who has devoted So great a part of his Life to the publick service, who has been the means in a great measure, of procureing such extensive 443territories to his country, who saved their fisheries, and who is still Labouring to procure them further advantages; should find it necessary so cautiously to Calculate his pence for fear of over running them. I will add one more expence. There is now a court mourning and every foreign minister with his family must go into mourning, for a prince of eight years old whose Father is an ally to the King of France,7 this mourning orderd by the Court and to be worn Eleven days only: poor Mr. Jefferson had to hie away for a Tailor to get a whole black silk suit made up in two days, and at the end of Eleven days should an other death happen, he will be obliged to have a new Suit of mourning of Cloth, because that is the Season when Silk must be cast of. We may groan and scold but these are expences which cannot be avoided. For Fashion is the Deity every one worships in this country and from the highest to the lowest you must submit. Even poor John and Ester had no comfort amongst the servants, being constantly the Subjects of their ridicule, untill we were obliged to direct them to have their Hair drest. Ester had several Crying Spells upon the occasion that she should be forced to be so much of a fool: but there was no way to keep them from being trampled upon but this; and now they are a la mode de Paris, they are much respected. To be out of fashion is more criminal than to be seen in a state of Nature to which the Parissians are not averse.8 What my dear Sister can you conceive of the Manners of a Country, one city of which has 52 thousand licenced unmarried women, Who, are so lost to a sense of shame, and virtue, as publickly to enter their Names at the police, for abandoned purposes. This I heard from the mouth of one of the Abbee's who is a man of virtue, and unblemished Character.
Sunday here bears the nearest resemblance to our commencement and Elections days. Every thing is jolity and mirth and recreation.
But to quit these subjects, pray tell me how you all do. I long to hear from you. House and Garden with all its decorations, are not so dear to me as my own little Cottage connected with the Society I used there to enjoy, for out of my own family I have no attachments in Europe, nor do I think I ever shall have. As to the language I speak it a little, bad grammer, and all, but I have So many French Servants that I am under a necessity of trying.
Could you my sister and my dear cousins come and see me, as you used to do, walk in the Garden and delight ourselves in the alcoves and Arbours, I should enjoy myself much better. When Mr. Adams is 444absent, I set in my little writing room, or the chamber I have discribed to Betsy,9 and read, or sew. Nabby is for ever at her pen, writing or learning French. Sometimes company and sometimes abroad we are fully employed.
Who do you think dined with us the other day. A Mr. Mather and his Lady son of Dr. Mather10 and Mrs. Hay who have come to spend the winter in France; I regret that they are going to some of the provinces. To day Mr. Tracy Mr. Williams Mr. Jefferson and Humphries11 are to dine with us, and one day last week we had a company of 27 persons. Dr. Frankeling Mr. Hartly and his Secretary &c. &c.12 But my paper warns me to close. Do not let any body complain of me. I am going on writing to one after an other as fast as possible. If this vessel does not carry them the next will. Give my Love to one of the best Men in the world. Affectionately Yours.
Abbé Gabriel Bonnot de Mably, Observations sur le gouvernement et les lois des Etats-Unis d'Amérique, Amsterdam, 1784. This work is in the form of four letters, dated Passy, July and Aug. 1783, and addressed to “Mr. Adams, Ministre-Plénipotentiaire des Etats-Unis en Hollande & pour les Negotions de la Paix générale.” Two copies of this work, and a copy of the translation, Remarks Concerning the Government and the Laws of the United States of America, London, 1784, are in JA's library (
Catalogue of JA's Library
; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:315, note 1; 3:102, note 1).
Probably the Comédie du Bois de Boulogne, which AA2 and JQA attended on 21 Aug. (AA2, Jour. and Corr.
, 1:15).
On 7 May, the same day on which it named John Jay its new secretary for foreign affairs and appointed Thomas Jefferson to take Jay's place as minister plenipotentiary with JA and Franklin, Congress approved Elbridge Gerry's motion to reduce the annual salaries of its ministers from $11,111 to $9,000. This motion followed the 5 May recommendation by a congressional committee, which included Gerry and Jefferson, that America trim its civil list by several positions and reduce the salaries of several of its remaining officials. See
JCC
, 26:342–343, 349–350, 352–356.
The rest of this paragraph is omitted from AA, Letters, ed. CFA.
JA expanded on the insufficiency of his salary for the social requirements of European diplomacy in letters to Elbridge Gerry of 9 Sept. (Private owner, Chicago, 1960), 4 Nov. (CSmH), and 12 Dec. (LbC, Adams Papers), and to Francis Dana, 4 Nov. (MHi: Dana Papers).
The young prince was Charles August Frederick, son of Charles II, Duke of Zweibrücken (Leiden Gazette, Supplement, 31 Aug. 1784). In 1778, during the Austro-Prussian conflict over the Bavarian succession, Charles II had been the Prussian candidate for the electorship of Bavaria. By the Treaty of Teschen of 1779, which settled the War of the Bavarian Succession, Charles received compensation, but not the electorship (JA, Papers
, 8:110, and note 6).
The rest of this paragraph is omitted from AA, Letters, ed. CFA.
AA to Elizabeth Cranch, this same day, above.
Samuel Mather, son of Rev. Samuel Mather, grandson of Cotton Mather, and nephew of the late Gov. Thomas Hutchinson, had served as chief clerk of the Boston customs office before the Revolution, and fled with the loyalists. He returned to Boston after the death of his patriot father in 1785. JQA, Diary
, 445
1:210, note 1;
Sibley's Harvard Graduates
, 7:222, 233, 235.
Nathaniel Tracy; probably Jonathan Williams, who had served as American commercial agent at Nantes; and Col. David Humphreys.
This was probably the dinner of 28 Aug., at which the abbés de Mably, Chalut, and Arnoux, and John Paul Jones, were also guests (AA2, Jour. and Corr.
, 1:17).
1784-09-05
I have scarcly toucht a pen since I came from London nor have I written a single Letter to a Friend untill now. Mr. Tracy is here for a few days only. Part of that time I am under engagements abroad and part of it obliged to see company at home, which prevents my writing to severel of my Friends—who must not be dissapointed if several vessels arrive from London without Letters for it is only by private hands that we can convey them there and packets would be too expensive to them. In future I determine to write as I have leisure and embrace every opportunity I can find of forwarding them to London. You have learnt by Mr. Smith I hope long before this will reach you what may set your Heart and mind at ease,2 and I hope you are going on in Such a way as to give those who are disposed to befriend assist you no cause to repent their friendly disposition towards you. Europe has no charms to attach me to it disconnected with my family, nor ever can have, curiosity gratified, and I turn my thought to my lowly cottage, to my rough hewn Garden, as objects more pleasing than the Gay and really beautifull one which now presents itself to my view. My taste is too riggedly fixed to be warped by the Gay sun shine and Splendour of Parissian attractions, it is true that like or dislike you must eat drink and dress as they do. I will not say Sleep, for to that I have not conformd. I will not pretend to judge of a people by the Manners of a few individuals. The acquaintance I have had with several Gentlemen of this nation lead me to more favourable opinion of their exteriour, than what I have seen and heard respecting the other Sex. I shall however be better able to judge as I mix more with them. It is manners more than conversation which distinguish a fine woman in my Eye, so that my being unacquainted with the Language is not so material in this particular. A woman whose manners are modest and decent cannot fail of having some merit. Emelia on this account strikes where ever she appears, the old Abbes who are Mr. Adamses particular Friends call her une Ange and the Lady with whom I dined at Dr. Franklings, threw her self into a 446chair with this exclamation, une Belle figurer
3 Monsieur Adams. Parissian dress with American neatness gives an advantageous appearence, and as you are a conissure in a Ladys dress I will tell you what it was: a white Lutestring Robe and petticoat, with hair drest and a white Gauze baloon Hat with a dress hankerchif ruffels &c. The Hat worn upon one side to give a little of the parissian appearence of fashion.
I have seen or rather been in company with but few French Ladies. I am going to go dine with my correspondent Madam Grand, when I return I will tell you how I like her. I beg to understand much better than I can speak the language. I venture to talk with my coiffeiur de femme, who is fluent enough as most of those kind of people are. She tells me that I shall Soon parley fransoize beinny parlaiz François fort bien, Mais Madomesel ne parler François ni Anglois.
The dateline is based on AA's imminent departure for dinner at Madam Grand's, mentioned below, which AA2 places on 5 Sept. (
Jour. and Corr.
, 1:17; see also JQA, Diary
, 1:211).
William Smith Jr. reached Boston by 18 September (see Elizabeth Cranch to AA, 26 Sept., below).
“Mon dieu qu'elle est Belle!” is written by JQA above the line, in the lighter shade of ink in which AA wrote the last paragraph of this letter. The speaker was evidently Madam Helvétius (AA to Lucy Cranch, 5 Sept., above).
1784-09-05
Although I have not yet written to you, be assured Madam, you have been the subject of some of my most pleasing thoughts: the sweet communion we have often had together, and the pleasant Hours I have past both at Milton, and Braintree I have not realized in Europe; I visit, and am visited; but not being able to converse in the language of the Country, I can only silently observe Manners and Men. I have been here so little while that it would be improper for me to pass Sentence, or form judgments of a People from a converse of so short duration. This I may however say with truth that their Manners are totally different from those of our own Country. If you ask me what is the Business of Life here? I answer Pleasure. The Beau Monde you reply. Ay1 Madam from the Throne to the footstool it is the Science of every Being in Paris, and its environs. It is a matter of great Speculation to me, when these People labour. I am persuaded the greater part of these people, who crowd the Streets, the publick 447walks, the Theatres, the Spectacles as they term them, must subsist upon Bread and Water. In London the Streets are also full of People, but their Dress, their Gait, every appearance indicates Business, except upon Sundays, when every Person, devotes the Day, either at Church or in walking, as is most agreeable to his fancy: but here from the gayety of the Dress, and the Places they frequent I judge Pleasure is the Business of Life. We have no days with us, or rather in our Country by which I can give you an Idea of the Sabbath here; except Commencement and Election. Paris upon that Day pours forth all her Citizens into the environs for the purposes of recreation; we have a Beautiful wood, cut into walks, within a few rods of our dwelling, which upon this Day, resounds with Musick and Dancing, jollity and Mirth of every kind. In this Wood Booths are erected, where cake, fruit, and wine are sold. Here Milliners repair with their gauzes ribbons and many other articles in the pedling Stile, but for other purposes I imagine, than the mere sale of their Merchandize, but every thing here is a subject of merchandize.
I believe this Nation is the only one in the world who could make Pleasure the Business of Life, and yet retain such a relish for it, as never to complain of its being tasteless or insipid; the Parisians seem to have exhausted Nature, and Art in this Science; and to be triste is a complaint of a most serious Nature.
What Idea my dear Madam can you form of the Manners of a Nation one city of which furnishes (Blush o, my sex when I name it) 52,000 unmarried females so lost to a Sense of Honour, and shame as publickly to enrole their Names in a Notary Office for the most abandoned purposes and to commit iniquity with impunity: thousands of these miserable wretches perish, annually with Disease and Poverty, whilst the most sacred of institutions is prostituted to unite titles and Estates.2 In the family of Monsieur Grand, who is a Protestant I have seen a Decorum and Decency of Manners, a conjugal and family affection, which are rarely found, where seperate apartments, seperate Pleasures and amusements shew the world that Nothing but the Name is united. But whilst absolutions are held in estimation and Pleasure can be bought and sold, what restraint have mankind upon their Appetites and Passions? There are few of them left in a Neighbouring Country amongst the Beau Monde, even where dispensations are not practised. Which of the two Countries can you form the most favourable opinion of, and which is the least pernicious to the morals? That where vice is Licenced: or where it is suffered to walk at large soliciting the unwary, and unguarded as it 448is to a most astonishing height in the Streets of London and where virtuous females are frequently subject to insult. In Paris no such thing happens, but the greatest Decency and Respect is shown by all orders to the female Character. The Stage is in London made use of as a vehicle to corrupt the Morals. In Paris no such thing is permitted, they are too Polite to wound the Ear. In one Country, vice is like a ferocious Beast, seeking whom it may devour: in the other like a subtle Poison secretly penetrating and working destruction. In one Country you cannot travel a mile without danger to your person and Property yet Publick executions abound; in the other your person and property are safe; executions are Rare. But in a Lawful way, Beware for with whomsoever you have to deal, you may rely upon an attempt to over reach you. In the Graces of motion and action this People shine unrivalled. The Theatres exhibit to me the most pleasing amusement I have yet found; the little knowledge I have of the Language, enables me to judge here, and the actions to quote, an old phrase, speak louder than words. I was the other Evening at what is called the French Theatre (to distinguish it from several others) it being the only one upon which tragedies are acted, here I saw a piece of the celebrated Racine, a sacred Drama called Athalia.3 The dresses were superb, the House Elegant and Beautiful, the Actors beyond the reach of my pen. The Character of the high-Priest admirably well supported. And Athalia, would have shone as Sophonisba,4 or Lady Macbeth: if the term shine, may be applied to a Character full of Cruelty and Horrour. To these publick Spectacles (and to every other amusement) you may go, with perfect security to your Person, and property; Decency and good order, are preserved, yet are they equally crowded with those of London, but in London, at going in and coming out of the Theatre, you find yourself in a Mob: and are every Moment in Danger of being robbed; in short the term John Bull, which Swift formerly gave to the English Nation,5 is still very applicable to their Manners; the cleanliness of Britain joined to the civility and politeness of France, would make a most agreeable assemblage: you will smile at my Choice, but as I am like to reside sometime in this Country, why should I not wish them the article in which they are most deficient.
It is the established Custom of this Country for Strangers to make the first visit; not speaking the Language, lays me under embarassments, for to visit a Lady, merely to bow to her, is painful especially where they are so fond of conversing, as the Ladies here generally are, so that my female acquaintance is rather confined as yet, and 449my residence 4 miles from Paris will make it still more so. There are four American Ladies who have visited, me, Mrs. Barclay with whom I have a Friendship, and whom I can call upon at all times without Ceremony, and who is an excellent Lady, a Mrs. Price, a canadian Lady,6 Mrs. Valnais, and Mrs. Bingham. Mrs. Bingham is a very young Lady, not more than 20, very agreeable, and very handsome: rather too much given to the foibles of the Country for the mother of two Children, which she already is.7
As to politicks, Madam, the world is at Peace, and I have wholly done with them. Your good Husband, and mine would speculate upon treaties of Commerce, could they spend their Evenings together as I sincerely wish they could or upon what they love better, agriculture, and Husbandry; which is become full as necessary for our Country. This same surly John Bull is kicking up the Dust and growling, looking upon the fat pastures he has lost, with a malicious and envious Eye, and though he is offered admission upon Decent Terms, he is so mortified and stomachful,8 that although he longs for a morcel, he has not yet agreed for a single Bite.
This Village of Auteuil, where we reside is 4 miles from Paris, and 1. from Passy, a very pretty Summer retreat, but not so well calculated for Winter: I fear it will prove as cold as Milton Hill; if I was to judge of the Winters here by what I have experienced of the fall I should think they were equally severe, as with us. We begin already to find fires necessary.9
During the little time I was in England, I saw more of the curiosities of London, than I have yet seen of Paris so that I am not able to give you any account of any publick Buildings or amusements, except the Theatres of which I shall grow very fond, as soon, as I am mistress enough of the Language to comprehend all the Beauties of it. There are 3. theatres in Paris constantly open, but that upon which tragedies are acted is the most pleasing to me. Corneille, Racine, Crebillon and Moliere are very frequently given here upon the Stage. The best pronuntiation is to be acquired. There is a Mrs. Siddons in London, who is said to be the female Garrick of the present day. I had not the happiness to see her when I was in London, as she was then in Ireland, but I saw no actors upon their Stage, which by any means equal those which I have met with here: The People of this Country, keep up their intercourse, with each other by dining together after which they repair to the Theatres and to the publick walks.
I sigh10 (though not allow'd) for my social tea parties which I left 450in America, and the friendship of my chosen few, and their agreeable converse would be a rich repast to me, could I transplant them round me in the Village of Auteuil, with my habits, tastes and Sentiments, which are too firmly rivetted to change with change of Country or Climate, and at my age the greatest of my enjoyments consisted in the reciprocation of Friendship.11
How is my good friend Charles? Finely recovered I hope.12 I do not despair of seeing him here, and at this house he may be assured of a welcome whenever he wishes to try the air of France. Gay Harry, has he got any more flesh and Health? Grave Mr. George is well I hope, and fixed in some business to his mind. Let not my esteemed Friend the eldest of the Brothers,13 think I have forgotten or neglected him by naming him last. His tenderness for his Brothers, and his better Health will excuse me, if I have been guilty of a breach of order. He will accept my good wishes for his Health and Prosperity without regard to place.14
Shall I ask General Warren how farming and Husbandry flourish; I thought often of him, and the delight he would have received in a Journey from Deal to London. The rich variety of grass and Grain, with which that Country was loaded as I rode through it, exhibited a prospect of the highest cultivation. All Nature look'd like a Garden; the Villages around Paris are pleasant, but neither the Land, nor the cultivation equal a neighbouring Nation.
When you see our good Friend Madam Winthrop, be pleased to make my regards to her; you will also remember me to your Neighbours at the foot of the Hill, and let me hear from you, by every opportunity, as the correspondence of my Friends is the only compensation I can receive for the loss of their Society.
Is Polly married? Happiness attend her and her partner if she is. To Mr. and Mrs. Otis, to one and all of my dear Friends be kind enough to remember me; the truth of one Maxim of Rochefoucault I experience, “that absence heightens rather than diminishes those affections which are strong and Sincere.”
You will see, my dear Madam, by the date of the above,15 that my Letter has lain by long, waiting a private conveyance. Mr. Tracy and Mr. Jackson, design to return to London this week and I shall request the favour of them to take charge of it. Since it was written there have been some changes in the political world, and the Emperor16 has recalled his Ambassador from the United Provinces. Every thing 451seems to wear an Hostile Appearance. The Dutch are not in the least intimidated but are determined at all events to refuse the opening of the17 Scheld to the Emperor. This Court is endeavouring to Mediate between the Emperor and the Dutch. When the affair was to be debated in the Kings Counsel18 the Queen said to the Count de Vergennes, “M. le Comte, you must remember that the Emperor is my brother.” “I certainly shall Madam,” replied the Count, “but your Majesty will remember that you are Queen of France.”19
Thus much for Politicks. You ask about treaties of Commerce. Courts like Ladies, stand upon Punctilio's and chuse to be address'd upon their own ground. I am, not at Liberty to say more.20
This is the 12th. of December, and we have got an American Snow Storm, the climate is not so pleasant as I expected to find it; I love the cheerful Sun shine of America, and the Clear blue Sky.
Adieu my dear Madam, I have so much writing to do, that I am, tho unwillingly obliged to close requesting my Son to copy for me. You will not fail writing soon to your Friend and humble Servant.
AA's characteristic “Aya” appears in the draft.
This long sentence is omitted from AA, Letters, ed. CFA, 1848.
Racine's Athalie (1691) was performed at “the French Comedy,” also called “the French Theatre.” AA may have seen this play with AA2, who saw it on either 6 or 13 Sept. (JQA to Charles Storer, 16 Sept., Adams Papers).
Sophonisba, daughter of the Carthaginian general Hasdrubal, committed suicide to escape capture by the Romans. She was the subject of several English tragedies, most recently (1730) by James Thomson, one of AA's favorite authors (The Oxford Companion to English Literature, ed. Sir Paul Harvey, Oxford, 1932).
The History of John Bull (1712) was actually the creation of John Arbuthnot; it was republished in Pope and Swift's Miscellanies in 1727 (same).
JA had known a Mr. and Mrs. Price in Paris since Nov. 1782 (
Diary and Autobiography
, 3:46), and John Thaxter records meeting a Mrs. Price about the same time (Thaxter to AA, 19 Nov. 1782, above). Mr. Price may have been the Montreal merchant, mentioned by JA in 1775 (JA, Papers
, 3:17, and note 2), who was a business partner of John Bondfield, also a Canadian, in 1778–1779 (same, 7:203, note 1, 374).
Anne Willing, daughter of the prominent Philadelphia merchant and banker Thomas Willing, married William Bingham in 1780, shortly after her sixteenth birthday (
Notable American Women
;
DAB
). In the draft AA substituted the latter part of this sentence, after the colon (and writing “follies” rather than “foibles”) in place of the following crossed out passage: “as to Gentleman I see a variety of them, amongst the French Gentlemen who have visited here I have not been better pleased with any than Count Sarsfield, who is an elderly Gentleman of good Sense and probity. He speaks English, and has ever been a warm and steady Friend of Mr. Adamses.”
Obstinate, self-willed, or resentful (
OED
).
In the draft AA wrote, “we have kept fires 452for six Weeks.” If AA wrote this on 5 Sept., and not considerably later, she exaggerated—the Adamses had only been in France for about three weeks. But AA may well have written this passage many weeks after the opening of her letter, and she apparently completed the draft only in December (see notes 14 and 15).
In the draft this paragraph begins with the following crossed out passage: “Very few of them sup, nor have I ever been invited to spend an evening abroad since I have been in this country.”
In the draft this paragraph continues on: “I have been Surprized. I have the company and Society of my best Friend which largely compensates for the want of many others. I have a part of my family with me, but I see them sighing for the social intercourse of America and in the midst of the world in solitude, but thus it must be or give into pleasures and amusements unbecoming the Characters of Republicans and of Americans and wholy unequal to our finances—which whatever our countrymen may think are wholy unequal to the manner of living which is required of
Charles Warren had been ill with consumption for several months; he died near Cadiz, Spain, in 1785, while on a futile third journey to regain his health (AA to JA, 15 March, above; Alice Brown, Mercy Warren, N.Y., 1896, p. 256–257).
James Warren Jr.
This paragraph, the next three paragraphs, and the dateline, “December 12th,” do not appear in the draft, although the draft has a considerable amount of blank space following the long deleted passage in note 11. AA might have dictated these four paragraphs to JQA. All of the text following “December 12th,” however, is in the draft, with the exceptions noted below.
The draft has the more precise expression “the above date,” but no date actually appears; AA perhaps left this blank until the letter was ready to copy, and then did not bother to enter a date on the draft. The editors do not know of any letters written by AA between 9 Sept. and 2 Dec. 1784.
In the draft after “Emperor,” AA crossed out: “has declared War against the states.”
The phrase “opening of the” is not in the draft.
In the draft, AA began this sentence: “When the Count de Vergennes,” and then broke off, and proceeded to the next paragraph, “Thus much for Politicks.”
Quotation marks have been supplied before “I” and “but” in this passage. The Scheldt River and its major port, Antwerp, had been closed to shipping since the Dutch Republic had obtained control of the barrier fortresses at the river's mouth under the terms of the Peace of Westphalia of 1648. By closing the river the Dutch forestalled commercial competition from Antwerp and considerably lessened the value of the Austrian Netherlands to Austria. The Dutch ability to enforce the prohibition of navigation was considerably dependent on their treaties with Great Britain which required British aid if the Netherlands was attacked, but Britain's suspension of those treaties in 1780 and the subsequent Anglo-Dutch war isolated the Netherlands and provided the Austrian Emperor, Joseph II, with an apparent opportunity to alter the status quo. He, therefore, opened a campaign of diplomatic and military intimidation that, by December 1784, seemed about to result in a major war. But Joseph relied too much on the existing Franco-Austrian alliance and the influence of his sister, Marie Antoinette, to force France to come to his aid, for while Louis XVI and Vergennes were willing to make some accommodations to the Austrian position and mediate a settlement, they were unwilling to ignore Dutch interests or, more importantly, their own in not having a strengthened Austrian presence on their northern border. The resulting Treaty of Fontainebleau of 8 Nov. 1785 thus included important Dutch concessions, but the Scheldt remained closed (Orville T. Murphy, Charles Gravier, Comte de Vergennes: French Diplomacy in the Age of Revolution, 1719–1787, Albany, 1982, p. 405–416). For the acrimonious 453exchanges between Marie Antoinette and Vergennes, including that quoted by AA but with Vergennes replying “I remember, Madame, but I recall, above all else, that Monseigneur le Dauphin is your son,” see p. 415–416.
See JQA to Richard Cranch, 6 Sept. (MeHi); AA to Mary Cranch, 9 Dec., under dateline 12 Dec., below; and JA to Cotton Tufts, 15 Dec. (Adams Papers).
1784-09-05
I should have availed myself, Madam, of your permission to write you, ere this, had an opportunity presented. I now have the pleasure to present myself to you from Auteuil, a few miles from Paris, where we are, and expect to reside some time. Mr. Charles is ere this, I hope, quite recovered from his indisposition, and that health smiles again through your habitation.
I had the pleasure of seeing your son Winslow when in London. He was well, and left the city for Lisbon while we were there. Mamma was very unfortunate in the letters which you entrusted to her care for him. In the purtubation of spirits at leaving her friends, she put them in the pocket of the chaise, and unfortunately forgot them, nor did she recollect them till we had been a week or two at sea.1
I hear you inquire, Madam, how I am pleased with this European world; whether my expectations, imagination, and taste, are gratified; and how the variety of objects which are presented to my view, impress my mind. All these questions I can answer, but in a manner, perhaps, that may surprise you, or lead you to think me very unobserving, and possessed of an uncultivated taste, which has received very little improvement by visiting Europe.
In viewing objects at a distance, we see them through a false medium. As we approach, the disguise wears away, and we often find ourselves disappointed. I have indeed found this observation to be just. The contrast is by no means so remarkable between America and Europe, as is generally supposed. I am happy to assure you, that I give the preference to my own country, and believe I ever shall. In England the similarity is much greater to our own country, than here, and on that account I found it more agreeable. There is the appearance of greater wealth, as is very natural to imagine; but I have seen nothing that bears any proportion to my ideas of elegance, either in their houses,—especially in this country,—or in the appearance of the people.
This day we dined with Madame le Grand, the lady from whom mamma formerly received a letter.2 It is, I believe, an agreeable family. 454After dinner it was proposed to go and see the Dauphin, whose palace was but a little distance from the house.3 However ridiculous I might think it to pay so much obeisance to this infant, I joined the company. The Palace is by no means an elegant building. There was a garden before it, surrounded by an open fence, and guards placed all around. The Dauphin was playing in the garden, and four ladies attending him. He is a pretty, sprightly child. We had the honour of seeing him, and paying him the compliment of a bow or a courtesy. He was amusing himself with as much ease as any other child of his age would have been. There were, I believe, a thousand persons crowding to take a view of this child, and from them he received every mark of respect and reverence that it was in their power to present. The gardens are only open on Sunday, and no one has an opportunity, on any other day, to see this representative of despotism and monarchy. One cannot but regret, that any people should, either from necessity or choice, be led to pay so much obeisance to a being who may rule them with a sceptre of iron.
Will you permit me, Madam, to hope for the pleasure of hearing from you? It will, I assure you, confer happiness, and shall be esteemed a favour by your young friend,
Jour. and Corr.
, 2:30–32.)
See AA to Mary Cranch, 6 July, above, under “July 7th.”
For references to the lost correspondence between Madam Grand and AA, 1778–1780, see vol. 4.
Louis Joseph Xavier François, heir to the French throne, was born 22 Oct. 1781, and died on 4 June 1789. The Adamses saw the dauphin at the Château de la Muette, a royal hunting lodge in the Bois de Boulogne (JQA, Diary
, 1:211, and note 2).
1784-09-05
I am here, happily Settled with my Family and I feel more at home, than I have ever done in Europe.
I have not time to enlarge, as Mr. Tracy who takes this, is upon his Return to London.
The Pasture you mention,1 rocky and bushy as it is, I should be glad to purchase, and if you can, I wish you to buy it for me and draw upon me for the Money, and if you know of any Salt Marsh or Woodland to be Sold in Braintree, buy it for me and draw for the Money to be paid in London, Amsterdam or Paris, at your Pleasure.
455Or you may purchase Ves
If all the Fishes in the Sea, all the Deers in the Forrests and all the Beavers in the Swamps Should furnish me a few Bitts of Marsh and Lotts of Wood, a quarter Part as much as my Profession would have furnished my Family, if I had let the Fishes Deers and Beavers, all go to the Devil together, I shall think myself well off, and be thought by others too well, miserable bes
Pardon this Misanthropic Ejaculation at a Time when I assure you, I think myself one of the happiest Men in the World. If I had been less happy I should not have been So Saucy.
In her letter to Tufts, 8 Sept., below, AA criticizes this tract of land and dissents from JA's wish to buy it.
JA refers to his successful efforts, in the recent peace negotiations with Great Britain, to secure access to the northeastern fishing grounds and the northern and western game and fur bearing forests for America, at the expense of his profitable legal career. Those rewarded for trying to betray America's interests in the negotiations were presumably Benjamin Franklin, the Comte de Vergennes, and their allies, as JA had come to believe from 1780 to 1783; and Congress, by cutting back JA's salary, was “Starving
1784-09-06
Know all Men by these Presents, that I John Adams of Braintree in the County of Suffolk in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts have constituted and do hereby constitute the Honourable Cotton Tufts of Weymouth in said County Esq. my lawfull Attorney, giving him full Authority for the Management of all my Estate and Effects Real Personal and mixed in the said Commonwealth, for me and in my Name and Stead as fully as I myself might do if personally present, and to appear for me in all Causes real personal and mixt and for me 456and in my Name and Stead to plead and pursue to final Judgment and Execution with Power of Substitution.
1784-09-08
To a Gentleman I so much respect, and esteem, I am ashamed to write only a few hasty lines, yet I fear he would consider it as still more disrespectfull if I should wholly omit writing.
My intention has been to take some leisure Day, and devote it wholly in writing to my Friends.
Since I arrived here my time has been engrossed, not with publick Shews, and Spectacles, as they are called, but in the necessary care of organizeing my family, which I find a much more difficult matter than in America.
There are so many instruments the use of which I have to learn, and composed of so many parts, which I have heretofore been taught to believe unnecessary, that it requires a very skillfull hand to make them all harmonize. Each Servant has a certain Etiquet, and one will by no means intrude upon the department of an other. For Instance your Coiffer de femme, will dress your Hair, and make your bed, but she will not Brush out your Chamber. Your cook will dress your vituals, but she will not wash a dish, or perform any other kind of business. With a swarm of them I have to inquire pray why is not this or that done? O tis not the buisness of their department, that belongs to the femme de Chambre; and this to the Cuisine femme.
In short there is no knowing when you have filled every department. A pack of Lazy wretches, who eat the Bread of Idleness, are Saddled upon you to Support and mantain for the purpose of plundering you, and I add to make one unhappy.
I have been So vext Sometimes, that I have been ready to send 457them all packing at once, but the misery is, you cannot help yourself: and you only exchange one evil, for an other. This Sir is one of the blessings attendant upon publick life. We have 8 servants in pay no washing done in the House, and were it not for the double and trible Capacity in which my American servants act, we should be plagued with half a dozen more.
Yet even here is an evil, for it will create heart burnings to see a pack of lazy
Every thing I have yet seen, serves to endear my own Country more and more to me. I often recollect what Mr. Thomas Boylstone1 once said, that the true art of living, consisted in early learning to “ward off” but the Parissians render this art useless for they have established a tyranny of fashion, which is above Law and to which their must be an implicit obedience.
Both in England and here I find such a disposition to Cheat, that I dare not take a step alone. Almost every person with whom you have to deal, is fully determined to make a prey of you. Those who are friendly to us warn us of it, and inspect our accounts. You have however the privilege of paying them only what is usual, when ever you are fortunate to make the discovery, but every Stranger pays Dear for his knowledge.
Long, Long, my dear Sir may our Country preserve that integrity, that modest diffidence, and that open Hospitality which I now see it possesses in preference to all I have yet seen. There is not a servant in any department either in London or here, but what will come with the same boldness, for what are called perquisites of office, (of Insolence it should be) as if you had enterd into an engagement to pay them, and this you have to do, at every inn, over and above all your other Charges. The Chamber Maid has half a Crown for her fees, the postilion the Hostler the waiter all among themselves and make their demands.
I was highly diverted at Deal, tho provoked, where I first landed. The passengers had brought on shore 7 hand trunks, concequently 7 porters laid hold of them. These were to be carried to the Custom House, only a few Steps, and when they returnd we had 14 of these 458Rascals to pay, 7 of them for carrying them and 7 more for bringing them back. 3 Americans would have done the whole buisness and thought themselves well payd with half a Dollor; whereas, they demanded, a Guiney and half, and were pay'd a Guiney.
I fancy I have by this time satisfied you with European Customs. I will turn to a subject more pleasing and inquire after my American Friends. My dear Aunt, How does she do? Not tempted I dare say to take a voyage with you to France.
Indeed she is happier in her own country as I should be were her family all there. Cousin Tufts,2 pray send him abroad to try his patience. Poor Mr. Jefferson and Col. Humphries could not keep their's. They Breakfasted with us this morning on their way to Versailles. You must know Sir that a certain young prince about 8 years of age, whose Father is in alliance with the King of France,3 has been so unfortunate as to put these Gentlemen to 50 Guineys expence in order to appear at court to day where they are obliged to go every tuesday. The real truth he died, and the Court were orderd to wear mourning Eleven days. Accordingly the Tailers were set to work and they full trimmed in Awfull Sable came out to accompany Mr. Adams to Court, who the day before had been informd that for some reason, I know not what, no court would be held this week. I own I took not a little pleasure in makeing them feel what others had felt before them, and anounced to them that their Labour was all in vain, for their was no Court this week and by the next the mourning would be out. I had concluded myself to go into no company for the Eleven days in order to avoid the expence as the time was so short, and tho I had black it was not the silk for the Season and therefore could not be worn. Mr. Jefferson who is really a man who abhors this shew and parade full as much as Mr. Adams, yet he has not been long enough enured to it, to Submit with patience, or bear it without fretting. Back they had to go to Paris and lay by their mourning untill the next death. His Hair too is an other affliction which he is tempted to cut off. He expects not to live above a Dozen years4 and he shall lose one of those in hair dressing. Their is not a porter nor a washer woman but what has their hair powderd and drest every day. Such is the Jeu.
Mr. Adams tell
How do my black tennants?6 I hope they live in Peace. I received a few lines from you since my arrival. Mr. Smith is in America I hope by this time, by him my Friends will learn whatever they wish to know about me.
I dined the other Day with Dr. Franklin7 who appears to enjoy good Health. There was a Lady present who so cordially embraced him, and repeated it so often, that I think the old Gentleman cannot be averse to the example of King David, for if embraces will tend to prolong his life and promote the vigour of his circulations, he is in a fair way to live the age of an Antediluvian. Be kind enough my dear Sir to present my Duty to my good Aunt and Love to Mr. Tufts. Instead of apoligizing for the Shortness of my Letter, I ought to ask excuse for its length, but I have been insensibly led on. I beg you to honour me with your correspondence which will greatly contribute to the happiness of your ever affectionate Neice
JA's mother's cousin, the wealthy merchant of Boston and, after 1779, of London.
Tufts' son, Cotton Tufts Jr.
Jefferson had been ill in Annapolis in March, and would suffer persistent illness in Paris, from early November, or earlier, through the winter (Jefferson, Papers
, 7:31, 500, 503, 545, 602, 636–637; AA to Mary Cranch, 9 Dec., below).
See JA to Tufts, 5 Sept., above.
Phoebe and William Abdee.
Probably the dinner of 1 Sept., at which AA met Madame Helvétius (AA to Lucy Cranch, 5 Sept., above).
1784-09-11
Mr. and Mrs. Adams present their Compliments to Dr. Franklin and hope to have the Honour of his company to day at Dinner, with his Grandson Mr. Bache.1 They also beg the Favour of him to lend them the Assistance of one of his servants this morning if he can without Inconvenience as they are so unlucky as to have both their Men servants confined to their Chambers by very serious Sickness.
Benjamin Franklin Bache had accompanied his grandfather to Europe in 1776, was a schoolmate of JQA in Paris in 1778, and later studied in Geneva. He resumed his residence in Paris in 1783, and returned to Philadelphia with Franklin in 1785. JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:301, note 1; 4:10; JQA, Diary
, 1:181, 182;
DAB
.
1784-09-26
The last evening we were all made happy by the reciept of Letters from you and Cousin Nabby,1
How happy, you may more easily concieve than I describe; 8 days since we heard of the arrival of Captn. Lyde, but not particulary from you. Mama recieved a few Lines from you dated London the second of August. She has been at Haverhill these 10 days last past, and we sent the Letter to her. She is now there and could not enjoy with us the pleasure of last evening. Papa forwarded her one Pacquet, which got in day before yesterday, brought by Mr. Cushing.2 Another by Mr. Smith, he venturd to open last evening, not having an oppertunity to send it to her. This we found to be a Journal from the 16 day after you saild untill my Couzin Jacks arrival.
O my dear Aunt how good you are to gratify us in this manner! How did my Heart feel interested in every Line! How many different emotions were caused, but the first was Gratitude to that Best of Beings, whose providential care had preserved you from the raging Billows, and Landed you safely, on an hospitable Shore.
Yes my dear Madam your Eliza felt truly grateful!
Tis now Sunday Morning, a fine clear Sepr. Sunshine, I have just finishd reading your journal. I have accompanyd you through every stage. I have eat, drank, slept, and felt sick with you in immagination. I have enjoyed the transports of that happy moment, when your maternal Arms embraced a dear and long absent Son. I have seen him, you and my Nabby dissolvd in the softest tears of fond Affection, when Silence only could express your joy.
Ah! I felt this moment; but you will say, no! You have never been a Mother!
Most sincerely do I thank you for your kind Letter to me,3 and for the little token of your regard inclosed
Thank You my dear Madam for thinking of me when engagd in pleasures or amusements, and for wishing that I might have partook 461of them. I should really have felt a gratification that I fear I must ever banish the Idea of recieving, could I have been with you in your Visits to the Hospitals, Westminster Abby, and to all the remarkable and curious Places and Things which you describe.
Had Fortune put in my power to have accompanied you to Europe, nothing should have detain'd me. It was ever my wish to see England, but I must check it. Descriptions from you of your Travels, I doubt not will afford me equal pleasure, with this additional one, that they are testimonies of your regard and remembrance. Your Accounts of the Magdelen and Foundling Hospitals really interested me so much, that I am going to find all the Historys of them and read them. How descriptive is your Pen! How tender, how feeling the Heart which dictates it! Pray my dear good Aunt employ it frequently to enlarge the understanding, improve the mind, and mend the heart of your Eliza! She will endeavour by this means to become more worthy of that affection, which she has so often recievd proofs of from you.
I most sincerely rejoice with you in the pleaseing appearance, of those opening Virtues, conspicious in the manners of my amiable Cousin John. Added Years and parentel examples will encrease, establish and mature them. I recievd a Letter from him last July, dated April.4 His improvements have been very rapid, his account of his visit to England, and of the many curosities he saw there afforded me much entertainment, and
Your Charles and Tommy were well a few days since, happy e'er this in the pleasing knowledge of your safe arrival. Indeed my dear Aunt your request that my sisterly advice may be offered them, both flatters and humbles me, but when you tell me that my endeavours in this way will in some degree discharge that debt of Gratitude, which is every day accumalating, how can I refuse to exert every talent, (however small indeed they may be,) which I possess. Yes my dearest Aunt, I will exert them. True sisterly affection shall warm my heart, whilst Love for them, and gratitude to you will impel me to every act of kindness or attention in my power.
I may e're this, I presume, congratulate you on the happy meeting with your best Friend, and I suppose I may now imagine you at the head of your Family quite settled in the domestick Line. How different from the simple lowly Cottage, the tranquil pleasures, the uniform, but not unsatifactory, way of Life at Bme, the 462least pleasing, but there are many circumstances to render it more so to you, that I may be ignorant of—but you are not altered my dear Aunt—happy thought! I want to know how you live? What you do? What colour your House is? (I speak in our style Madam)5—what kind of apartments, What is your Chamber, what my Cousins, the Gardens, the walks, the rides, &c. You know all what I want my Aunt. In one of your Letters to Mama6 you promise me a discription of a fine Garden, or some Such beauteous scene. I expect it with impatience. Do not let me be dissapointd M'am. Your goodness alone encourages me to make so many petitions. If I am too presuming, check me my dear Madam, and I will not again offend. I hope you will not lay aside the practice of early-rising. Habit has rendered it necessary to your Health I immagine. You will see that there is some selfish motive in this wish. I conclude you will employ those early hours in writing to America.
I cannot find any News to send you. Things go on in much the sam round as when you us'd to be here. We find a great chasm in our pleasures. I hardly feel as if in Braintree. Tis sadly alter'd!!
All our little Village are this day rejoicing at the pleasing intelligence of your arrival, and every countenance, that wore sadness on the brow, the Sunday you saild, is this day deck'd in Smiles. This Eulogium my dear Madam is the sincerest praise, tis the voluntary tribute of grateful Hearts.
I have been several times to visit your deserted habitation, but I do not love it. It gives me pain. The long Grass is grown over the step of the doors in both Yards. It went to my heart to see it. The present Inhabitants are very comfortable, and very careful. All your Friends in Braintree are much as when you left us, not any material alterations, in any body, or any thing. All who I have seen make enquiries after you, and all desird to be rememed to you. As one of the last, Betsey Winslow wished me to present her regards to you; yesterday, she spent here, and is in much the same situation as she has been for many years. Your aged Mother is well, and feels innexpressible joy at the certainty of your arrival. She begs me always to present her best Love to you, and my Cousins.
Mrs. Feild, desired me to thank you for your tender care of her daughter. She is anxious for her health, hopes you will continue to gaurd her health, and reputation. Her family is all well. To Job, she sends all Love and good wishes, wants to know if he is to return with the Ship, or whether he means to continue abroad?
463My Mama has not yet returnd, and I fear will not have oppertunity to write by this conveyance. She will be dissapointd I am sure, but Vessels are continually going out, and she will certainly embrace the first. We will all write as soon as possible. Billy is yet a good Boy, and has not given us cause to Sigh. He will write his Cousin soon. I hope he will favour him with his Letters as often as possible. I really request it of him, earnestly. They will not only amuse and instruct my Brother, but serve to raise that spirit of emulation which ought to possess every youthful bosom. Lucy I am sure would send her duty Love and every good wish if she was here, good Girl! Do write to her my dear Aunt. There is no end to my petitions and requests.
I must now close my Letters, the time approaches when they are to be sent away. I wish it had been in my power to have Offerd you something more entertaining, in return for that feast of entertainment and amusement which yours afforded me, but I could not. To inform you of the health of your Friends, of the Variation in their circumstances and situations, is all that I shall be able to say. This, at the great distance you are from them, will not be uninteresting.
Will you make my most respectful regards acceptable to my much honourd Uncle. My affectionate Love to Cousin J
These letters, carried by William Smith Jr. on the return voyage of Capt. Lyde's Active, and described in the last sentence of this paragraph and at later points in this letter, are: AA to Mary Cranch, 6 July (“a Journal”); and AA2 to Elizabeth Cranch, 9 July, and 30 July, all above. AA to Elizabeth Cranch, 1 Aug., and AA to Mary Cranch, 2 Aug., both above, came by another vessel that sailed sometime after the Active, but reached the Cranches before the letters brought by Smith.
This letter is AA to Mary Cranch, 25 July (MWA: Abigail Adams Corr.).
Of 1 Aug., above.
18 April, above.
Closing parenthesis added.
The journal letter of 6 July, above, under 29 July.
1784-09-29
I heartily rejoice to hear of Your safe arrival; pray make My best respects acceptable to Mr. Adams, Miss Nabby, and Your Son.
464I can write but little, being very weak, confined by lameness, about 8 Weeks, but am growing better; this day, I was carried out and put into a Chaise (the first time of being out) and rid out on the Farm; but I hope to go to Connecticut, next Month.
They at Mr. Cranch's are writing, as are my Girls, so that nothing remains for me to say; only, that Mr. Swan declines concern in the Sp. Ceti business, because there is no certain market for the Oil, which is expected will be provided for in a treaty of Commerce with GB.1 “The World is all before us, and Providence our Guide.”2 And that there is a new publicaton, in London, on the Salvation of all Men; I wish You and Yours to See it, for I think You will be charm'd with the Spirit, and manner; and believe you will think the Subject, and the reasoning thereon, worthy of Serious attention. Doctr. Chauncy is the Author, and his name will be affixd to the Second edition. Of Dr. Price you may obtain it.3
PS. My Sincere love to C. Storer.
James Swan was a Boston merchant and land speculator (
DAB
). The “SpDiary
, 1:313, and note 2, 317; and Jefferson, Papers
, 8:144–145.
Milton, Paradise Lost, 12:646–647: “The world was all before them, where to choose/Their place of rest, and Providence their guide.”
See Richard Cranch to JA, 12 Aug., note 4, above.
1784-09-30
Your letter N 2. Eliza, I was so happy as to receive a day or two ago.2 I searched my journal, upon your request to know were I was the 4 of August and found that I was in London, and that day dined at Mr. Vaughans,3 a very agreeable family, and from whom we received much attention. I was perhaps at the time you wrote at dinner for I recollet we did not dine till five oclock, the usual hour in London when people have company. From three to five is the general hour which every body dines at. Whether it is right or not I wont determine. I confess the custom was agreeable to me.
465“Happy happy clime, I hope one day to visit thee” was your expression. Indeed Eliza as I wish you the gratification of every desire your heart knows, I wish you may, be gratified in this request. And if you wish to gain a higher relish for your own Country I would advise you to visit Europe. In the climate alone I do not at present see any meterial difference from our own. Even in this Country which has been represented as the finest climate in the World I do not think from what I know already that it is more agreeable than our own. There are not so violent extremes of heat and cold, but I think there is as much rain and we have had as violent storms since I have been here as I ever know in America at this Season. However I find myself more reconciled, since I have formed some few acquaintances here. Most of them are with Americans. There are several American Ladies here, and we make a little society that is very agreeable. I wish I could give you some idea of the French Ladies, but it is impossible to do it by letter, as I should absolutely be ashaimed to write, what I must if I tell you truths. There is not a subject in Nature that they will not talk upon, in any company, and there is no distinction of sex, after they are Married. I will venture to give you one very small instance of their unreserve in what is called a descent Woman. It was young Madam Grand, who has lately been married and expects an addition to her family. An English gentleman dined there the other day, and asked her if she had any family. Ah No said she, I was Married in March, but you see it is comeing. She told My Brother who saw her at Work upon little things, that she was at Work, for her petit Enfant. Do not Judge from my giveing you these proofs of French Manners that I am reconcoiled to them. I sometimes think Myself fortunate in not understanding the Language. What do you think of such a people.
I hope you have received by this my letters by Mr. Smith. According to our calculations he must have arrived ere this. You know by them of our voyage and arrival with many other interesting particulars. You have made an agreeable visit I doubt Not at Haverhill, and renewed your former acquaintances there. They cannot have improved in the means of being agreeable to you as they were perfect before. But why did you not tell me who was your gallant4 and all about it, and likewise of your entertainment at Commencment, as I judge you were there. I hear it was a very gay one, and that Mr. B—Sons made a figure, at least in expence. You have forgot Eliza how very interesting every circumstance is to those so far distant from their friends even 466the most trivial, those, which perhaps you would not think of mentioning were we together become realy important, at this distance. I dont know that they do not even receive a consequence from their Travels. But this is the usual reply, “nothing interesting has happened since you left us.” Do you relate them, and leave me to Judge of their interesting qualities. Should you write me where you had been or
You ask me how I spent my time on board Ship, whether I kept to my resolution of not working and whether I slept the Whole way. I should have been very glad to have slept, I assure you and indeed, I slept my portion.6 I was the most fortunate in this respect than either of the other Ladies, for I never was kept awake a single moment, by the least fear or apprehension. It is a queer Life I assure
This Morn we have received letters from your Pappa and Mamma,8 with a Number of others that have informed us of the health of our friends, the most pleasing inteligence that we could have received I assure you. Your Mamma writes us you were still at Haverhill, and that Mr. Shaw was at commencment. Why did not my Dear Aunt Shaw write to her friends. I am happy to hear that her Journey was of service to her health. My Brothers too are well, may they be good and as happy as they can. Mr. Thaxter we have not heard from. He shares in our good wishes.
Sister Lucy is a little punctilious I suppose, upon the account of debt and credit which by the way surely should be laid aside at this distance. She is now in my debt. The only judgment we have to form of the attention of our friends is certainly from the frequency of their letters, and to those who favour us oftenest we are certainly the most obliged.
This is AA2's fourth extant letter to Elizabeth Cranch since her departure from America; she did not number her letter of 4 Sept., above.
Elizabeth Cranch's letter “N 2” to AA2, evidently (from the next sentence) written on 4 Aug., has not been found.
Benjamin Vaughan's invitation, dated 2 Aug., to AA, AA2, and JQA to dine with him on 4 Aug., is in the Adams Papers. On Mr. 467and Mrs. Benjamin Vaughan and the Adamses, see JA, Diary and Autobiography
, vol. 4:index.
Betsy's “gallant” has not been identified.
AA2 omitted a word here.
AA records AA2's sleeping at noon in her 6 July letter to Mary Cranch, above.
AA2 left a blank space at this point.
Richard Cranch to JA, 12 Aug.; Mary Cranch to AA, 7 Aug., both above.
1784-10-03
Accept my dear Sister a thousand thanks for your charming Journal,1 it is just Such an one as I wish'd, so particular that while reading it, I could not help fancying my self with you. We hoped as we had Such fine weather for six weeks after you Sail'd, that you would have had a quicker Passage than I find you had. You did not feel more joy when you set your feet upon the British Coast, than I did when I reciev'd your first Letter. It was that dated “the 2d of August” just after Mr. Smith Sail'd. I answer'd it the next day,2 and hope you have receiv'd it, and that you will do as I desir'd you would with it, if you have not done it already. I have read your journal four times, but never with dry Eyes, nor shall I ever be able too. Oh my Sister what have you suffer'd! I pity you more for what you have not express'd than for what you have—my immagination has read that close Lock'd journal.
Let me intreat you my Amiable Sister not to indulge unnecessary anxieties. The evening of your Days will I hope be as happy as the morning. Your Letters excited a variety of immotions in my Breast as I read them. I was at Haverhill when they arriv'd. One I recievd upon my journey, the other while I was there3 and the journal I found when I came home. It was late before I could begin it, the Family all retir'd to rest. It was one o clock before I had finish'd it. Your tender and affectionate expressions for me and mine softend me to a Baby, and your sufferings wounded my Heart. In short when I had finish'd I set down and weep'd heartily.
When I arriv'd at Sister Shaws, I found her very Ill of a Fever, the Doctor feard a settled one.4 She had taken a violent cold. It seiz'd her Lungs and took away her voice for a week. She was taken Sneezing to such a degree that she was in danger of breaking a vein in her Stomack. I believe this occation'd the Loss of her voice. She had
Your dear children are well, and Look very Happy. Cousin Charles 468came home with Lucy and I, he is here now; and a so poor child has miss'd of his Letters.6 Mr. Cranch had sent them to Haverhill the day we came away: He thinks he cannot write till he has seen them: He sends his Duty. I went yesterday to see your Mother and told her I had come to read part of your journal to her. Aya said she “I had rather hear that she is coming home.”7 She has had her Health this summer much better than for Several years past, and is grown quite Fat. You would have been pleas'd to have seen with what eagerness Little Boylstone8 devour'd every word as I read. I dare say he does not forget a sentence. While I was reading his Papa sent him for something he wanted; I saw he was unwilling to go least he should lose some of the Letter. I was so pleas'd that I promiss'd to stop till he return'd, and then away he flew like the wind. This child is a Genious Sister. Mr. Porter has been keeping a Grammer School in this Parish all Summer. Your Nephew has attended it, and it has given him such a thirst for Learning that of his own head without his Papas knowledge, he procur'd himself some Latin Books and set himself in good earnest to the study of the Language. He has rose with the Day all summer that he might have time for his studys. I have often met him going to School with his Book open studying his Leason as he walk'd along. His Master told me he would make a fine Schooler.
Mr. Adams and the children are well, they all send their Love, Mrs. Hall in perticular. She often spends the day with me. If she walks to meeting, I take her home with me at noon, and send her home at night. Mr. Adams's Horse will not go in the chaise. You may be assur'd she shall not want any comfort that I can give her.
Oh my dear Sister when will you return and make us all happy? Your Neighbours are often coming to know when I heard from you, they will cry as much for joy when you return as they did for sorrow when you left them. Delight Newcomb dyed about six weeks ago. “Cap” Joseph Baxters wife about a month since. Eunice Bellhou is sick with a slow Fever. Mr. Thaxter is well, has as much business as he could expect for the time he has been there. Peggy White of Haverhill has fallen into a melancholy, is quite distracted at some seasons. The Family are greatly distress'd. I was there about an hour one evening, Mrs. White took me into the other room to tell me her trouble. Poor woman my Heart bore its part in her woe. The sympathiteck Tear stole from my eye. They doated upon her! She was the delight of their Eyes. This was her Language. She ennumerated her virtues. She was Spritely prudent and Dutiful—but now how chang'd! The sight of this dear Girl affected me greatly. She was seting upon 469a couch, dress'd in a Queens nightcap with a white ribbon bound round her head and a white long loose Gown on, her Hands cross'd before her, and her Eyes fix'd upon the Flour. When I enter'd Her Mama took my Hand and led me to her, and told her I was the mama of her Brothers Friend.9 She rose courtesy'd and sat down, but did not speak nor move a Feature of her Face. Her skin was of a delicate white, and a Fever which she has, had given her cheeks a Beautiful flush. She made me think of Clementina.10 I greatly suspect she has something Labouring in her mind which ought to be drawn from her. I told her mama so, but she did not seem to think there was any thing.
Billy is well and pursues his studys steadyly and behaves well, has the Love of all his Class and the approbation of his Tutors. May he always continue to do so. Leonard and he are as happy in each other as two young Fellows can be. I believe I can tell you one peice of news. Aunt Smith is like to be a grandmama!!! There is not much joy among the children.11
Continue your journal my dear Sister, you cannot immagine how it entertains us. I rejoice that you have found such Friends. If nothing unforeseen happens your Tour must give you great pleasure. Give my most affectionate regard
I have not receiv'd the things you mention. When I do I shall destribute them as you desire. Lucy will write if the vessel does not sail too soon for her. I sent a Long Letter to you in a vessel going to Holland. The others went in the Cencinatus: Capn. Farris'.
Of 6 July, above.
Letter not found.
The letters of 2 Aug., above, and 25 July (MWA: Abigail Adams Corr.).
Fixed in the bodily system; said of coughs (
OED
).
One who watches over a sick bed (
OED
).
These letters have not been found.
Closing quotation mark supplied.
Boylston Adams, son of JA's brother, Peter Boylston Adams, was thirteen in 1784.
JQA gives a vivid portrait of Peggy White in 1785 (JQA, Diary
, 1:321, 322, note 2, 377), and describes her parents and her brother Leonard (same, vol. 2). Peggy recovered from her depression and married in 1786. Leonard, a close friend of Mary Cranch's son William (“Billy” in the next paragraph), would also become one of JQA's best friends when all three attended Harvard in the same class (1787).
Clemmentina Porretta, a character in Samuel Richardson's The History of Sir Charles Grandison, suffered from depression when Grandison, whom she loved, was absent.
Mary Smith Gray, daughter of Isaac Smith Sr. and Elizabeth Storer Smith, married Samuel Allyne Otis, her second husband, in 1782. Otis had five children from his first marriage.
1784-10-10
When I return'd from Haverhill I hurry'd over a very incorrect Scrowl, being as I thought very much in danger of not geting it on board Capt. Scott before he saild, but here is Mr. Tyler just return'd from Boston and tells me he will not Sail till Teysday. I dont Love to have Letters lay by so. They will seem such old things when you get them that half their value will be lost. Mr. Tyler has receiv'd another Letter from Mr. Adams and one from Cousin with her Picture1 which we think is very well done and a pretty good likness but I had rather see the original Dear Girl. You must return with her as soon as you possibly can and make us all happy. Braintree has lost all its charms for me. How sweetly did we live Oh thou dear Companion of my Infant days. In afflictions darkest night thou hast been my greatest human support and the debt remains yet unpaid. Tell me my sister how I shall discharge it?
I greatly rejoice with you that after so long an absence you have once more met the Friend of your Heart. How does he look? Not a year older now than when he left us I dare say, now he has found his best Friend. Your letters have put us all into such fine spirits that we are the most agreable Companions to each other in the world. I hope we shall
I suppose you are now in Paris. Where ever you are write to me as 471often as you can. I shall do so by every vessel that I can hear off, by the Marquis5 you may be sure. Adieu my dear Sister.
Neither the letters nor the picture of AA2 have been found.
Susanna Adams, daughter of JA's brother Peter Boylston Adams..
Mary Adams, Peter Boylston Adams' eldest daughter.
Boylston Adams.
The Marquis de Lafayette had landed in America in August, arrived in Boston from Connecticut on 15 Oct., stayed a week, and then traveled south to Virginia. He sailed for France on 23 Dec. (
Lafayette in the Age of the Amer. Rev
., 5:xliii–xliv).
1784-10-15
Most Sincerely do I congrattulate you, Madam, and your amiable Daughter upon your Safe arrival at the wished for Port: my busy imagination persued you through the whole of your voyage untill it Saw you Safely and joyfully Landed upon the British Shores. I doubt not but long before this, you have been made happy, in meeting with Mr. Adams your long absent Friend. May Heaven reward him for the Sacrafices he has made for; and the extensive Good he has done to his Country. And may a Consciousness of that integrity and uprightness, which must ever preserve and keep the Good man be his Consolation and Support under the further Services which the happiness and welfare of his Country May call upon him for. And as soon as the interest of that will permit, may he with his family be returned to a grateful People, whose Patroatick Souls Shall Glow with ardour for an opportunity of doing him Honour. You will undoubtedly wish to know, and be Glad to hear concerning the welfare of your Sons who for the present are entrusted to my care. They have both enjoyed a Good State of Health, ever since you left them: And at present I have no reason to fear a disappointment, if I offer Master Charles next commencement. He is Sober and Steady and persues his Studies with an eagerness which convinces me, he is more and more Sensible of the importance of improving his time, in order to his entring the university with Credit and reputation to himself and his Preceptor. Master Thomas also persues his Studies with as much persevering constancy, and makes as great improvements as could be expected from a Youth his age. They both of them behave well, and hitherto have conducted in Such a manner, as Shall give you no cause to 472Blush to own them your Sons. It is not likely that you have heard of the Death of Mr. Teel.1 He died in August after a very short illness; and I have engaged to lease the place to a Nephew of his for forty Pounds a year. I have been at Some considerable expence for necessary repairs, of which I Shall keep a particular account. As to a more particular account of the affairs of my family, I Suppose you will receive that, from Mrs. Shaw, who is Scarcely recovered from the most dangerous fit of Sickness She has ever been visited with Since I have been acquainted with her.
Benjamin Teel (or Teal), who rented the Medford farm that AA and her sister Elizabeth Shaw had inherited from their father in Sept. 1783. See also Cotton Tufts to AA, 29 Oct., below.
1784-10-15
Permit me to congratulate both you and my dear Neice upon your safe and happy arrival upon the British Shore. I do not wonder that you appear pleased and gratified, when everything that can delight the Eye, or charm the Sense appears opening to your view, and then there was such a contrast between the stifled Cabin, and the spacious elegant drawing Room, as must very sensibly affect the Mind, and give a beauty and lustre to every surrounding Object.—And what must crown all other Pleasures, before this reaches you, “Heart has met Heart” reciprocally kind, and you are made happy in the Society of your long absent Friend.
We did indeed my Sister watch the Winds, and the Weather, and was pleased to find it holding west and north west with us, for 3 weeks steady, and with little (for 5 weeks) variation. As I never before had so dear a relation upon the Water, I never felt so interested, nor so anxious, and if the weather-Cock could have been worn out by looking at, the Parish would have been displeased, if we had not have procured a new one. I looked up, and considered the same Sun, as guiding your Course—the same azure Vault bespangled with Stars as spread over your Head—and with pleasure I beheld the Moon walking in brightness, and fancied you at the same moment contemplating 473its glory—but above all, it was and is with unspeakable satisfaction that I consider you, as under the Care of that ever watchful Providence, who has hitherto blessed you, and who is able still to encircle you in the Arms of his parental Love, in whatever Clime, or situation you may be.
And now my Sister, I believe I must give you some account of my Family, and I know you will be grieved to hear, that I have not been able to say, we are all well since you left us. Your dear Sons are not of the number of invalids, for they have enjoyed a fine state of Health, and Charles has escaped a Fevor turn in the Summer, and thus far through the Fall, which he tells me he has not done for several years before. Mr. Flint our worthy Schoolmaster was seized early in the Summer with a voilent Cough, and had every disagreeable symtom of a Consumtion, he however set off with Mr. Shaw to go to Commencement, though we all verily believed he would himself commence an immortal Being, before the expiration of six Weeks, and I really felt rejoiced when he left us to visit his Friends at Lyncoln, and thought myself freed from many painful Scenes, which I felt myself unable to go through. But in about 3 weeks home came my Gentleman, gay as a Lark, laughing at us for our Fears, and appeared to us like one almost raised from the Grave. I believe he partakes of the nature of the Cat, and is possessed of as many lives. He boards here yet, and is in quite a good state of Health.
I have likewise taken into our Family a Young Lady of sixteen years old, last August—through the solicitation of Master and Mrs. White I have been induced to admit her. She is a Neice, and adopted Daughter of General Hazen's.2 She has been at School at Boston, and boarded with Mrs. Sheaff the two last years. Her Uncle has endeavored to polish her Manners, he now wishes, he says, to see the accomplished Lady, and the good house-wife happily and pleasingly united, and expresses great satisfaction in having her placed under the Care of your Sister. When we describe a Lady I think it is generally the Custom to begin with the exterior. Her Person then is of a midling size, rather slender—her Complexion delicate, and of the hectic kind, her Chin pretty—her Mouth tolerable, her Cheek bones high, her Nose something smart, her forehead handsome, her hair dark, her eyebrows not remarkable, but such an Eye as is noticed by every One—the coulor bright blue, sparkling with natural Wit, sweet sensibility, and the most perfect good humour. She is possessed of a most benevolent, humane disposition, with a Mind capable of improvment, but too volatile at present to attend closely to anyone 474thing. It has entered too deeply upon triffles, and been too long engrossed by the fashionable, and dissipating Amusements of the Town. It is Time only, and quite a different set of acquaintance that will put her upon furnishing her Mind with useful knowledge—the excresent parts must be gradually, and gently loped of, least we injure the Tree, and sap the Foundation—for that is indeed promising, and excellent.
I know a Mother's thoughts fly quick. But at present she need not have a fear. Master Charles is yet a School Boy, and Miss Nancy considers him as such, and their behaviour to each other is polite and attentive—Just as I would have it—and when they play together with battledores, or the like, it is conducted with all the sweet simplicity of little Children, and she has an endearing innocence in her Manners that almost borders upon childishness, and sometimes makes her appear difficient in good breeding and in paying that defference, which is certainly due to persons superior in Age, and which could not be dispensed with, only as good-nature, and a good Heart shines through all.
She had not been in our Family but 3 weeks, before she catched a Cold which laid her up with the Reumatism, and I had her to tend up stairs for 5 weeks. All this I went through, by the help of Cousin Lucy Cranch, whom Mr. Shaw brought home with him from Commencment and who has tarried with me ever since, till last week she left me, and Cousin Betsy Smith is come in her room, for I do not mean to be left alone with so large a Family. I have enjoyed a better state of Health myself through the Summer than I have for several years, notwithstanding my numerous Cares. But upon the 11th. of September, my dear Billy, my only Son, was suddenly seized at play with a voilent pain in his Head, came home, wished Mamma would lay him upon the Bed, and set by him—from which he never raised his head for 3 days, only as I put my arm under, and raised him up to take his medicine. He had a voilent Fever while it lasted, but by good tending, pouring down Beverage, or lemon squeezed into a Tea of elder Flowers and flax-seed, the voilence of it broke, and he happily exscaped a setled Fever, which the Dr supposed he must have gone through, if He who carries the Lambs in his Arms, had not mercifully remembered his tender Age. So that by the next Thursday, he was able to set up and play about. But my Sister you cannot think how much I was dejected with his Sickness, for I have a terrible Idea of Fevers coming into a Family, and there were several round us sick, 475and dying with a long putrid Fever.3 My anxiety for my Son prevented my Sleep, and my Spirits were so low, that I was on that account more exposed to the malignity of his Disorder, and I soon felt very unwell. A Friday and Saturday we had a cold Storm, and I kept about House when I believe it would have been better for me if I had kept my Room, for You had commited to my Care, was but little less, for then indeed I beheld them with ten-fold affection.
I attribute my recovery in part, to the kind, and good nursing of my Sister Cranch. You know what an excellent one she is. She came here upon a Visit, and brought home my little Quincy5 and Cousin Betsy Smith, got here the Monday Evening after I was taken sick. It seemed as if a good Providence sent her. Brother Cranch was so kind as to leave her, and she said she would stay till I was better. The next week a Wednesday she returned with Cousin Lucy, and your Son Charles to escort them. He wished to make a Visit this Fall, to Braintree, and I find he still retains a natural affection for the Mansion, though the rightful Owners have deserted it. Master Tommy was quite easy to tarry at home, he did not want to see the Walls, if he could not see Pappa and Mamma. I wanted to have Cousin go to bring some of his Clothes for winter, I find the white Coat will do with a little alteration. The Green Coat and Jacket answers compleatly for Tommy, and the blue velvet you left they chuse for jackets, so I have procured them some black sattin lasting for Breeches. Their new Shirts I took care of, and they have never wore one of them yet, so they will be the warmer for Winter. I take the same prudent Care for them, that I think you would, and I dare say you are not uneasy. Mr. Shaw and I think ourselves happy that it is in our power to relieve you, and my dear Brother Adams from many 476anxieties you might have, were your Sons placed in any Family, less bound by Inclination, Love, and Gratitude, to treat them well, and to Watch over them with the tender, solicitous Eye of fond Parents.
If I did not love to have you very particular, I should think it necessary to apologize for the narative manner in which I have writtn. Adieu adieu my dear Sister, may you be happy prays your Sister
The date is assigned from John Shaw's letter of 15 Oct., above, and his remark there that he assumed that Elizabeth Shaw, just recovered from her illness, would write more fully.
Nancy Hazen was the daughter of Capt. John Hazen, recently deceased, and niece of Gen. Moses Hazen, a Haverhill native who settled in Vermont after the Revolution. Nancy Hazen lived with the Shaws until Feb. 1786. JQA, Diary
, 1:321, 400–401;
DAB
, under Moses Hazen.
Probably either typhus or diptheria; the term “putrid fever” was used for fatal sore throat fevers (
OED
).
Sometimes used for typhoid fever or remittent fever (
Dict. of Americanisms
).
Elizabeth Quincy Shaw.
1784-10-29
It gives me great Pleasure to hear of your safe Arrivall in Europe, and that you are once more enjoying the Society and Friendship of Your Bosom Friend.
I have wrote to Mr. Adams,1 relative to a piece of Land you He formerly exchanged with Thos. Thayer and now claimed by his Son in Law James Thayer. You will be able to refresh his Mind with respect the Exchange and inform him of the Circumstances of the Claim, if what I have wrote should not be sufficient. I wish for Instructions relative to this Matter. Your Lands in Braintree are in as good order as You left them. Your House and Furniture Pho
Your House in Boston also wants Repair, which it will not be for your Interest to delay another Summer. Mr. Russell presented me with a Bill for 16 years Rent of Verchilds Land £38. 8. 0 which I have discharged. I have not as Yet received any Money for Book Debts or 477Notes on2 but hope I shall be able with the Rents to answer such Demands as will arise, for the Education of the Children their Cloathing, some small Debts &c without breaking in upon any Securities in my Hands, unless Taxes or Repairs should oblige me to it. The Powers You gave me are not of sufficient Validity as I apprehend, to secure and defend your Interest effectually, if called to contend in Law. Mr. Adams will judge of the Propriety of isuing me a fuller Power and Govern himself accordingly.3 I have given you a short History of your Affairs which is all that Time will permit me. I wish to have written upon many Matters—and to Mr. Adams particularly with respect to a Convention relative to the Powers and Privileges of Consuls in France and America said to be agreed upon between the former and the latter—which I am pretty Certain he never had a Hand in forming, if the Nature and Tenor of it be such as I conceive it to be.4 With my affectionate Regards to Mr. Adams, Miss Nabby and Master John and with the most ardent Wishes for Yours and their happiness I am Your Affectionate Friend and Kinsman
Dont forget to inform me, in what Channel my Letters are to be conveyed to Mr. Adams with the greatest Ease Safety and least Expence, pray write to me Adieu
Tufts' last letter to JA known to the editors was that of 3 July, above, but it is not certain that Tufts refers to that letter here. He writes here of land claimed by James Thayer, but in his 3 July letter, he wrote only of land owned by the Verchild estate, which he also mentions below.
Or possibly “in.” Tufts may have intended “in hand.”
See JA's power of attorney to Tufts,
Tufts refers to “The Scheme of A Convention Between His Most Christian Majesty and The United States of North America for defining and regulating the Functions and Privileges of Consuls, Vice-Consuls, Agents and Comissaries,” signed by Franklin and Vergennes on 29 July (PCC, No. 47, f. 261–271). This convention was not approved by Congress, and the two countries did not have a ratified consular convention until the U. S. Senate, in 1789, approved the plan agreed upon by Jefferson and the Comte de Montmorin in Nov. 1788 (Miller, ed., Treaties
, 2:228–244).
1784-11-05
Monitor, Amelia? I don't know whether the idea is more flattering or affronting. What an old fellow would one suppose Eugenio to be, from the task you assign him!1 But to advise, as you say, is the 478criterion of friendship, and this only was the extent of my offer to you on your arrival. I thought it would be of advantage to you to consult, or, to use a more familiar term, to chat, with one acquainted with the ways and things of this old world, that you might better know how to accommodate yourself to your new situation. Therefore I made you a tender of my services, and am not a little pleased at your accepting them. Be assured, they will always be at your disposal, and the more you are willing to rely upon them, the more satisfaction will it be to me. You flatter me much, Amelia, but I will hope to merit your commendation.
Well may you say, “why have you not wrote me so long a time?” To justify myself, know that I have been buried among trees and bushes these two months past, out of the way of the post. Far retired from the busy world, in a sequestered valley, bordering upon the wild, uncultivated moors, what had I to employ my pen upon?2 Trees, birds, flocks, rivers, hill and dale, are themes long since worn out. But shall I make you one reflection? 'Tis very like a monitor indeed. Human nature, Amelia, is the same throughout the world. In this retired corner were pride, vanity, ostentation, with the long, &c. of worldly dispositions to be found elsewhere, in full and due proportion to different circumstances.
You seem to be very strong in American acquaintance at Paris. I am sorry for it, though you are so much pleased with it. I could rather wish you to be more Frenchified, that you might be more intimately acquainted with the character of the people. You would object to the means, perhaps, and condemn the trifling requisites, such as dress, levity, &c. But what are these? Things of no lasting moment to a sensible mind, and may be disposed of when we please. This, then, is the task I assign you en qualitè de Tuteur.
I shall duly attend to your several commissions, viz: * * * *.3
When I shall have the pleasure of meeting you at Auteuil, I cannot say, further than that I wish it might be to-morrow.4 But here, there, or wherever, believe me to be, with much esteem, respect, and friendship, Yours,
Jour. and Corr.
, 2:33–34.)
No letters from AA2 to Charles Storer have been found.
Storer spent late September and most of October in Yorkshire (Storer to William Smith Jr., 31 Aug., 15 Sept., MHi: Smith-Carter Papers).
Thus in text.
The editors have found no evidence that Storer did visit the Adamses at Auteuil.
1784-11-06
Mr. Tyler has this moment reciev'd a Letter from Cousin Nabby by Captn. Lyde.1 I hope there are some in Boston for me. I have not heard one word from you Since you left England. The time has appeard very long. The Scenes you are now ingag'd in are so very different from any of your former ones, that I fear you will not have so much time to devote to your Pen as your Friends could wish. I am all curiosity and want
We have had a very fine Fall, but a remarkable Season for bad colds. I have been confin'd with one for above a fortnight. Tis better but my cough is not yet gone. We have all been almost Sick. I
Cousin Jo. Cranch7 has been very Sick with a Nervous Fever. Lucy has been there a week assisting them. He is mending but very weak. There is no end to the destresses of that Family.
Miss Betsy Leppington8 and Miss Sally Duvant have been here upon a visit, they were at Lincoln last week. Sister9 and the children were well: they live very comfortably. She Says she never was so happy in her Life. We have not heard a word from Brother Since you went away. Your Mother Hall is well, but longing for your return, and when oh when my dear Sister may I tell her that you will? I long to here how you find Mr. Adams Health. Is he almost worn out with the cares of the Publick? I am Sure the attention of So dear a Friend will do much towards restoring him. How are my dear Cousins? My best wishes attend you all. Pray write me often. It will be the only thing to make your absence Supportable to your ever affectionate Sister.
Not found.
No Royall Tyler letters addressed to France have been found, but see AA to Tyler,
The Irish-born William Hazlitt, one of the the earliest Unitarian preachers in England, emigrated to Pennsylvania in May 1783. Invited to preach at Boston's Brattle Square Church in June 1784, he was a visiting minister at pulpits from Maine to Rhode Island over the next two years, and became a good friend and ally of Boston's Unitarian 481minister James Freeman of King's Chapel. Hazlitt, his wife, Grace Loftus Hazlitt, and their three children occupied the late Rev. William Smith's house in Weymouth, then owned by Mary Cranch, from Nov. 1784 to July 1786; the following summer they returned to England. The Hazlitts had stayed a night at the Cranches in Braintree a few days before Mary Cranch wrote this letter. The Hazlitt children were the artist John, then seventeen, the essayist William, then six, and thirteen-year-old Margaret, who in later life wrote an account of her family's four years in America. The Journal of Margaret Hazlitt, ed., Ernest J. Moyne, Lawrence, Kansas, 1967, p. 3–24, 61–64.
Closing parenthesis added.
Peter Thacher, son of Oxenbridge Thacher, had been minister at Malden since 1770. He did obtain a release from that congregation in Dec. 1784, and succeeded the late Dr. Samuel Cooper at Brattle Square the following month. Thacher became one of Boston's most popular preachers, and JQA admired his oratory, if not always his intellectual abilities (
DAB
;
Diary
, 1:316; 2:31–32). Thacher was also a founding member of the Massachusetts Historical Society. Handbook of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, 1948, p. 20.
See AA2 to Lucy Cranch, 4 Sept., above.
Joseph Cranch was Richard Cranch's nephew.
Betsy Lappington was raised by the Palmers and Cranches; see vol. 3:318, and note 1.
AA's and Mary Cranch's sister-in-law Catharine Louisa Salmon Smith. “Brother,” two sentences below, is Catharine's husband, William Smith Jr.
1784-11-22
Very well, Madam; this fine house of the Comte de Rouhaut, spacious Gardens, Courts &c. have seemingly banished from your thoughts humble Basinghall Street. I say seemingly, since I am not willing to believe it really so. Don't you remember you told me once you wished me to write you, and that you would duly acknowledge my letters?1 This was, however, when we were in different Quarters of the world; but shall our Correspondance drop, because we are now on the same side of the water? I hope not. You are reading now the page I have gone through; and you know my sentiments thereon. I would therefore wish to know if they correspond with yours: Besides, the giddiness of Youth may have passed over parts where maturer age and riper Judgment would have made some usefull reflections. These too, with judicious observations from you will be a most agreable ground-work to continue the Correspondance upon: therefore you will not let it fall to the ground, I hope.
This is only No. 4, and the long lapse of time, between this and the date of my last,2 can only be excused from the unsettled, uncertain state you have been in this some time past: However, as I have but one letter from you,3 there seems no apology necessary on my side.
By Mr. Bowdoin,4 who is the bearer of this, I send you Buchan's 482family or domestic Medicine, which you desired. In regard to the Japan Tea-Urn, I am afraid there will be some difficulty attending it, since I think it is a contraband Article.5 However, Madam, if you are in want of it, I will make enquiries about the possibility of getting it to Paris and will do my best in respect to it. The only difficulty will not be at Calais: there are examinations at almost every town between that place and Paris, as you must have noticed on your journey. However, a little matter will gain the good will of these faithfull Servants of the King.
I want to hear your opinion of the gay world you are in—both as to itself and comparatively—with the many observations I know you will not be able to refrain from making.
My Sister6 is at present very unwell; yet, (as does Mr. Atkinson,) joins with me in best Compliments to yourself and family. Yours, Madam,
AA to Storer, 28 April 1783, above.
Not found; Storer's second letter was dated 26 April 1783, above.
That of 28 April 1783, above, is AA's only letter to Storer known to the editors before 1785.
Of Virginia. See AA2, Jour. and Corr.
, 1:33 (28 Nov., presumably the date of this letter's arrival at Auteuil); JQA, Diary
,1: 262, 264.
JQA to Storer, 16 Sept. (Adams Papers), contains AA's full order: “an handsome japan tea urn, (not plated) . . .—item. three hundred needles. 100. N: 7. 100. No:8 and 100. n:9—Buchan's domestic medicine 1. vol: 8 vo.—6 pound of good tobacco for chewing which you will bring with you, if you think yourself expert at smuggling—1 pr. of English Scissars.”
Elizabeth Storer Atkinson.
1784-11-26
Yours of Sept. 5. I received the 13th. Instant and rejoice to hear that You are in the Enjoyment of that Family Felicity, which your Scituation heretofore necessarily prevented.
The Powers which You have given and the Trust which You have committed to me are great.1 How well I shall execute them Time must determine. New Care and new Trusts have for some Years past been encreasing upon
Your Instructions relative to the Purchase of Lands I am pursuing and have already bargaind with David Bass for several Acres of salt Marsh adjoining to a piece already owned by You, and dayly expect to contract with James Theier for the Pasture adjoyning Yours,2 which when done will put an End to the Dispute between us relative to the Watering Place concerning which I have already wrote to You. The Recovery of Your Debts is a Work so slow in its Progress, that I fear but little will fall into my Hands, timely for Purchases, and Your Incomes some of them will be taken up in Repairs, so that after providing for the Education of Masters Charles and Thomey there will not for some Time be much of an Overplus that I can avail myself off. On these Considerations it is probable that I shall shortly draw on You for £100 sterling, tho shall avoid it, If I can negociate Your Affairs to my Mind. I have taken a View of Your House at Boston and find the Roof so defective as to require a thorough Repair, this must be done next Spring or Summer. It is the Opinion of Your Friends whom I have consulted, that it will be best at the same Time to raise the Roof to a Level with the adjoyning Buildings. The House will rent higher and the Expence will be but comparatively small with doing it at any other Time. This part of Your Estate yields an Income the most certain and productive. I wish for Your Instructions relative to this.
At a Meeting of the Overseers, last Week, A Vote of the Corporation was confirmed, passed in Consequence of Your Address to Presid. Willard, relative to Your Design of sending Your Son to finish his Education at our University provided he might be admitted to such Standing as his Qualifications should entitle him to. It was most chearfully voted. In Consideration of Your great Merit and important Services done Your Country that Your Son (in case You should send him) be accordingly admitted and without any extra Payments.3 I assure You it gave me great Pleasure to find that You had such a Design in View and I hope it will be effected.
In our last Session of the General Court which began in October and ended the 13th. Instant A Bill passed for the regulating the Exportation of Flax Seed Potash Pearl Ash, Barrelled Beef Pork Fish and Dry Fish. Do. for establishing the Rate at which Gold and Silver Coin shall Pass. Do. for impowering the Delegates in Congress to make Cession of Western Lands to Congress. Do. for Appointing Agents to support our Claims to the Western Lands, which have been laid before Congress (who have appointed a Day for the Appearance 484of the Parties) &c.4 During the Session Much Time was spent in debating upon the 4th. Article of the Treaty of Peace whether it obliged to the Payment of Interest during the War on bona Fide Debts contracted before the War. The Recovery of Interest on them was considered by some as unjust, the Debtor during the War having been under a legal Incapacity to pay either Principal or Interest and by the War rendered unable to improve the Principal to Advantage. These and some other Arguments had so far their Weight as to produce An Act for suspending of Execution so far it related to the Interest, untill the next Sitting of the General Court which will be on the 3d. Wednesday of January. In the mean Time to consult Congress with Respect to the Sense of it. I must confess I am not able to see (in case of Doubt) what Congress has to do with the Matter, untill the Contracting Powers shall have mutually agreed upon an Explanation. But always having had an Idea that Interest was as much a Debt as principal and as reducible to a certainty—and not being severed by any formal Act in the Treaty—Were I an Englishman or an American I should consider myself as having a Right to make the Claim.
It was much in Agitation to lay a Duty on Lumber exported in British Bottoms. A Bill was formed for that purpose, and will be taken up the next Sessions and probably be enacted.
It has been said that both France and England can import their Timber and other Articles of Lumber much cheaper from Denmark than from America. If Your Leisure will permit, do give me Your Sentiments on this Subject.
See JA's power of attorney to Tufts,
On 14 Dec., Tufts purchased 2 1/2 acres and 23 rods of salt marsh from David Bass for JA, paying £32 16s 3d; on 8 Jan. 1785, Tufts purchased a 20-acre lot in the Braintree north common from James Thayer Jr. and his wife, Mary Thayer, for JA, paying £60 (Deeds in Adams Office Papers, box 2, folder 13).
On 8 Sept., JA had written to Harvard President Joseph Willard (MH: Corporation Papers) to thank him for his letter of 8 June (not found), which AA had brought to Europe along with the engrossed honorary L.L.D. (Adams Papers) that Harvard had granted to JA in 1781. In this letter, JA also encouraged Willard to make a contemplated tour of European universities, and offered to arrange introductions for him. But JA was not eager “to See
In his 14 Dec. reply to JA's letter (Adams Papers), Willard reported that Harvard's Corporation 485and its overseers concurred that JQA should be admitted, upon examination, “into one of the higher classes in this University, free from all extra expense to you,” and enclosed a copy of the Corporation's 16 Nov. vote to this effect. He added that if JQA could enter Harvard in April 1785, he could have fifteen months at the college, take two courses in “experimental philosophy,” and graduate in 1786.
JA answered Willard on 22 April 1785 (MH: Corporation Papers), stating that JQA would deliver the letter personally to him, and adding that his son would probably find it easier to be examined for admission “in French, with which Language he is more familar than his own.” But JA did not expect this, and only hoped that the examiners would make an allowance for JQA's “long absence from home.” JA elaborated on the state of JQA's learning in a letter to Benjamin Waterhouse, 23 April 1785 (MHi: Adams-Waterhouse Coll.). JA's two letters to Willard are printed in Col. Soc. Mass., Pubns
, 13:114–116 (Feb. 1910).
In June Congress resolved that Massachusetts and New York should bring their conflicting claims to western lands before that body in December. On 11 Nov., Massachusetts named John Lowell and James Sullivan to join its congressional delegation in arguing the Commonwealth's case. Representatives from the two states presented their credentials on 8 Dec., and on 24 Dec. they agreed on a panel of judges from other states to arbitrate their dispute (
JCC
, 27:547–550, 662–663, 666–667, 678, 709–710). JA had been heavily involved in Massachusetts' boundary disputes with its neighbors, New Hampshire and New York, in the spring of 1774 (JA, Papers
, 2:22–81; p. 65–81 deal with New York).