Through the mercy of the Most High, I am newly returned from a double journey to Qunnihticut and Plymouth. I shall presume on your wonted love and gentleness to present you with a short relation of what issue it pleased the Lord to produce out of them, especially since your worship's name was some way engaged in both.

I went up to Qunnihticut with Miantunnomu,2 who had a guard of up­59wards of 150 men, and many sachims, and his wife and children, with him. By the way (lodging from his house three nights in the woods) we met divers Nanhiggontick men complaining of robbery and violence, which they had sustained from the Pequts and Monahiggins in their travel from Qunnihticut; as also some of the Wunnashowatuckoogs (subject to Canounicus) came to us and advertised, that two days before, about 600 and 60 Pequts, Monahiggins and their confederates, had robbed them, and spoiled about twenty-three fields of corn, and rifled four Nanhiggontick men amongst them; as also that they lay in way and wait to stop Miantunnomue's passage to Qunnihticut, and divers of them threatened to boil him in the kettle.

This tidings being many ways confirmed, my company, Mr. Scott (a Suffolk man) and Mr. Cope, advised our stop and return back; unto which I also advised the whole company, to prevent bloodshed, resolving to get up to Qunnihticut by water, hoping there to stop such courses. But Miantunnomu and his council resolved (being then about fifty miles, half way, on our journey) that not a man should turn back, resolving rather all to die, keeping strict watch by night, and in dangerous places a guard by day about the sachims, Miantunnomu and his wife, who kept the path, myself and company always first, and on either side of the path forty or fifty men to prevent sudden surprisals. This was their Indian march.

But it pleased the Father of mercies, that (as we since heard) we came not by till two days after the time given out by Miantunnomu, (by reason of staying for me until the Lord's day was over,) as also the Lord sent a rumour of great numbers of the English, in company with the Nanhiggonticks, so that we came safe to Qunnihticut.

Being arrived, Okace had sent messengers that he was lame, and could not come. Mr. Haynes said, it was a lame excuse, and sent earnestly for him, who at last came, and being charged by Mr. Haynes with the late outrages, one of his company said, they were but an 100 men. He said, he was with them, but did not see all was done, and that they did but roast corn, etc. So there being affirmations and negations concerning the numbers of men and the spoil, not having eye-witnesses of our own, that fell, as also many other mutual complaints of rifling each other, which were heard at large to give vent and breathing to both parts.

At last we drew them to shake hands, Miantunnomu and Okace; and Miantunnomu invited (twice earnestly) Okace to sup and dine with him, 60he and all his company (his men having killed some venison;) but he would not yield, although the magistrates persuaded him also to it.

In a private conference, Miantunnomu, from Caunounicus and himself, gave in the names of all the Pequts sachims and murderers of the English. The names of the sachims were acknowledged by Okace, as also the places, which only I shall be bold to set down:

Nausipouck, Puttaquappuonckquame his son, now on Long Island.

Nanasquiouwut, Puttaquappuonckquame his brother, at Monahiganick.

Puppompogs, Sasacous his brother, at Monahiganick.

Mausaumpous, at Nayantaquit.

Kithansh, at Monahiganick.

Attayakitch, at Pequat or Monahiganick.

These, with the murderers, the magistrates desired to cut off, the rest to divide, and to abolish their names. An inquisition was made; and it was affirmed from Caunounicus, that he had not one. Miantunnomu gave in the names of ten or eleven, which were the remainders of near seventy, which at the first subjected themselves, of which I advertised your worship, but all again departed, or never came to him; so that two or three of these he had with him; the rest were at Monahiganick and Pequt.

Okace was desired to give in the names of his. He answered, that he knew not their names. He said there was forty on Long Island; and that Juanemo and three Nayantaquit sachims had Pequts, and that he himself had but twenty. Thomas Stanton told him and the magistrates, that he dealt very falsely; and it was affirmed by others, that he fetched thirty or forty from Long Island at one time. Then he acknowledged, that he had thirty, but the names he could not give. It pleased the magistrates to request me to send to Nayantaquit, that the names of their Pequts might be sent to Qunticut; as also to give Okace ten days to bring in the number and names of his Pequts and their runaways, Mr. Haynes threatening also (in case of failing) to fetch them.

Sir, at Plymouth, it pleased the Lord to force the prisoners to confess, that they all complotted and intended murder; and they were, three of them, (the fourth having escaped, by a pinnace, from Aquedenick,) executed in the presence of the natives who went with me.3 Our friends confessed, that they received much quickening from your own hand. O that they might also in a case more weighty, wherein they need much, viz. the standing to the present government and liberties, to which I find them weakly resolved.

They have requested me to inquire out a murder five years since committed upon a Plymouth man (as they now hear) by two Narriganset Indians, between Plymouth and Sowwams. I hope (if true) the Lord will discover it.

Sir, I understand there hath been some Englishman of late come over, who hath told much to Cutshamoquene's Indians (I think Auhaudin) of a great sachim in England (using the king's name) to whom all the sachims in this land are and shall be nothing, and where his ships ere long shall land; and this is much news at present amongst natives. I hope to inquire out the man.

Mr. Vane hath also written to Mr. Coddington and others on the island of late, to remove from Boston as speedily as they might, because some evil was ripening, etc. The most holy and mighty One blast all mischievous buds and blossoms, and prepare us for tears in the valley of tears, help you and us to trample on the dunghill of this present world, and to set affections and cast anchor above these heavens and earth, which are reserved for burning.

Sir, I hear, that two malicious persons, (one I was bold to trouble your worship with not long since,) Joshua Verin, and another yet with us, William Arnold, have most falsely and slanderously (as I hope it shall appear) complotted together (even as Gardiner did against yourselves) many odious accusations in writing.4 It may be, they may some way come to your loving hand. I presume the end is, to render me odious both to the king's majesty, as also to yourselves. I shall request humbly your wonted love and gentleness (if it come to your worship's hand) to help me with the sight of it, and I am confident yourself shall be the judge of the notorious wickedness and malicious falsehoods therein, and that there hath not past aught from me, either concerning the maintaining of our liberties in this land, or any difference with yourselves, which shall not manifest loyalty's reverence, modesty and tender affection.

The Lord Jesus, the Son of righteousness,5 shine brightly and eternally on you and yours, and all that seek him that was crucified. In him I desire ever to be Your worship's most unfeigned