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Papers of the Winthrop Family, Volume 4Note: you've followed an index reference to a note that, due to changes between the print and digital editions, may no longer be on page 361. Please look at all notes at the end of the document or documents on page 361.

John Winthrop to the Elders of the Massachusetts Churches1
JW Elders of the Massachusetts Churches

1642-10-14

. . . generall Councell of the State onely: and therefore, in their first institution, they were appointed, as the representative bodye of the Freemen, and therefore, where the people cannot exercise Judicature in their owne persons, thoughe they have power to substitute others, there their deputyes are not Judges in waye of such an Ordinance and I feare least this hathe been a great Cause of Gods withholdinge so muche of his presence from vs, since that Court hathe dealt so frequently in judginge private Causes, to which they have no ordinary callinge, that I knowe: for our Saviour teaches vs, that everye man that shall exercise power of Judgment over others, must be able to prove his Callinge thereto. Not that I deny that Court all power of Judicature, (for the bodye of the freemen may exercise it, in some transcendent Cases, where other remedye fayles) but in small and ordinary Causes, which properly belonge to other inferiour courts, I see no Rule to warrant our practice (but of this onely obiter). Now you may iudge, how muche it concerned the honor of the Court that (when so much blame was layd vpon it throughe the wholl countrye) it might be knowne, how the opinion and advice of the magistrates, or the greater parte of them, stood in the Case.

One thinge more I shall make bould to Commende to your wise consideration, as a matter of great Concernment: I vnderstande, there is a purpose in some to possesse the people with this opinion, that it is the power of the Neg: vote in the magistrates, that hath occasioned all the late troubles, and therefore they should take it awaye, at the next Court of Elections, and be­360cause it is knowne that diverse of the magistrates are not like to consent to it, they must therefore be lefte oute (which wilbe very acceptable to some of them) and others putt in their places, etc.

If it should so fall out, I may bouldly saye, I knowe not any thing could be more dishonorable and dangerous to our State; dishonorable it would be, to take the power from those whom the Countrye pickes out, as the most able for public service, and putt it into the hands of others, whom they passe by, as the more weake: dangerous allso it wilbe, for it will raze the foundation of our Goverment, so as, I can make it appeare, that whatsoeuer the deputyes shall determine without the consent of the greater parte of the magistrates, wilbe of no validitye: for if our power be derived from, or have any relation to, our Patent, it is so fixed in the Governor and assistants, as (how many soeuer shalbe ioyned to them, as coadiutors or Counsellors etc. yet) the maine strengthe of Authoritye (in pointe of dispensation) will rest in them, and can by no lawe be avoided, vnlesse we will erecte a new frame of Goverment vpon a new foundation, which (I suppose) is far from our intentions. As for the inconveniences, which are obiected, they are but vngrounded suppositions, as first This: what if the magistrates should growe Corrupt etc.? this is no more to be feared, then of the deputies, and if of bothe, then of all the rest of the people, and if so, then it is past remedye.

Againe, if the Court of Assistance doe injustice, or mistake in any cause, what help is there, if the magistrates have a Neg: vote in the generall Court? To this it may allso be Answered what remedye will there be, if the generall Court should erre, or doe injustice? there must be a stoppe somewhere: yet this Remedye there is, if the magistrates have erred it is not vnlike but they will hearken to better advice in the generall Court; but if they will not, they may be turned out and better putt in their places, and then they may be called to Account for any miscarriage.

The last thing that I will trouble your patience with at the present is about a position maintained in the Countrye, (and those none of the worst) that it should be dangerous for the Commonwealth to have the magistrates vnited in Love and affection, therefore care to be had, that there be no kindred, affinity, or close amity betweene them: but that they should rather be devided in factions etc.: If this past for good doctrine, then let vs no longer professe the Gospell of Jesus Christ, but take vp the rules of Matchiavell, and the Jesuits, for Christ saythe Love is the bond of perfection, and a kingdome or house deuided cannot stand: but the others teache (or rather the Devill teacheth them) deuide et impera etc. I need write no more of this: your owne observation, of what advantage hath come to the countrye by the late di­361visions and oppositions amongst vs, will call vpon your Care and faithfullnesse, to putt your hande for tymely preventinge the like.

The ende of my writinge to you about these matters, is both to discover to you the dangers I have discerned, and allso to crave your advice and helpe, so far as the power and dutye of your place in the Churches, doth call for it from you: If in any thinge I be mistaken, I shall thankfully accept your lovinge corrections, but for the sinceritye of my heart, and searious intentions, for the public good of all estates, my witnesse is heaven, to whose Judgment I must stande: So earnestly cravinge the continuance of your prayers, with a thankfull acknowledgment of the many testimonyes of your love towards me, beseechinge the Lord in my dayly petitions, still to owne and blesse your selues and your labours, for the further advancement of the kingdome of his sonne in this parte of the world, I take leave and rest your brother and fellowe helper in the Lords worke

Jo: Winthop Boston (8) 14—1642
1.

Fragment in Harvard College Library; L. and L. , II. 277–279. For Winthrop's account of the meeting of the elders, convened at Ipswich on October 18,1642, and of their deliberations on Richard Saltonstal's treatise against the Standing Council, see Journal, II. 86–88; also printed in D.J.W. . See also Winthrop's earlier letter on the subject (pages 347–348, above).

Johannes Tanckmarus to John Winthrop, Jr.1
Tanckmarus, Johannes Winthrop, John, Jr.

1642-10-28

Clarissimo Viro Domino Johanni Winstrop, Amico meo unicè dilecto
Clarissime simul neg non charissime Domine Winstropi,

Ut priores binae tuae: sic et posteriores per Dominum Dogget (et quidem pergratae omnes) recte ad has manus pervenêre. Utinam et mea, per Petrum Petersen, Ambstelodamensem tabellarium, ad Claritatem Tuam missae, redditae sint tibi: quibus condolentiam meam cordialem de (proh dolor!) perdita tua arca, sum testatus. Precatus sum animitus et etiamnum precor, ut cum Deo re­362cuperare eam queas. Dolendum est homines sic cum hominibus agere, sic homines ab hominibus spoliari. Deum immortalem quò impietatis â Diabolo seductis et tam horribiliter lapsis devenitur! Semper et ubique, Diabolum opera sua per suos peragere videmus. Beatus ille, qui filius existit lucis, et omnia temporalia caduca et fluxa, quatenus id fieri queat, flocci pendit. Faxit Deus inprimis, ut animo ditemur, filium ipsius Jesum reverâ possidentes. Ah crede mi amantissime Winstropi, quod de hoc tuo infortunio impensissimè doluerim et doleam. Utinam ego ê diverso re quapiam hoc recompensare queam: certè si voluntati facultas responderet, etiam in hoc, quantopere te amem, experireris. Intereà loci, qua ego non possum, ut Deus ter optimus maximus ea praestet, rogo. Suavissimae tuae conversationis non possum oblivisci: utinam eâ, dum vivam, frui possim Quod polliceris, te operam esse daturum, an in Angliâ aliquid praestare possis, quo in praesens possim sublevari, ex eo (ut et omnibus reliquis) cognosco benevolum tuum in me animum quam gratissimo corde amplector, rogoque ut id agere perstes: Quod si, ut nullus ambigo, feceris, nullus et tu dubites, quin adhuc aliquid sim facturus, quod et gratissimum arridet Tibi. quo citiùs me sic juvare poteris, eò gratiùs arridet mihi. Quibus, optime mi Amice, vale, et quidem in Deo, (in quo millies millema prospera et secunda tibi ex animo precor) â me et uxore meâ amicissimè salutatus. Deus sit tecum, et Te in posterum pro paternâ ipsius affectione et voluntate, ab omni malo et infortunio custodiat, Amen. Tuissimus

Joh. Tancmarus Hamburgi die 28 Octobr. Anno 1642

Endorsed: This Letter was Let fall in the durt per A woman that brought it.

1.

W. 19. 47. Tanckmarus's letters to Winthrop furnish few biographical facts, and no formal account of his life has been found. Dr. Harold S. Jantz of the Department of Modern Languages and Literatures of Princeton University, from his extensive research in this period, has kindly supplied the following information. Tanckmarus was a Doctor of Medicine, but of what university is not known. During the years 1632–1635 he is known to have been at Lübeck, where in official documents he is referred to as “Paedagogus” of Heinrich Ottendorff (friend of the poetess Anna Owena Hoyers) and where, like Ottendorff, he was closely associated with a group of mystics and heretics (including Joachim Morsius) who were followers of Jakob Böhme and Valentin Weigel. As a result of these connections he was on more than one occasion in difficulties with the Lübeck authorities, and there is record of his having twice made formal recantation of his errors. Kaspar Heinrich Starck, Lübeckischer Kirchen-Historie (Hamburg, 1724), 796; Heinrich Schneider, Joachim Morsius und sein Kreis (Lübeck, 1929), 48–57. In 1642 he is known to have been in Hamburg, where Winthrop presumably met him upon going there to study (see Sir William Boswell to the Chevalier De Vic, November 1, 1642, printed immediately following). In 1649 he was living in Lauenburg (John Doggett to John Winthrop, Jr., September 25, 1649), and there is trace of him there as late as 1652 (John Doggett to John Winthrop, Jr., February 3, 1651/52).