These blank spaces which occur in the Journal for 1630 after Winthrop's arrival in New England, may merely indicate that he was too busy to keep a diary properly. Note, however, his statement in his letter to John Winthrop, Jr., of July 23, 1630, to the effect that he is sending “a journall” of the voyage “and other occurrentes” to “your vncle D.,” and in the same letter he says, “take order that a coppye of my relation etc. be sent to Sir Nath. Barnardiston . . .” This journal or relation may have been merely a copy of the Journal printed here; but it may also have been an original, which Winthrop found time to copy only partially into the manuscript now in the possession of the Society. A search for this hypothetical “missing journal” has been made in England, without result.

A name then confined to the country lying about Boston Harbor from Nahant to Point Allerton. “This journey of exploration,” writes Robert Charles Winthrop, “resulted in the immediate removal of the Governor and Company to what is now called Charlestown, and led soon afterwards to the settlement of Boston.” L. and L. II. 33. The first letter Winthrop wrote from New England is dated “Charlton in N: Eng: July 14 1630.”

Such distances were apparently measured with either Governor's Island or Noddle's Island as a starting point.

Maverick lived on Noddle's Island, now East Boston.

Roger Ludlow (1590–1655) and Edward Rossiter (d. 1630), assistants of the Massachusetts Bay Company, and the Reverend John Maverick, were the leaders of the west-country emigration in the Mary and John, which sailed from Plymouth March 20 and arrived May 30, 1630. They were actually set down at Nantasket, made their way by boats to the site of Watertown, but decided to locate at Mattapan (Dorchester). The first Mr. Maverick mentioned above was Samuel, who came out to New England in 1623 on the Katherine, Joseph Stratton, Master, a ship sent out by Sir Ferdinando Gorges. He settled at Noddles Island (East Boston) which was formally granted to him April 1, 1633 (Records of Massachusetts, I. 104) for a yearly rent of a “fatt weather, a fatt hogg, or XL. shillings in money.” He was a “gentleman of good estate,” and “Josselyn, who visited him 10 July, 1638, calls him 'the only hospitable man in all the country, giving entertainment to all comers gratis.'” Like Blackstone (Blaxton), who came on the same ship the same year, he was a Church of England man. For the statement that Samuel Maverick was the son of the Reverend John Maverick (1577–1637) of Beaworthy, co. Devon, see New England Historical and Genealogical Register, XLVIII. 207–209; and also Banks, Planters of the Commonwealth, 56, 89. For a good account of Ludlow, see D. N. B. Notice of Rossiter's death is to be found in Dudley's “Letter to the Countess of Lincoln,” Young, Chronicles, 318.

For this dispute between Captain Squib and his passengers, see “Roger Clap's Memoirs,” young, Chronicles, 348–349. A Captain Squib went out for the “discovery and Survey” of Mount Mansell in 1622. Clap was one of the passengers on the Mary and John, for which see Banks, The Winthrop Fleet, 100–102.

The first version of the name Charlestown.

Henry Winthrop, then twenty-two years old. Robert C. Winthrop printed the following in Life and Letters, II. 35, from “a family record of ancient but uncertain date.” “The very day on which he went on shore in New England, he and the principal officers of the ship, walking out to a place now called, by the Salemites, Northfield, to view the Indian wigwams, they saw on the other side of the river a small canoe. He would have had one of the company swim over and fetch it, rather than walk several miles on foot, it being very hot weather: but none of the party could swim but himself; and so he plunged in, and, as he was swimming over, was taken with the cramp, a few roods from the shore, and drowned.”

Thomas Dudley's “Letter to the Countess of Lincoln” explains the move from Salem to Charlestown, early in July: “... we began to consult of the place of our sitting down; for Salem, where we landed, pleased us not. And to that purpose, some were sent to the Bay, to search up the rivers for a convenient place; . . . we found a place . . . up Charles River; and thereupon unshipped our goods into other vessels, and with much cost and labor brought them in July to Charlestown.” When Winthrop wrote “The Lyon went backe to Salem,” he himself was at Charlestown. Young, Chronicles, 314–316.

This half-inch blank in the original manuscript represents a gap of six weeks, during which time there is evidence that Winthrop was too busy with the affairs of the plantation and the sickness among the settlers to make any entries. For record of a fast day of which Winthrop makes no mention, see Bradford, History of Plymouth (Boston, 1912), II. 112–114, especially Winslow's letter to Bradford written from Salem, July 26: “...Mr. Johnson received a letter from the Gov[erno]r, Mr. John Winthrop, manifesting the hand of God to be upon them, and against them, at Charlestowne, in visiting them with sicknes, and taking diverse from amongst them, not sparing the righteous, but partaking with the wicked in these bodily judgments. It was therfore by his desire taken into the Godly consideration of the best hear, what was to be done to pacifie the Lords wrath, etc. Wher [when] it was concluded, that the Lord was to be sought in righteousnes; and to that end, the .6. day (being Friday) of this present weeke, Friday, July 30 is set aparte . . . solemnly to enter into covenante with the Lord to walke in his ways.” The church at Plymouth was asked to join in this covenant. Winthrop was living in the “great house” built in 1629 at Charlestown, where he and his associates formed the third Massachusetts church, July 30, 1630. ( L. and L. , II. 45.) See entry for Friday, August 27, for the election of John Wilson as teacher.

Elizabeth Gibson, a widow, probably daughter of Philobert Cogan of Chard, co. Somerset, the first Mrs. Endecott having died at Salem. See New England Historical and Genealogical Register, XLIII. 309–310.