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Papers of the Winthrop Family, Volume 2

John Humfrey to Isaac Johnson1
Humfrey, John Johnson, Isaac

1630-12-09

To the wor shipfull my dearely respected and much honoured brother Isaac Johnson Esqr. at Charlestowne in New England2
Dearest Brother,

That which is yet new to mee and wherein I must follow your greife a far of, I desire may now grow old and out of date with you; there bee dayes of mourning which it is as meete to set a period unto, as it is seemely and needeful at first to take up. Therefore that I may not renovare dolores3 no more of that. Your late letter by the Gift I received blessing god for your health and prospering in the midst of all your losses. But good brother beare up, you have as much cause of comfort that so sincerely have devoted your selfe to the service of the lord in his worke as anie that I know, and for your losses though manie thousand tallents more were gone the lord were able, and if it bee good will repay. But ahlasse I pitie not you in this that have got not onely the upper but the neather springes,4 and though not supplanted yet got a larger portion of both then manie of your elder brethren, I meane such as were in Christ before you. Blessed bee his name that hath given you a communicatinge hart for the faithful dispencing your several tallents to his best advantage. Truth is sweete brother, but that you are worthy of all, and by that little grace I have, I cannot but reioyce in gods greater gifts to others, I should envie you 328were it not for sinning against god. Even these outward thinges are excellent instruments of doing good withall, how much more transcendent is the mercie when their is a hart to use them. Well brother you everie way abound in all riches, and blessed bee god that sets you in the way of yet greater increase, the liberal soule shall bee made fat and hee that watereth shall bee watered againe. Never could there bee a fairer opportunitie for a full estate to get a full reward, then by scattering and casting bread upon such waters. Now the lord both goe on with inlarging your hart and hand, and minister seede to the sower and a yet more glorious crowne to your fruiteful soule.

Now touching the particulars of your letters breifely. The burthens which I feared after I had some intimation of the slender provisions manie good people made, I laboured what I could to bee helpeful in easing you of. I was on a faire way for a common stocke got neare 500 li. underwritten had promise of manie, and more probabilities of advancing this stocke. The first rise and advantage I tooke was by that which providence offered in that rumour of the French. Men were somewhat inclinable and workeable to the apprehension of your daunger, and yielding some supplies for succouring your persons against an enimie and securing your estates. But assoone as this dampe of ill report of the state of thinges came from your owne handes, straunge it was to see how little brotherly love wrought in brethren. The designe was given of as lost, and to make it worse, few shewed anie affection to save those which were likely to perish. Former promises are fled from, that which was underwritten lies unperformed by some and is flatly denied by others. Those wee most depended on, and might have done much, have rather blamed then pitied their poore brethren, laying more loade where the burthen should beene eased sic. Others gave somewhat, but rather according to their hopes of the busines, then the necessities thereof. So that I see it is in plantations as in warre, men may hope for supplyes from freindes, but without preiudice both of their wisedome and undertakings, may not depend upon them. When wee least neede freindes possiblie wee may have them to befreind us, or rather themselves (in hope of some recompence) but brotherly love and conscience of dutie have lost much of their vigour that long since were decaying. Wherefore if wee will neyther blemish the gospel, nor bring upon ourselves that contempt and reproach of the foolish builder, wee must sell our states and beare our owne burthens.

For mr. Wiggin5 and your thoughts concerning him, and those who set him on worke I thinke you will heare little more. Yet your letter shall 329bee delivered if it bee meete, and accordingly wee shall doe. I purpose this morning to goe to mr. Downing to advice about it. Hee is the onely man for Councel that is hartily ours in the towne, and yet unlesse you settle upon a good river and in a lesse snowie and cold place I see no great edge on him to come unto us. Wee are all much bound to my lord Say for his cordial advice and true affections. As allso to my lord of Warwicke.6 Sir Natha: Rich deserves much acknowledgment of his wise handling Sir Ferd: Gorge7 who from verie high matters is come to this, to desire that his people and planters (by vertue of his sons Pattent8) may live quietly and uniniured by us; that Jefferie9 is a bad man, hee basely flings out in his letters to him, which Sir Ferd: shewed mee, handle him wisely and by no meanes exasperate such spirits. Though Sir Ferd: neyther will nor can doe us much good, yet hee or anie may have eare to doe us hurt. I assured him of your care to right his people in anie iniurie they had or should sustaine, and there was an end for that time. Other passages there were, they are too long to write when mr. Allerton comes to you hee will satisfie you of some, whome I acquainted with what past in general.

My lord of Warw: will take a Pattent of that place you writ of for himselfe, and so wee may bee bold to doe there as if it were our owne. Write letters aboundantly to him, and others though they deserve them not as hee doth. Much neglect is apprehended by manie of themselves. Dr. Wright and mr. Davenport must not bee forgotten send over what the nature of your diseases are, and the several circumstances and accidents and symptomes of them Dr. Wright I thinke will bee as readie as hee said to studie and direct fit remedies. I have much more to write but I would willingly hasten these letters now away, and therefore with my best and most affectionate remembrance of you mr. Governor mr. Nowel mr. Wilson mr. Coddington etc. etc. etc. I rest your trulie and ever loving brother

Jo: Humfrey. Lond Dec: 9th. 1630 330

I pray you take a noate of my hand up from Sir Richard, or else a noate of his hand for 100 li. I borrowed of him and satisfied againe before hee went. My lord Say told mee hee had writ a letter to you, but I cannot learne where hee hath left it.

I have sent you those new bookes that are lately come out Dr. Ames Cases10 to mr. governor which I purpose to send you by the next, and now Dr. Sibs Bruised Reede11 and mr. Dike of Scandals12 to you

1.

W. 2. 1; 4 Collections , VI. 1—4.

2.

Evidently news of Johnson's death on September 30 did not reach England until considerably after the date of this letter.

3.

See Virgil, Aeneid, IV. 85.

4.

Joshua, XV. 19; Judges, i. 15.

5.

Probably Thomas Wiggin, a letter of whom to Sir John Coke concerning New England is printed in 3 Collections , VIII. 322–324.

6.

Robert Rich (1587–1658), second Earl of Warwick, for many years concerned in colonial affairs, president of the Council for New England, and closely connected with the origins of the Plymouth, Massachusetts, and Connecticut colonies, D. N. B.

7.

Sir Ferdinando Gorges (1566?–1647), founder of the Council for New England, lord proprietary of the province of Maine from 1639. D. N. B.

8.

December 30, 1622, the Council for New England gave to Robert Gorges, son of Sir Ferdinando, a patent of “all that part of the mainland commonly called Messachusiac.” See Lectures ...Relating to the Early History of Massachusetts (Boston, 1869), S. F. Haven, “History of Grants under the Great Council for New England,” 129–162; and Justin Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America (Boston, 1884–1889), III. 303–305, 311. Sir William Brereton's claim rested on this patent.

9.

William Jeffrey, one of the remnant of the Gorges colonists at Wessagusset. I Proceedings , XVI. 197–200 (1878), and references in Winthrop's Journal.

10.

This must be, I think, the Latin edition, De Conscientia et ejus Jure vel Casibus Libri Quinque (Amsterdam, 1630), a copy of which was in the library of John Harvard which he left to Harvard College. The English translation, Conscience with the Power and Cases thereof, appeared in 1639.

11.

Richard Sibbes, The Bruised Reede and Smoaking Flaxe (1630). Sibbes (1580–1635), a well-known Puritan divine, was master of St. Catharine's College, Cambridge, 1626–1635, and preacher at Gray's Inn, 1617–1635. D. N. B.

12.

Jeremy Dyke, The Mischeife and Miserie of Scandals (1630). Dyke (1584–1639), another Puritan divine and M. A. of Cambridge, was vicar of Epping, co. Essex, 1609–1639. D. N. B. This, and two of his other works, were left to Harvard College by John Harvard.