Papers of John Adams, volume 21

William Tudor to John Adams, 27 May 1796 Tudor, William Adams, John
From William Tudor
Dear Sir Boston 27 May 1796

I have to regret that I was out of Town the Morning that You called upon me. At the Time Doctor Welsh acquainted me with it, he added that You had returned to Braintree, or I should have endeavoured immediately to have seen You, to have thanked You for so kind a Visit, as well as for those many Acts of Friendship from which, in early Life, I derived so much Advantage. The Voyage and subsequent Tour I propose making have always been interesting & desirable Objects. As Life properly consists only in the Multiplication of our Ideas, & as I can better at this Period leave my Family than at any future Day, I think myself excusable in gratifying a favourite, & at my Time of Life I presume not a useless Wish. But I cannot leave my Country without rejoicing in its present Prospects, in so great a Degree attributable to the Firmness & Prudence of the efficient individual Members of our Government. Anxious as I must ever feel for it’s Prosperity I should dread the Resignation of our fortunate & glorious President, if I did not with ardent Satisfaction anticipate that the good Sense of my Countrymen, & the guardian Genius of America, will place in his Seat the Man among her Citizens whose long, energetic & successful Labours coequal in the Cabinet with those of the immortal Washington in the Field of our Revolution merit & I hope will meet their supreme Reward.

But whether at the Head of the american Nation you shall be destined to dignify her Councils, or direct the Energy of her Measures, or aloof from the Turbulence of Politicks, & beyond the Reach of the Malignancy of Party you retire to philosophic Life, may You long live to enjoy the Prosperity of our common Country annually increasing.

Adieu! my dear Sir, and be assured that I shall ever retain Sentiments of Respect & grati[. . .] under a deep Impression of which / I remain / Your obliged Friend / & / most faithfull hble Servant

Wm Tudor
477

RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “The Vice President / of the United States / at / Quincy”; endorsed: “Mr Wm. Tudor. 27 May / 1796.” Some loss of text due to a torn manuscript.

John Adams to Oliver Wolcott Jr., 1 June 1796 Adams, John Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To Oliver Wolcott Jr.
Dear Sir Quincy June 1. 1796

According to an intimation I gave you at Philadelphia before I left it, I have now the Honour to request the favour of you to Send me a Quarters Salary, in a Post Note for Twelve hundred and fifty Dollars, and I hereby authorize you to discharge the warrant neccessary for that Purpose as fully as I could do, if I were present.

The Political World in this Quarter of it, is as Still and calm as a Dutch Canal. We have not yet heard of the Rising of Congress. If any Thing very curious should turn up, I should be much obliged to you, for a Line now and then. I am much pleased with the Appointments of Mr King and Mr Humphreys.1 I shall have more confidence in future in Representations from abroad.

With great Regard and Sincere friendship / I am dear sir, your most obedt

John Adams.

RC (CtHi:Oliver Wolcott Jr. Papers); internal address: “Oliver Wolcott Junr / Secretary of The Treasury.”

1.

George Washington nominated Rufus King to be minister plenipotentiary to Great Britain and David Humphreys to be minister plenipotentiary to Spain on 19 May. Both appointments were confirmed by the Senate the following day ( AFC , 11:317).

Barnabas Bidwell to John Adams, 20 June 1796 Bidwell, Barnabas Adams, John
From Barnabas Bidwell
Sir, Stockbridge, June 20th 1796

In behalf of the Connecticut Susquehannah Company, I take the liberty of addressing to you an enquiry relative to one point of their Title to land lying west of New York, within the limits of their Charter, and covered also by the Charter to Sr. William Penn.

I need not mention that their claim rests upon three foundations, viz. the earliest royal grants, the earliest valid Indian Deed, and the earliest actual occupancy. Their grants from the Crown are contained in the original Charter to the great Plymouth Council, the assignments deduced down from said Company, through the Earl of Warwick, Ld. Say &c & the Confirmatory Charter of Charles 2nd. dated in 1662. These all extend westward, it is conceived, to the South 478 Sea. In addition to the express words of the Charters, there are collateral proofs of their extent. The Congress at Albany in 1754, declared that “The Ancient Colonies of the Massachusetts Bay & Connecticut are were by their respective Charters made to extend to the said South Sea.” The acceptance of the Cessions from Massachusetts & Connecticut, by the Congress, under the articles of Confederation, are considered as tacit acknowledgments of the western extent of those Charters. You have understood that in negotiating the Peace of 1783 our Ministers urged these Charters, as well as that of Virginia, as an argument for ceding or rather confirming to the United States, the lands westward as far as the Mississippi, the western boundary of the former British dominions; that the British Ministers acknowledged that extent of the grants contained in the Charters, and that it was upon that principle solely, or chiefly, that the Weste[rn] Territory was obtained. If these were the facts, we conceive they furnish additional proof of our construction of the Connecticut Charter, to wit, that it extends westward of the State of New York, whereas the Pennsylvania Claimamants confine it to the eastern side of that State.1

As you, Sir, acted a principal part in that memorable negociation, the knowledge of the whole is doubtless in your possession. Such information upon these points, as may be proper to be communicated, I have the honour to request. Whether the negociation was conducted by Letter or personal conferences, or both; whether the negociators kept Journals of the arguments urged by them; whether, if such documents remain, extracts relative to our purpose would be granted, with liberty to make public use of them, are questions respectfully submitted.

The magnitude of the subject, the immense property depending upon the determination, & my duty to the Connecticut Company, as one of their Council, are my apologies for the trouble of this application. Being an entire stranger, I make it with diffidence; but I hope it will be excused. An answer by the mail, as soon as more important occupations will permit, will confer a peculiar obligation upon a numerous class of citizens, who are interested in the event of the question.

With sentiments of veneration & the warmest wishes for the prosperity of that Government, which you have so largely contributed to form, to cement, to enlighten & direct, I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,

Barnabas Bidwell
479

RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Vice President Adams—” Some loss of text due to wear at the edge.

1.

Lawyer Barnabas Bidwell (1763–1833), originally from Tyringham, Mass., Yale 1785, articulated a longstanding dispute over land rights in the Wyoming Valley, which had festered between the Connecticut residents’ Susquehannah Company and Pennsylvania settlers since 1753. Both sides supplied competing documentation, including Charles II of England’s colonial charter and John Penn’s purchase of land from Six Nations peoples. Struggling to quell the serial outbreaks of violence, the Continental Congress named a commission to investigate the claims; it ruled in favor of Pennsylvania on 30 Dec. 1782, but the conflict continued. There is no evidence that JA intervened ( Biog. Dir. Cong. ; Hamilton, Papers , 22:174–175).