Papers of John Adams, volume 21
er.Mai 1794.
J’ai reçu la lettre que vous m’avez fait L’honneur de m’écrire le 22: du mois dernier;1 Je Suis très sensible aux invitations précieuses que vous voulez bien me faire et dans le cas où mon séjour ici fut indispensable y ayant des interêts assez majeurs; Je vous Supplie de me faire prévenir de votre passage à New-york après la cession du Congrès afin que j’aie l’honneur de vous voir, Monsieur & de vous présenter ma famille.
Je désire que l’hommage que J’ai fait au sénat des Etats-unis par votre entremise ait été agreable, Je me trouve avoir bésoin dans ce 279 moment-ci d’un plan de frégatte pareil a celui que j’ai offert, ayant depuis peu conçu un projet qui peut être utile, oserois-je vous supplier, Monsieur, de me faire faire & de m’envoyer un Copie de ce plan, ou si cela vous cause le plus petit embarras je chargerai un de mes amis de Philadelphie de le faire copier lui-même, & je vous l’indiquerai, afin que vous ayez la bonté de le lui confier seulement quatre à cinq Jours. Je vous en aurai obligation.
J’ai appris avec douleur que M. grand pere à perdu sa femme. Il étoit avec sa famille retiré à Passy d’où Il ne pouvoit quitter par attachement pour un lieu qu’il a creé et rendu trés agréable, Ses enfants le pressoient en vain d’aller en Suisse et de jouir de la faveur accordée à tous les Suisses résidants en france de retourner dans leur pays, même avec leur fortune. M. grand chérit le lieu où il a perdu sa vieille amie, Cest là qu’il là pleure & qu’il veut finir ses Jours.2 Je l’informerai de l’interêt que vous prenez à Son Sort et je pense que ce Sera un adoucissemt. à son chagrin.
Je Suis avec respect, / Monsieur / Votre très humble & très / obeissant Serviteur.
TRANSLATION
I received the letter that you did the honor of writing me on the 22nd of last month.1 I am very touched by the precious invitations you have kindly tendered me, in case my stay were to become absolutely necessary given my rather significant concerns here. I beg you to inform me of your visit to New York after Congress is no longer in session so that I may have the honor of seeing you, sir, and introducing my family to you.
I hope that the tribute I paid to the Senate of the United States by your mediation was well received. I find myself currently in need of a frigate plan similar to the one I gave you, having conceived not long ago of a project that may be of use. Dare I beg you, sir, to have made for me, and send to me a copy of the plan. Or, if that imposes on you the slightest burden, I will task one of my friends in Philadelphia with having it copied. I will identify him to you so that you may kindly entrust him with it for only four or five days. I will be obliged to you.
I was grieved to hear that Mr. Grand Sr. lost his wife. He had retired to Passy with his family, whence he could not leave out of his attachment to a place he created and made very pleasant. His children urged him in vain to go to Switzerland and to avail himself of the favor afforded all Swiss residing in France to return to their country, even with their wealth. Mr. Grand cherishes the place where he lost his old companion. It is there he mourns 280 her, and where he wants to end his days.2 I will tell him of the concern you share in his fate and I believe it will be a balm to his woes.
I am respectfully, sir, your most humble and most obedient servant
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “M. Olive. 1. May / 1794.”
Not found.
Marie Silvestre Grand died in Passy, France, in 1794,
and her husband, Ferdinand, died in Switzerland the following year (Jefferson, Papers
, 28:317).
Your favour of April 7 is yet unanswered. That Britain and all her Allies would be glad by any means in their Power to induce the United States to unite with them against France, cannot be doubted; But they have all Seen so many Proofs of a Partiality in the American People in favour of France, notwithstanding the Prudence and Firmness of our Government in preserving our Neutrality, that they have manifestly Strong Apprehensions of our uniting with the French against them.
“Private ministerial Instructions to Judges contravening public orders,” I know nothing of. Their Public orders were kept secret, in England I suppose— But it would be too hazardous in a Minister to take upon himself so much and commit himself to the Mercy of a Judge.
We ought, my Friend to reflect a little on ourselves. Have We fullfilled the Treaty of Peace? Have We preserved a Neutrality? Has our Government even? Was not the Reception of an Ambassador and an Acknowledgment of the French Republic, a violation of Neutrality? Was not Permission to sell Prizes in our Ports a clear departure from Neutrality? Possibly These Measures may be vindicated, at least ought to be excused. But look into our Newspapers, the Resolutions of Democratical Societies and the Toasts of civic Feasts from Georgia to New Hampshire.—1 These Things are all known to European Courts to that of Britain particularly, and are more attended to by them than by You and me. What But Hostility could be collected from these not only against Britain but against all Kings?
Not only War itself, but Preparations for War cost very dear, and Debts and Taxes, over head and Ears must be the Consequence. Our People will growl at these as much as they Curse the temperate Policy which endeavors to avoid them.
281It is a Pleasure to me to hear that your Militia Bill is at length agreed to.2
I wish I could give you hopes of a Diminution of Parties. But this will not happen. We had Parties about every Thing last War about Canada, about Generals, Admirals, Ambassadors every Thing: So We shall through the whole of next War and as long as our Union lasts: and as long as Representative Government lasts: that is to say forever.
Pray what do you think of these private Combinations in opposition to Government? These Democratic Societies? Are they lawful assemblies, or are they Riots? are they Patriotism or Sedition? Are they Virtue or Treason?— Can any Government exist under Such Combinations? Is there or was there ever in the World a Country in which they were not considered as a great fault? as Crimes? as Treasons? Will not foreigners avail themselves of these Clubbs, to insinuate into them Members Influence, Corruption? Will they not make a Poland of Us? by these Means? The Canton of Berne in Switzerland has thought itself obliged to adjudge Such Civil Feasts to be high Treason. England sends them to Bottany Bay. We consider them not as Crimes but as Patriotism, Merit, Virtue & Honour. Will this last long? I expect they will excite Insurrections which must be Suppressed at the Expense of the People.
The Multitude are always the Instruments of their own Servitude. I wish I could warn them or guard them against it: but they will not be warned nor guarded. They will consider the Man who attempts it as their Ennemy. They will be flattered, they will be decieved.
I hope We shall rise in three Weeks.3 I am dear Sir / Your faithful Friend and humble Sert.
MS not found. Printed from The Collector, April 1946, p. 74–75;
internal address: “Judge Marchant.”
For the influence of newly formed democratic societies, see John Trumbull’s 6 Feb. 1795 letter, and note 1, below.
On 14 March 1794 the R.I. General Assembly passed an
act to organize the state militia (John Russell Bartlett, Index to the Printed Acts and Resolves of . . .
Rhode Island and Providence Plantation: From the Year 1758 to
1850, Providence, R.I., 1856, p. 225).
The 1st session of the 3d Congress met from 2 Dec. 1793 to 9 June 1794.