your Letter of the 9. Ult. has been a circuit to Philadelphia and returned to me, only on Saturday last. your friendly Congratulations, on a late Re Election, are very obliging. I am as well as you, and have been these Eighteen years a Friend of Governor Clinton: but, although I feel no Resentment at his consenting to Stand a Candidate for the office I hold, I cannot but regret that he yields his Name and Influence, in so many other particulars, to a Faction, who are in opposition to the national Constitution as well as Administration: and whose Notions of Government, can produce nothing but Anarchy if their Weakness was not happily an Antidote to their pernicious tendency.

I know not that your time could have been better employed than in reading Machiavel, whose Writings contain a great deal of Wisdom, though it is unfortunately mixed with too much Wickedness. His abominable Maxims are in no danger of perverting your Principles. The French have adopted his Maxim that it is necessary to destroy a numerous nobility, when the design is to introduce a free Government, but their Example has not converted me to a faith in his Doctrine. I think they will repent of it.

Davila is an Italian Historian of the civil Wars of France at the Time of the Reformation: The Discourses may afford you Some Amusement: but I have not a set of them in my Possession, nor in my Power. The General Sentiments are very Similar to those of the Defence of the American Constitutions. The Drift of them Seems to be to shew the Necessity of a Ballance in a free Constitution, from the Principle of Emulation which is natural to Man, which is universal in every Man, and which is the Source of So many Virtues and so many Vices. Emulation will forever divide every Nation into two Parties, the Strongest of which will always tyrannize, over the Weakest if the Constitution does not provide a third Power to mediate between them. The Clamour which has been raised against those Discourses is as foolish and as groundless as many other Clamours.

The French Revolution is every day furnishing the World with fresh Proofs of the Necessity of Checks and Ballances. Unlimited Power is as dangerous in many as in one. Divine Vengeance will mark with horror the People, who in this enlightened Age, will in Spight of Reason and Experience, persist obstinately in their crude 189 Projects of Simple Governments of any sort. I have no Idea of any greater Wickedness, than an Attempts to govern Societies by single assemblies. France will be a shambles of Carnage till she gets cured of this wicked and stupid Fanaticism.

I have no personal Obligations to the King of France: on the Contrary he suffered his Name to be Used, by his Minister Vergennes and his base flatterer Franklin, to my Destruction if it had been in his or their Power. I am nevertheless deeply sensible of his Friendship to my Country, and every Vein of my heart Sympathizes with him and his Family in their afflictions.

The national Convention of France, have given a Testimony to my Integrity and Penetration, which I never expected to see and which I will indulge the Vanity of boasting of. “The United States of America will hardly credit it; the Support which the ancient French Court had afforded them to recover their Independence was only the Fruit of base Speculation; their Glory offended its ambitious Views, and the Ambassadors bore the criminal orders of stopping the Career of their Prosperity.” This Paragraph of the official Letter to the President of the United states is a Panegyrick upon me and a Satyr upon Franklin which few Americans will understand, and many will endeavour to suppress.1 The Virginia Faction will understand this too well, to allow it to be digested by Americans, if they can prevent it.

My Family joins in kind regards to you / and yours

Tho I suppose that some recent arrivals in the ports N. &: E. of Philadelphia will give you the confirmation of the report of war between G Britain & France I do myself the honor to mention to you the foundation on which it rests here.1

A Philada. Ship arrived yesterday from Lisbon, where the Captn. saw in the hands of Mr. John Bulkely, our principal American house, a letter from Mr. Fenwick the consul of the U. S at Bordeaux informing him that France had declared war against Britain; Holland 190 & Russia. A British packet was missing & was supposed to be taken. Forty sail of French Vessels were fitting out with arms &ca. intended as was supposed for privateers.

From Norfolk a paper has been recd. which contains an official order of Ld Grenville to M. Chauvelin to depart from G Britain in eight days. The inclosed paper contains it.

A letter from S. Eustatius states that the writer (a well known Merchant) had recd. advices from London of the 7th. Feby. by which it appeared that Mr. Chauvelin had recd. orders from the Government of France to depart from England without taking leave unless he should be immediately recd. in quality of “Minister of the French Republic” by the Court of London—2

There seems to be no doubt therefore of a war between France & Britain.—

A circumstance of very great importance is often been the subject of private Conversations here at this time. It is remembered by some that it was mentioned at some past time, that the U. S., either entertaining ideas of commencing hostilities against Britain to regain the posts, or apprehending that their Tenure of the posts might, in some way, produce a war, instructed their minister to confer with the french Government on the subject of the Guarrantee of our possessions & of the french Islands, which the treaty of Alliance contains: or that our minister at the Court of France had in some manner a conference on the subject of that guarrantee with the Count de Vergennes in such way as to bring up to him this Question—“If the U. S in the course of the Measures they may adopt to obtain the posts should be involved in a war with Britain will France consider herself bound by the Article of guarrantee to join in the War.[“] It is said the answer was in the Negative. I do not mean, Sir, to affirm any thing about this important fact, but I take the liberty to ask of you confidentially or otherwise, as you may think proper, such information as you possess in relation to this story— I conclude that if there be truth in it, you must have knowlege of it in some way or another—

I think the general wish of the people in this quarter is for peace. The friends of war are not many at this time nor are they earnest. The friends of peace are very numerous, decided, in general temperate, in some instances vehement. The Presidents instructions are that no letter be sent him to be recd. later than the 15th. instant at Mount Vernon— We expect him on the 20th. 3

We have no news yet of Mr. Genest, but he is hourly expected—4

What can be said in case of an Attack on the french Islands & a requisition to perform the obligations the french may consider as incidental to the guarrantee of them—

What will be said by Britain & Holland if we permit french privateers, with prizes taken from those nations, to be brought into our ports as the treaty of commerce seems to render probable, and if we refuse to British & Dutch privateers the same privelige, which the treaty appears to restrain us from granting to them.

Should the course of the morning produce any further intelligence, I shall not fail to add it to this letter—

With great Respect, I have the honor to be, sir, / Your most obedient / & most humble servant—