In pursuance of the first part of the order of the Senate of the 23d of January past, I have the honor to send herewith sundry statements marked A, AB, B. Ba, D, E, F,1 and I beg the permission of the Senate to add the Copy of a letter dated yesterday, which served to transmit duplicates of the same documents to the House of Representatives; and which contains some explanations of them; a repetition of which here will be thereby rendered unnecessary. The document C referred to in that letter was also sent to the House of Representatives, but being of considerable length, a duplicate is not yet ready; and I did not think it advisable to detain the other papers ’till it was ready.2

The documents now transmitted will answer the whole of the enquiry contained in the first part of the order above referred to, except what regards a distribution of the expenditures under each 168 head of appropriation; which is in preparation and will be forwarded as soon as it can be ready.

The situation in which I am placed renders further delay absolutely necessary to the fulfilment of the second part of the Order.

There is a point in my letter of the 16th of January to the Senate concerning which some explanation is requisite.3 I stated as one motive to the joint negotiation of the loans, under both Acts, “an intimation from our Bankers in Holland that a distinction might prove an embarrassment, being a novelty, the reason of which would not be obvious to the money lenders.” This was done from memory, without recurrence to documents, and in a degree of hurry occasioned by my anxiety for the speedy passing of the Appropriation Bill, and upon a revision proves to be not accurate. The mistake arose in the following manner. My original idea was to maintain a separation between the two Acts. This will appear from my letter of the 28th of August 1790 to our Bankers in which I express a desire that they would endeavour to place part of the first loan upon one Act and another part upon the other Act. But they did not carry this idea into execution for the reason assigned in their answer, now before the Senate, which is that the subdivision proposed would under the circumstances of the case tend to excite speculations and doubts among the money lenders.

But prior to the receipt of their answer I had made a further enquiry and had reflected more on the subject. The result of my enquiry was that the money lenders having been accustomed to lend on the general Credit of the Governments borrowing, with a sort of general pledge of its revenues and resources, the attempt to bottom a loan upon any particular law, might, as a novelty, occasion some hesitation and embarrassment among them; especially as they are known to be a description of men much influenced by habit and precedent; and the conclusions from more full reflection were that the distinguishing of the loans with reference to each act, might not only embarrass the business, in the first stages of negotiation, but might interfere with an application of the proceeds of the loans in the most convenient and beneficial manner, according to circumstances.

On these considerations I abandoned my original intention, and in my first instruction to Mr Short was silent on the point.

These different positions of the subject in the mind, at different times, and what actually took place with regard to the first loan, produced some confusion in the recollection of facts, and led me to 169 assign as a cause what had been only a collateral circumstance, and to ascribe to the Bankers intimations, or rather information, which I had received from other quarters.

I submit this explanation of the matter to the candor of the Senate. and have the honor to be, with perfect respect, / Sir, Your Most obedt Servant.

You, who are acquainted with mÿ character, cannot favour the opinion, that I should have forgotten, the different and conspicuous marks of favour friendship and confidence, bestowed upon me Since manÿ years, or be indifferent about it, how inconsiderable the sentiments of a forgotten farmer should seem to anÿ other man in your elevated station. I know, your Excellency is it not, and it is upon this persuasion, that I am bold enough, after Such a long Silence, to interrupt for a few minutes, your most serious occupations.

Though I considered it as a duty, it is with a Sensible pleasure, that I congratulate your Excellencÿ with the reëlection to the eminent post of Vice President of the Union by Such an distinguished majoritÿ, though a friend of Governour Clinton, being obliged bÿ 170 Him bÿ his advices and adsistance, where ever I implored it and it was in his power; all which I was indebted to your Excellencÿ’s recommendations, when I crossed the Atlantic. Anxious I waited the issue, there the clamours of some scribblers—perhaps more ignorant yet than malignant, the odious intrigues of some man, who where hungrÿ of the Loaves and fishes, which theÿ insinuated that theÿ could more properly digest, and instilled a wafering crowd, that theÿ should taken a better care for their Liberties, and the Loud murmurs and hisses of a mob of different rang—always longing after some new, and ungratefully biting the hand, who feeded and sustained it in the daÿs of danger raised a suspicion, if the list of ungratefull Republics should not be increased with the name of that of the united states.

I am not angrÿ that men of principles and character Honour Governour Clinton with their suffrage— He is it worth in my opinion—and I believe it consistent with a high degree of esteem for the virtues, merits and abilities of mr Adams— It is not necessarÿ— Some times it maÿ be dangerous, to trust the highest offices, uninterrupted, to the same man; but to rob a man of his character—to abuse him with Scurrilities, traduce and falsifye his principles, is detestable. I Love him, who dares encounter his man in an open field, and trÿ, if he may over-power him, but who stabs him in the darkness is a monster.

No man, who knows, what I wrote, what I peracted in the defence of the Liberties and Independence of the United States all wel as of Netherland, who knows, what I left, will doubt, if I am a Republican, and You Sir! will allow, that it is not presumtion, if I think to understand Mr. Adams defence of the constitution as wel as the Largest number of our Americans, however, if Your Excellency had not altered his mind, so as I flattered myself to know it, I cannot detect that list of alarming doctines, as some wished to inculcate us. but it is unworthÿ of us both—to staÿ longer on this topic. accept Sir! mÿ warmest congratulations upon this glorious event, and permit me to join with them those of Mr̃s. v. d. kemp. that your welwishers maÿ receive everÿ daÿ fresh proofs to Strengthen them in the high opinion, theÿ conceived of mr. Adams, and that Envÿ, who Scarce shall be convert, maÿ, openly, re-echo your prayses, though She detest your Success in Silence is our ardent wish—

I amused myself this winter with the works of N. Machiavel, and believe the time not lost, with I Spent in it, Often he is instructif—and manÿ of our modern Politicians could Learn a great deal of 171 Sound Reasoning by this So universallÿ damn’d Italian— with you, I think, that he rather is inclining to a democratic form of government, than an abettor of anÿ other.

Never I saw Davila—nor the discourses upon it— with both I should desire to peruse—for all—if the last are the Productions of your Excell̃: however— The Author may be, who he will, if your Excellencÿ think them worth mÿ attention, be so kind, and procure me them— perhaps they are not of that Bulk, that they cannot be conveyed to kingston by the post—and there shall always be an oppurtunity of returning them.1

How do I pity the Poor Louis xvi—at present perhaps beheaded bÿ a judgment of a set of unworthÿ man!—2 Petion, I know, is it Danton, Manuel, Robes-pierre,3 Condercet man—who sallustary would have delineated—quicunque impudicus, adulter, ganeo &c—4 our sentiments of the first french Constitution were nearly the Same, and I am proud enough of flattering myself, that there shall not be a great disparitÿ in our opinion on the actual Situation of French— Before I often despiseth the king, pitied him, after he carried violently from versailles, and considered him, after the departure of Fayette, as a devoted victim. His conduct was weak, imprudent, perhaps false treacherous his views—and then the loss of the crown was a condigne punishment—but he was not Charles the i— I wish, that the French people may be free, maÿ acquire a sound Constitution, and be a mirroir and example for other European Nations—but, without Such a constitution their seeming gigantic power will crumble in pieces, her present successes will then contribute to its fall, and the Enthusiastic valour will Sink so Low under true courage, as it was elevated above it at their first distresses— perhaps at the first capital check; and a Lieut. geñ. Egalité, if his Heart and head are better moulded than his Father—the Late Duc D’Orleans—may become a Monk—5 God forbids that I Should wish it—but all these consequences shall be unavoidable, if theÿ cannot get a good Constitution. Not yet I am an adept to their levelling System—yea, I Scrupple not to declare, that, to this moment I am unable to form me an idea of the consistencÿ of Such a Government upon their principles for 6 ÿears—24 millions citisens—all free, all equal—and however, some of these as citisen Philip Egalité—having large possessions than some millions of his Brother-Citisens sans culottes,6 and spending in one prodigal dinner more, as would Sustain thousands of them for a week!

If this produces a Serious laugh—a contemtible Should come up, 172 if we entered the Secret cabinets of the Ferdinands—the Fredrics—the Willems and Wilhelmina’s— some moments I wish me there, but then it should be as an Public Minister—otherwise I was not safe— Let your friend than rather staÿ on his farm— there is no danger, in working—in improving it— here we are beloved, esteemed, and health and contentment is our lot; this can be made more yoÿful, if the worthÿ and the brave honour us with their esteem, if Your Excellencÿ disdains not to preserve me that place in his friendship, which I enjoyed before—and in that confidence, I dare venture my respectfull Complements to Mrs Adams, and am with the highest considerations of respect and Esteem / Sir! / your Excellency’s most obed. Sert. & / obliged friend