Papers of John Adams, volume 21
A Ship for Philadelphia sailing to morrow gives me the oppertunity to transmit you the papers of the Day too interesting not to be acceptable1
The reigning Spirrit appears determin’d on a change in that part of the Constitution that delagated the Executive Power in an Hereditary Cheif, The short space that has Elapst since the existence of his Power has demonstrated the Vice of that establishment tho checkt by a legitif controle too great means remaind to destroy the Harmony that ought to reign and introduce the Abuses that the Revolution tends to destroy2
Monsr Lafayettes political
principals appears oposed to the present leading Members he has excerted his
influence to check the progress of the reigning popular Spirrit and has
drawn on him a General improbation, he is obliged to fly the thunder of the
Senat is launcht against him3
Accept my renew assurance of respectful Attatchment
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “The Honble John Adams Vice president In
Congress.”
The enclosures have not been found. Bondfield likely
sent this letter, his final extant correspondence with JA,
via the John, Capt. Buckley. It reached
Philadelphia by 12 Nov. (Philadelphia American
Daily Advertiser, 12 Nov.; Philadelphia General Advertiser, 14 Nov.).
The French royal family’s flight to Varennes the
previous summer stoked public fears of the monarchs’ desire for
self-preservation and raised questions about their loyalty to the
nation. As Bondfield reported, the political fallout continued at a
swift pace. On 10 Aug. Louis XVI’s and Marie Antoinette’s powers were
suspended by the French National Convention and awarded to a set of 140 royal ministers meant to function
as a provisional executive committee. Then, on 21 Sept., the convention
formally abolished the monarchy (Bosher, French
Rev.
, p. 169, 172, 177, 178).
The Marquis de Lafayette fled France on 17 Aug. and
surrendered to Prussian authorities; he was imprisoned in Austria until
1797 (William Doyle, The Oxford History of the
French Revolution, Oxford, 1989, p. 190).
th.1792
I have the honor to enclose you the concluding Number of the Reflexions on the State of the Union: also a gazette of this Evening with some late accounts from France. The Situation of that Nation and of Poland have become extremely critical, and as there was a long season of operation before the allied crowns and before the Russians, it appears highly probable, that the ensuing Campaign will decide upon the revolution of each of those Countries.1
the exertions making on the subject of federal Elections
from Virginia to New Jersey, both included are very great. Shocking
misrepresentations and falsehoods have been circulated, tho I do not find
any which respect you or the President. there appears to be no concert among
the antifederalists in regard to an opponent to you, while the federalists
appear unanimous. I was about two weeks ago in New Jersey on a short visit
to Mrs. Coxe, who, with four of our little ones,
has spent the Summer at her father’s.2 In the vicinity a court of Nisi
prius and oyer & terminer was held, and I dined two days with the
Judges, Bar and a number of the suitors, grand Jury and others. It was the
opinion of every man I conversed with that New Jersey would support your
Election with decision, and they believed the Opposition could not offer a
name, which would not be rejected by their Electors.3 They are strongly attached to the
Constitution and to energetic Government, and observed to me that a
Jerseyman who was not, could only be a fool or knave.
Our state continues very unsettled. I wish it may do better than what I had the honor to intimate in a former letter, but I really fear they will neither pursue their own nor the national Interest so closely as they should. Great exertions however are making.
In regard to your election, I have no doubt of a Majority of our electors against all the opponents that can be set up, and the minority against you will divide its votes, if it is a large one. On this point however I can form a better opinion some time hence.—
With the highest respect, / I have the Honor to be, Sir / your most obedient / & most humble Servant
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “The Vice President / of the United States.”; endorsed: “M. Coxe. / Sept. 5. 1792.”
Coxe enclosed his Reflexions
on the State of the Union, Phila., 1792, Evans, No. 24230, in
which he argued that northern manufacturing supported southern
agriculture. It appeared as a five-part serial in the Philadelphia American Museum from April to August. Coxe
also sent the Philadelphia Federal Gazette,
5 Sept., which featured reports on the French Legislative Assembly and
the deteriorating state of relations between Prussia and Poland. By the
“allied crowns,” Coxe meant the defensive coalition of Prussia and
Austria (Cooke, Tench Coxe
, p. 209).
Rebecca Coxe Coxe’s father was Philadelphia-born
merchant Charles Coxe (1731–1815), of Sidney, N.J. (Cooke, Tench Coxe
, p. 54; Philadelphia Gazette, 15 Sept. 1815).
By early autumn, the Federalists had centered their
presidential hopes and electioneering efforts on securing a second term
for George Washington. JA faced a potential rival for the
vice presidency from the emerging Democratic-Republican faction, George
Clinton, but allowed his name to be put forward. JA’s
noticeable absence from the seat of government worried his family and
friends as the 5 Dec. 1792 election grew closer. TBA, who
remained in Philadelphia, warned JA on 30 Oct.: “’Tis said
to be your happy fate to be the most
obnoxious character in the United States, to a certain party, (whose
hatred & opposition is the glory of every honest man) who for a long
time have considered you as the first barrier to be removed in order to
the success of their designs. If this be true, the necessity of your
presence at this time will appear more striking than ever.” Coxe
correctly predicted that, despite the partisan divide, New Jersey and
Pennsylvania voters would martial Federalist support to JA.
For the presidential election results and JA’s reaction,
see his 18 Feb. 1793
letter to Jeremy Belknap, and note 1, below (
AFC
, 9:xxiii–xxiv, 319; A New Nation Votes).