Yesterday I had the Pleasure of receiving your Letter of the 28th. of May.1 Mr Beals Intention was not to Stay in Philadelphia more than two or three days, and his absence from this Place was 7 accordingly very short. I thank you, for your obliging Enquiries after him, and for your kind offers of Civility to others of my Friends. I hope e’re long to be in a Condition to receive any Friend of yours, or Yourself if you should honour this City with a Visit. Mr Delany, I hope and presume will have no difficulty in obtaining the object of his Wishes.2

After an Absence of Eleven Years, it might be Presumption in me to be Sanguine in any Judgment I may form of the Temper and opinions of the People in all the States: but as far as my Information extends, I am clearly of your Mind, that bold and decisive Measures might be taken without risque.— but did you ever know a bold and decisive Assembly? especially in its youth? Although Individuals of this Character Sometimes appear, it is not always Safe to follow them, because they have not always that extent of information and that [accu]rate Judgment, which are indispensably necessary to conduct Such measures to a Successful Conclusion. and when it happens that Knowledge Experience, and Caution, are found united with Enterprize in a few, they find it impossible to impart enough of these qualities to others, to engage them to cooperate in their systems. You remember enough of this in former times; and may live to See more of it.

Your confidence in the thoughtful Temper and prudent Foresight of the President is perfectly well founded, and these qualities will be greatly assisted by proper Ministers. But the avarice of Liberty which predominates in the Breasts of our Fellow Citizens, by excluding all Ministers from both Houses of the Legislature, in the formation of the Constitution, has rendered it extreamly difficult to conciliate the Legislature to any Plans of the Executive however Salutary. Poor Montesquieu, if he perfectly understood himself, has been wretchedly mistaken by others. His doctrine of a Seperation of the Executive from the Legislative is very just and very important, if confined to the Departments but is much otherwise, when extended to all the Individuals. Seperation is necessary, only So far as to Secure the Independence of each. but to take away from the Executive the Power of appointing to Office any Individual, is Shakling its Authority and diminishing its Independence. [on the] other Hand, depriving the People of the Power of choosing into the Legislature any Man who holds an Office under the Executive, is abridging the Liberties of the People in the most essential Point the Election of Legislators even in the lower House; and is a Diminution of the Independence both of the Legislature and its Constituents.—

There is every Evidence of good Intentions on all sides but there are too many Symptoms of old Colonial Habits: and too few, of great national Views. I am, Sir, with great / Esteem, your most obedient servant

your long silence gave me much uneasiness but I endeavour’d, to assign a thousand reasons which must have prevented you & some of them most natural at last however your favor restored my calm.

I should have been surprised indeed, had Cato’s house stood uninjured in the general conflict for Existence life & liberty.1 remember the glorious contest the Anxious fears the painful doubts the dreadful suspence & above all the tremendous consequences of not succeeding— yet your manly unremitting energies have overcome all these horrors staring you in the face big with calamities & woe.

But how different your fate from that of the Roman for tho success is not absolutely necessary to happiness yet in the state of doubt in which we live it seems desirable to keep alive the cause of virtue & to prevent the insolence of Vice.

What reason have you then to rejoice & to be exceeding glad & more when you recollect that some of your copatriots set out aswarm in the publick cause yet soon relinquish’d, at the approach of danger, their first love which you never forsook.

your state may be envied not regretted & upon the Balance I know which will kick the beam, as our time is short here, it is to be estimated by what we effect,—having showed your self capable & 9 worthy & having done what will entitle you to an exalted state in a future active life. I should not have said thus much but that your country is sensible of the same by ranking you among her first magistrates which I enjoy & approve may you do the same & fill up your measure of Virtue.

How different the state of this country! no struggles for the preeminence of virtue. Baseborn ambition Vice & dissipation predominate & is encouraged as the means of governing—was ever Royalty seen in all its dignity—was ever prostitution from the Bar from the senate & the sacred Rostrum carried to a greater height even in the times of the infamous Jemmy?2

the emoluments of office are the ruin of this country.

we have a new Speaker Addington a New secretary in place of sidney proofs of a change which must come & a new parliament not of long continuance.3

I have sent you a few tracts & papers—4

our college prospers & is full.

The Dissenters have been cajoled as usual.

Feuds & animosities among the family.

The Lama of Tartary has taken up his residence in England we have all the expence of Monarchy without the Splendor5 the minister has been most fortunate in availing himself of the mistakes of his opponents who maintaind tory principles about the regency, & Pitt a Tory took up whig principles to serve his purpose & has succeeded, such is the glorious fixed principles of Politicians of my amiable Friend Mrs Adams I hear not one word, nor from her— tell her I visited her family very lately who are all well & that the character of a great lady is every day more & more visible & I might add another Epithet for she now is principal6

we have a sad prospect before us but I do not despair do but inform the people & they will not injure themselves.

I have sent some books to the college very various for every book has its merit & few from which knowledge may not be obtained & every thing is acceptable to a publick Library.7

The affair of Lazaretto’s is of the utmost consequence to America—it will be in your power to promote it think of Harvard—bills of health & entrance will effect it—the plans are made out of which these are choice:—regulations & passes m[us]t exclude the Barbarians & plague—excuse the liberty & accept of the intention8

I hear this morning Bell will pub[lish] in the oracle [Ameri]can intelligence—may m[any] profit by it

[Washi]ngtons speech is printed—9

I have much to say but the ship is upon the to[. . .] how do I wish to be remember’d by the Adam’s family who have saved their country.

Hawsbury will be secretary.10

more taxes tho we save money.

Farewell & be happy as wishes / your sincere Friend