However you & I may have been taught by Civilians, & however History confirms the Maxim, that an Imperium in Imperio is a Solecism, this Country will continue to learn from its own limited School, & by the most expensive Experiments, those Truths which Statesmen, Legislators & enlightened Politicians have in vain pointed out to them.—

Our present Confederacy is not very unlike the Monster of Nebuchadnezzar, which was composed of Brass, Clay & Iron— It is neither completely national, federal nor sovereign, for each State has reserved some seperate & independent Powers. Was it composed of the four Eastern States only: Or did it embrace the Inhabitants from the Hudson to the Potomack; or did the Limits of Virginia & Georgia confine its Operations, the Inhabitants might soon agree in consolidated national Principles. But a Country, extensive as the present united States, so differently settled, & so widely dissimiliar in Manners & Ideas cannot easily be reduced to a homogeneous Body—Nature & Circumstances have marked the dividing Lines of the three Kingdoms that fifty Years hence will Occupy & part the present immense Territory, which, the glorious Peace of Paris, gave to the united States. Twenty years ago New England contained but one Set of People, the Middle Colonies two, & the Southern Provinces 62 three. It may be different now. Common Dangers & Common Sufferings have had Effects in bringing Us nearer together, but it is a Monarchy alone, limited & republican if they please, that can make Us great or contented. While each State exercises the Powers of making distinct & particular Laws, independent in numerous Instances of the general Governments, although perhaps they may not amount to a direct Contravention of the Statutes of Congress, they will operate in perpetuating local & different Principles of Action, in the distant Parts of the Empire. I most heartily wish my Countrymen Freedom & an honest Independence, because Myself & Children are to participate in it, but I also wish an energetic, stable & magnanimous Government, that shall protect Us at home, and make our Country respectable abroad.

Mr. Ames & Mr. Minot are two excellent young Men, & very capable of serving their Country, in different Walks. I shew to the latter the Paragraph which so flatteringly mentions him & his History.1 He has beg’d Me to return his Thanks for so obliging a Testimony of your Approbation of well intended Labour.

I find by the Judiciary Bill which has been printed, that my Letter to the President is superceeded by a certain Office being to be disposed of as the District Judge shall think proper. And Of that Judge whoever he may be, I shall have no Favours to sollicit.

I am with great Affection & Respect / Dear Sir / Your faithfull Friend & Servant

I have received the letter you did me the honor to write on the 26th of last month and am much obliged to you for it. The Judicial bill is still under consideration of the senate, and altho’ it has undergone many alterations and amendments it is imposible to say what farther changes may be made in the house of representatives.2 The district Judges may be annihilated altogether, and the number of supreem judges as well as the number of circuits doubled. The Attorney general is now to be appointed by the President, with consent of the Senate, in course we are upon an amendment made a 63 few days ago, if this plan continues, the Attorney Genl: will appoint persons to act for him, or the court will appoint in his appearance in the district courts. Mr Nathan Cushing, Mr Dana Mr Lowell Mr Parsons and Mr Sullivan have been mentioned here, as candidates for offices in the Judicial system. And I will say to you that another person has been mentioned for one of the judjes of the supreme court and that is chief Justice Cushing— For my own part I only wish that the best and ablest men may be brought into the public service, such as have the clearest and fairest reputations, are known to the people and have acquired weight and consequence in their estimation. Parsons I think would make an excellent attorney general, but I know not that he will be likely to be appointed. When a President has the whole continent to look through for a single officer it is imposible to guess where his choice will fix. Dana or Lowell would be the best of Judges for the district: and if Main should be a district by itself, Sewal is the fittest man. If Cushing should be a supreem judge, Dana and Sewal district Judges, could Mr H be persuaded to appoint Lowel to one of their places? Parsons I presume would be one unless he should be attorney General. If Lowell should be a supreme judge I presume Dana may district judge if he will, and vice versa. I speak only from my own conjecture however.3 The President has representations and solicitations no doubt from many quarters, but nothing can ultimately arranged till the bill is passed.— I feel some anxiety for Nathan Cushing, whose condemnation of vessels in hard times have certainly made his name immortal, Mr Sullivan, I presume, will have representations made in his favor from several points of compass. His ambition is unbounded: but I wish his moral sentiments were as delicate and his political systems as consistent, as his talents are Industry is examplary and his abilities respectable. If the President should consult me, I shall give him every information in my power, with the utmost impartiality. With regard to yourself, I have no scruple to say, that any places in the judicial system would be honored by your acceptance of them in my humble opinion. Reserving always however, the chief Justices office for Mr Jay. With Mrs Adams’s and my best regards to Mrs Dana I remain with & &