Papers of John Adams, volume 20
th1790
I have received your kind letter of March 29th and the packet of pamphlets, and I pray you to accept of my best thanks for
both— I sent you lately by Genl Mansel, some of our rough
matters.1 The boxes of books you sent
by Captain Bernard arrived safely, I know.—2
You seem to suppose our coast in danger from African pyrates; in this I presume you are deceived by the Artifices of the London 379 insurance offices, for we are in no more danger than the Empire of China is.—
The great revolution in France is wonderful but not supernatural. The hand of Providence is in it, I doubt not; working however by natural and ordinary means, such as produced the revolution in the fifteenth century.— That all men have one common nature, is a principle which will now universally prevail: and equal rights and equal duties, will in a just sense I hope be inferred from it: but equal ranks and equal property never can be infered from it, any more than equal understanding agility vigour or beauty. Equal laws are all that ever can be derived from human equality. I am delighted with Doctor Price’s sermon on patriotism; but there is a sentiment or two which I should explain a little. He guards his hearers and readers, very Judiciously against the extreme of adulation and contempt. The former is the extreme he says to which mankind in general have been most prone. “The generality of Rulers have treated men, as your English Jockies treat their horses—convinced them first that they were their masters and next that they were their friends, at least they have pretended to do so.” Mankind have I agreed behaved too much like horses: been rude wild and mad untill they were mastered, and then been too tame gentle and dull.— I think our friend should have stated it thus. The great and perpetual distinction in civilized societies, has been between the rich who are few, and the poor who are many. When the many are masters, they are too unruly and then the few are too tame and afraid to speak out the truth. When the few are masters they are too severe, and then the many are too servile. This is the strict truth. The few have had most art and union, and therefore have generally prevailed in the end. The inference of wisdom from these premisses, is, that neither the poor, or the rich, should ever be suffered to be masters. They should have equal power to defend themselves: and that their power may be always equal, there should be an independent mediator between them, always ready, always able and always interested to assist the weakest. Equal laws can never be made or maintained without this.— You see I still hold fast my scales, and weigh every thing in them. The French must finally become my disciples, or rather the disciples of Zeno: or they will have no equal laws, no personal liberty, no property, no lives.—
I am very much employed in business, and this must be my apology for neglecting so much to write to you: but I will be as good a correspondent as I can— I hope you will not forget your old friend.—
380In this Country the pendulum has vibrated too far to the popular side, driven by men without experience or Judgment, and horrid ravages have been made upon property, by arbitrary multitudes or majorities of multitudes. France has severe tryals to endure from the same cause— Both have found or will find, that to place property at the mercy of a majority who have no property is “Committere agnum lupo” My fundamental maxim is never trust the lamb to the custody of the wolf. If you are not perfectly of my mind at present, I hereby promise and assure you that you will live to see that I am precisely right— Thus arrogantly concludes your friend
LbC in CA’s hand (Adams Papers); internal address: “Thomas Brand
Hollis Esqr”; APM Reel 115.
Of 1 June, above.
For this shipment of books for Harvard, see Hollis’ letter of 29 March, and note 3, above.
r.
th.June. 1790.
I have to acknowledge the Rect. of your
esteem’d favor of the 20 Ulto. Our Genl. Assembly are now in Session.1
their Conduct thus farr has been perfectly Fœderal, how long it may continue is
uncertain. I am sorry that the assuming the State Debts & funding the Continental
Debt are so long delay’d. so long as we are kept in suspence we are a prey to
Speculators as most of our circulating Cash is employ’d in trading in paper.— ’till the
Debt is fix’d but very little other Business can be carr’d on.— I do not find in the
funding Bill any provision made for the New Emission Money, which runs on Interest &
which Congress pledg’d their Faith to redeem & pay the Interest annually, provided
the States neglected to make provision.2
One Years Interest only has been paid. I have a
considerable sum in this kind belonging to my father’s Estate, which has lain for a
number of Years.—3 Our Court has given up
the Light Houses in this State to Congress, it will be necessary for Congress, soon to
make the Law regulating Pilots. &c at present the Pilots of this port are under no
controul. shou’d this Law be bro’t forward, the Marine Society of this port, wou’d be
happy to render their services to put the Pilots on a proper footing.4
Mrs. Smith joins me in respects to Mrs. A— & yourself.—
Yrs. Most Respectfully
m.Smith.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “The Vice-President / of the United States /
New-York.”; endorsed: “Mr W. Smith / 12. June 1790.”
The Mass. General Court met from 26 May to 25 June (Mass., Acts
and Laws
, 1790–1791, p. 91; Stockbridge, Mass., Western Star, 6 July).
On 18 March 1780 Congress replaced Continental currency with a
“new emission” that was guaranteed as national legal tender and earned 5 percent
interest (Ferguson, Power of the Purse
, p. 51).
Isaac Smith Sr., who died three years earlier, had suffered
several financial setbacks from the depreciation of public securities and the loss of
two merchant ships (
AFC
, 8:196, 210).
The Mass. General Court passed an act on 10 June 1790
transferring all ownership deeds and maintenance duties of several public lighthouses
to the U.S. government. Federal oversight, however, remained murky. The Lighthouse Act
of 7 Aug. 1789 stipulated that pilots would be supervised by the states until Congress
made new legislation. Although Congress amended the Lighthouse Act on 19 July 1790,
and George Washington signed it into law three days later, it contained no guidelines
for pilot regulation (Mass., Acts and Laws
, 1790–1791, p. 7–9;
U.S. Statutes
at Large
, 1:53–54, 137;
First Fed. Cong.
,
1:422, 440).