Papers of John Adams, volume 20

From John Adams to William Smith, 20 May 1790 Adams, John Smith, William
To William Smith
Dear Sir, New York May 20 1790

Your agreable favour of the 24th of April, was brought to me in season and I thank you for it; though my thanks are not in good season.—Your sentiments concerning the assumption of the State debts, the encouragement of American navigation and the establishment of a national bank, are conformable to those of about one half The Continent and contrary to those of the other half. How shall we contrive to make the Clocks all strike together? Virginia begins to be convinced of the necessity of uniting with the States on this side of her, in measures to encourage our shipping, and give it an advantage over foreigners; but your cousin of Carolina, who is one of the most judicious men in the house, is you see quite an enemy to such measures. The Carolinas and Georgia, I suppose will be longer in their conversion, than Virginia has been.—1 It may require a more United people and a stronger government to take those steady measures, necessary to support our navigation: but my sentiments on this point are no secret to Congress: I wrote them continually from England: and I still think for us to build man, and maintain twelve hundred ships for a foreign nation, out of the labour of our husbandmen is very ill contrivance for the interest of Agriculture, whatever our friend Smith may say.

Division of sentiments about every thing—some inclining to the French, some to the English; one party to the south and another to the north; one sett advocates for the interest of Agriculture; another for those of commerce a third for those of manufactures—every party pushing their own principles too far, and opposing others too much— 357 How few minds look through the mighty all, with a steady eye, and consider all its relations and dependences!2 How few aim at the good of the whole, without aiming too much at the prosperity of parts?— These questions have occurred ever since I was born, and will as long as I live, or you either. The turbulent maneuvres of a faction in the Massachusetts weaken and embarrass us, as much or more than Rhode Island. I despair of New England: they upon principle tie the hands and destroy the influence of every man who has any chance and any desire to serve them— So says and so feels, by cruel experience yours

J Adams—

LbC in CA’s hand (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mr Wm Smith Boston”; APM Reel 115. Tr (Adams Papers).

1.

As the Anglo-American trade war dragged on, British merchants extended credit to southern planters in need of manufactured goods and agreed to carry their grain in exchange. On 17 May James Madison, leading a committee comprising Theodore Sedgwick of Massachusetts and Thomas Hartley of Pennsylvania, introduced a trade bill to increase tonnage duties on foreign ships. South Carolina representative William Loughton Smith opposed it, claiming in his speeches to the House on 17 and 18 May that the proposal was squarely aimed at Great Britain. W. L. Smith recommended that the executive branch should determine all questions of tonnage and warned Congress that it was “highly impolitic to enter into a commercial warfare with Great Britain.” The bill was read again on 18 May and for a third time on 25 June, when the House voted to consider it further, but it was not passed. British newspapers reported avidly on the congressional debates, noting that the absence of an Anglo-American commercial treaty would injure British profits (George C. Rogers, Evolution of a Federalist: William Loughton Smith of Charleston (1758–1812), Columbia, S.C., 1962, p. 173–175; First Fed. Cong. , 3:411, 413, 415, 477, 822; New-York Daily Gazette, 17, 18 May; London English Chronicle, 22 July; London Diary, 11 Aug.; London Public Advertiser, 7 Sept.).

2.

CA emphasized this sentence in the left margin of the LbC with a manicule.

From John Adams to Thomas Crafts, Jr., 25 [May] 1790 Adams, John Crafts, Thomas Jr.
To Thomas Crafts Jr.
Dear Sir New York 25th [May] 1790

I have received with a mixture of pleasure and gloomy melancholy your favour of the 17th. What motives the eastern members can have to support the silly petition of Franklin and his Quakers, I never could conceive: but it was not that conduct which sowered the minds of the Southern members against an assumption of the State debts. The seat of government is more likely to have had such an effect on some minds.1 What is the reason that bills should be ten or twelve per Ct below par here, and only five at Boston The demand from Europe for grain would not alone have produced so great and sudden a change in the price of bills. The sudden rise of stock which was certainly occasioned by the new government contributed a great share to this symptom of prosperity. If no measures would ever be 358 carried in the State Legislature to encourage the fisheries I leave you to Judge whether it is probable that bounties can be obtained from the general government.

Ships before the revolution were built upon British capitals. There are no capitals in Boston I fear but such as consist in credits to the nation or the State or employed in speculations in the Stocks. The carrying trade is the only resource for shipbuilding. The English are in possession of this. They not only have ships ready; but they own the crops for the most part. To dispossess the English from this business requires a system of measures and a course of time and our people are so fickle and unsteady, that it is doubtfull whether they would bear with patience the trial of a fair experiment The Massachusetts a few years ago, made a navigation act, which if it had been preserved to this day would in my opinion have found full employment for her shipwrights: but Mr Sullivan and Parson Thatcher, I heard in London became declaimers if not preachers against it and it was repealed.2 If Congress should make a similar law, it will be opposed by powerful interests, who will continually grumble against it and there is neither vigour nor constancy enough in the government, I am afraid, to persevere. That Congress will take some measures to bring into circulation the monies locked up, I cannot doubt. This must be done— I am assured that considerable sums of money are ordered to America from Europe, so that I hope we shall not have so great a scarcity of money long. The State debts, I fear will not be assumed this session.

Without a national government and steady measures we shall never be prosperous, and there is too powerful a party in Massachusetts against both. I hope we shall see better times, but my hopes are not sanguine

Yours &c

J A

LbC in CA’s hand (Adams Papers); internal address: “Thomas Crafts Esqr Boston”; APM Reel 115.

1.

By late spring, congressional battle lines were drawn over two major issues: settling war debts and siting the capital. Within Congress, Massachusetts and South Carolina favored the federal assumption of state debts, while Virginia and North Carolina stood opposed to it. An antislavery petition, submitted by Benjamin Franklin, complicated both sets of debates. James Madison joined New England representatives in supporting calls to end slavery, but he led the opposition in the House of Representatives regarding assumption (Elkins and McKitrick, Age of Federalism , p. 147, 152, 160).

2.

The Mass. General Court’s navigation act of 23 June 1785 prohibited imports sent via British ships, restricted foreign ships to entering only three regional ports, and laid duties on all other foreign ships that were double those paid by American ships. Massachusetts politician James Sullivan backed the measures, but he worried that internal division 359 and a love of luxury kept Americans under Great Britain’s economic sway, writing: “Our Merchants have a supreme regard to her Commerce perhaps the large Sums they owe there keeps them in Awe.” Peter Thacher (1752–1802), Harvard 1769, who was the General Court’s chaplain, sided with Sullivan. On 29 Nov. 1790 Massachusetts lawmakers repealed the restrictions and heavy duties on foreign vessels, retaining the provisions against British ships (vol. 17:83, 535, 605; Sibley’s Harvard Graduates , 17:237, 245, 246).