Papers of John Adams, volume 20

To John Adams from Stephen Higginson, 24 March 1790 Higginson, Stephen Adams, John
From Stephen Higginson
Sir— Boston Mar: 24: 1790

Your obliging letter of the 14 instant I have received, & thank you for the friendly intentions you therein express. I did not mean to request any activity on your part, in the case alluded to; nor was I 290 aware, that any expression I used would convey an Idea of that kind—the intention you intimate, is all I wish for, or should have tho’t would have been proper for me to ask.—

It is cheering to me, to find you so well pleased with the disposition & measures of Government. it confirms me in my belief, that the Secretarys Report will be adopted in its leading essential principles; & that Our national Affairs will, by it, assume a new, & more promising appearance. you are certainly right in your Idea, that the opposition thereto has not the support of the people. Their Voice, in this State, is very obviously in favour of the proposed System—so much so, that those who have laboured to create an opposition to it, are led to desist from any farther attempts, lest they should injure their own interest.— no great effect has been visible here from the report of Mr Dane & others, on the Subject of Amendments. it was not taken up in the Senate; but is now at rest in their files, to the no small mortification of the framers.— the rate of interest proposed in the report—the exploding all intention of discriminating between the different classes of the Creditors—& the assumption of the State Debts, & the adjustment of their Accounts with the Union, do all meet the public approbation. not a man, that I hear of, ventures openly to condemn either of these principles. the public mind seems to be unusually tranquil, & pleased with the appearance, & the intentions of the general Government. nothing will turn up, I hope, to disturb this placidity. Our State elections will take place without any contest, & will probably fall upon the same persons, in general, as the last year. if a change can be made in the Senate, without much of the electioneering Spirit being raised, it is to be desired. there were last year, in that branch, too many of the family of the Honosti; & the insurgent spirit was often too visible in a majority of Them.—1 The fears of the Assembly were very much allayed, by an address from the now Atty general, in which he says he shall qualify himself to be the legal defender of the Sovereignty & independence of this State. with such a defence, they must have been very unreasonably afraid, not to go home with quiet minds.2 it is a singular circumstance, that he & his brother are openly & avowedly pitted against each other, upon that point. James may please himself upon his being the official, constitutional Guardian of the weak, against the ambition & pride of the Mighty; & Jno. is not less vain of being viewed, as the great protector of the natural right of the great fishes to eat up the little Ones, whenever they can catch them.—

291

I am surprised to find so little apprehension, as to the new duties proposed upon Spirits &c, among the Importers. the high rates, with the novelty & the energy of the mode of collection, might naturally have excited a general alarm. But there seems to be a general disposition, to acquiesce in whatever may be necessary to the support of Government; & a belief, that no measures will be taken, bearing hard on the trade, without necessity. This surely is a favorable appearance. there are two points, which may possibly occasion a clamour, if care is not taken. Should the duties be drawn from the Importers, before They shall have received Them from the consumer, or retailer, by the sale of the Goods, uneasiness may arise. the monied capital of Our Traders is so small, that a compulsory advance of the duty to the Government, would embarrass their business, & create a very unfavorable impression. I have suggested to the Secretary this danger.—3 the other is, obstruction to business, for want of a constant attention of the executive Officers. the checks proposed by the Secretary appear to be necessary to a due collection of the duties. they will at times inevitably retard business, in the supply to Country Traders; but detention, which can not be avoided without hazarding the Object, must be submitted to. an extension of the delay from the inattention of the Officers, may be very injurious, & will be considered as a hardship; But this will depend very much on the appointments, & a strict requisition that they attend their duty. after some attention to the Subject, I am of opinion, that the System proposed may be here executed without any difficulty, every accomadation being given to the trade, which the case will admit of.—

Important as the inspection of Our exports is to the trade, there is no chance of obtaining one under the laws of the State. that Business must undergo a thorough reform, & be put into the hands of a new & very different set of men, to answer any good purpose. while the appointments are made by the Towns, the legislature, or the Executive, there will be no responsibility, nor proper characters in office. there never was greater venality & corruption, than has appeared in this branch. the trade have not only been subjected to the expence of the fees; but they have sustained heavy losses by the most shameless prostitution of the Officers, & no man is sure of having, even the kind of Merchandize he wants, from the official evidence which attends the Article. Our inspections are not only an expence without a benefit, but They are a snare to the ignorant, & the stranger, & have proved a curse to the commerce of the State.—

292

The Commerce & the fisheries of this State do yet labour, & can not flourish as they ought, till We get entirely rid of the habits of dissipation & expence contracted during the War. their influence upon those two branches are yet severely felt, by those, who are engaged in them; but time & necessity will bring Us to use that industry & oeconomy, which is necessary to our thriving in any branch of Business. Those who built Vessels soon after the peace, whether for the fishery, or foreign Trade, have suffered more by the reduction in their value, than their earnings will pay; And in the old Towns, the unusual profits from the fishery; the four first years after the Peace, were consumed in expences, which They were formerly Strangers to. But those, who live upon Cape Cod, & along the south Shore, who retained their old habits of industry & frugality, applied their gains to increase their business. These have very much extended their fishery, & will continue to thrive; while the others are declining, & will not recover, but by a change of manners, & a reduction of their expences.—

The great increase of the British & french fisheries, has tended much to check the growth of Ours. the aggregate quantity of their fisheries & Ours, the two last years, has been more than a full supply for all the markets; & the prices have naturally been lower, than either They, or We can well afford to sell at. But their loss has been very great compared with Ours. They have sunk a large part of their capital, while We, with proper oeconomy, should have sunk only a part of Our usual profits. even the last year, the cod fishery on the South Shore was a living business; but in the old Towns, They took less fish, expanded much more, & had little or nothing left to support their families. There is a strong probability, that this business will, from the causes mentioned, be in a good degree transferred from the north to the south Shore. This may be, in a national View of no great importance; but the Towns of M: Head Glocester &c may be much distressed, before they recover those habits, which alone can make them to be flourishing & happy.— We have so many advantages in this business over the Europeans who pursue it; that I have no fears of our eventually losing it. the fisheries of france & britain are so depressed, by their late losses, that They will not this year be pursued to the same extent. This may give new courage, & more profit to Us in future; & the sufferings now complained of, may tend in their effects, to give us a more decided advantage in the business, than We before enjoyed.—

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The complaints, as to the want of encouragement to extend Our navigation, arise principally from the same ill habits. was this business pursued with the same industry & frugality by Us, which the Europeans practice, no new advantages need be given, by Government, to enable us to be the Carriers of Our produce to market. the carrying business ought not, upon principles of policy, to be more than equal to a decent Support to those, who pursue it. all beyond this, must tend to check cultivation, or to load Our exports too much for the foreign markets.— I am very doubtful, whether any new advantages given to those branches, by bounties &c, would tend eventually to increase them; because, till Our expences of living & carrying on business, shall be reduced to the lowest practicable point, We can not derive the greatest possible advantage from them; & that reduction will not take place, but from necessity.

These Sentiments are not popular among mercantile Men; but they are, in my mind, well founded, & will in the end be promotive of the true interest of the Country.— I have ventured to give you these hasty Ideas, for your consideration, supposing that questions relative to those Subjects may be soon brought before you.—

With the highest respect & esteem I have the honour to subscribe myself your very huml Servant

Stephen Higginson

PS: you will excuse my not copying this letter, from a want of time

RC (Adams Papers).

1.

For Benjamin Austin Jr., who issued a series of polemics against the legal profession under the pseudonym Honestus, see vol. 18:398–399.

2.

James Sullivan’s address has not been found, but it was likely his response to public concerns that his new position as Massachusetts attorney general might conflict with his ongoing duties as a private lawyer (William Thomas Davis, History of the Judiciary of Massachusetts, Boston, 1900, p. 101).

3.

Two months earlier, Alexander Hamilton had proposed a combination of higher duties on domestic and imported spirits as a way to raise revenue and curb smuggling. In order to draft his economic plan, Hamilton solicited advice from Higginson. The Newburyport merchant’s vision of a well-regulated federal excise helped Hamilton to frame his 14 Jan. report (Hamilton, Papers , 5:466–508; 6:56, 102, 103).

From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 27 March 1790 Adams, John Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To François Adriaan Van der Kemp
Sir New York March 27. 1790

Your favour of March 17. is recd.— The French Revolution will, I hope produce Effects in favour of Liberty Equity and Humanity, as extensive as this whole Globe and as lasting as all time.— But I will candidly own that the Form of Government they have adopted, can, 294 in my humble opinion, be nothing more than a transient Experiment. an obstinate Adhærence to it, must involve France in great and lasting Calamities.— With all your Compliments and Elogiums of my “Defence,” would you believe that neither the whole nor any Part of it, has been translated into French.? at this interesting Period: at Such a Critical Moment; would you not have expected that every Light and Aid to the national Deliberations would have been eagerly embraced? But No. The Popular Leaders have Views that one assembly may favour but three Branches would Obstruct. Such is the Lot of Humanity. A Demagogue may hope to overawe a Majority in a Single elective Assembly: but may despair at overawing a Majority of independent hereditary senators, especially if they can be reinforced in Case of Necessity by an independent Executive.

our Experience in America corresponds with that of all Ages and nations.— if you Substitute Langdon and Sullivan, Hancock and Bowdoin, Clinton and Yeates; instead of Cherchi and Donati; Neri and Bianchi Buondelmenti and Uberti Ricci and Albizi Medici and Albizi, Tolomei and Salembeni, Gieremei and Lambertacci: Cancellieri and Panchiatichi Pallavicini and Dovara— the History of New Hampshire Massachusetts & New York will be the History of Florence siena Bolagna and Pistoia. The last year, a Writer in Boston under the signature of Laco, attacked the Governor Mr Hancock in a Course of Newspapers. other Writers in other Gazettes defended him. This Paper War, wrought up the Passions of the contending Parties to an high Pitch. The Mob most friendly to the Governor made an Effigy of Laco and burnt it on the Common. They threatened too to tar and feather the Printer.1 a Trifle you see, any Accident might have blown up these Coals to a Flame and produced broken Heads. if a Life had been lost, the Sedition would not have been easily appeased. A fermentation, Somewhat like this happened here last Spring and indeed happens in all the States at every Election of Governor. The Tendency of this to civil War is rapid.— in the National Election the last year, there was a very Subtle but a very daring Intrigue, in the Election of the Vice President. Letters were written to the southern States, representing that the Northern states would not Vote for Washington, and to the Northern States representing that Virginia, south Carolina &c would not vote for Washington; so that it was represented that Adams was likely to have an Unanimous Vote and Washington not. the Effect was that Adams had not even a Majority, for fear of his having Unanimity. The 295 Tendency of these Things to Confusion is obvious. The Elections of Senators to Congress last year, was still more a Party Business in most of the States as their Records shew.— You desire me to shew a Remedy for these Evils and how a Change can be introduced.— I confess, Sir I can think of no Remedy, but another Convention.— When Bribery, Corruption, Intrigue, Manœuvre, Violence, Force, Shall render Elections too troublesome and too dangerous, another Convention must be called, who may prolong the Period of senators from six Years to twelve or twenty or thirty or forty or for Life, or if necessary propose the Establishment of hereditary Senators. how can this be done. you will ask. I answer by giving the States, a Number of Senators, in Proportion to their Importance and by letting each State choose its Senators. You will ask again how can this be done? I answer by calling a Convention to elect them. or Authorize the President to appoint them. e.g.— Let the People of New York choose a Convention and that Convention elect their Number of Senators, or Authorize the President to appoint them to hold their Places for Life descendible to their Eldest Male Heirs. in some such Way as this I conceive it may be done without Bloodshed. and if the Election of President Should become terrible, I can conceive of no other method to preserve Liberty: but to have a national Convention called for the express purpose of electing an hereditary President. These appear to me to be the only Hopes of our Posterity. While Washington lives Elections may answer. They may answer while a Dozen or two of other Characters are living.

Representatives are elected not only for short Periods but for small Districts and therefore do not interest and enflame the Passions of an whole Nation, like the Election of a national first Magistrate, or national senators. There is not therefore any danger to be apprehended from that quarter

I am sir yours

John Adams

RC (PHi:Francis Adrian Van der Kemp Coll.); internal address: “Mr Fr. Adr. Vanderkemp / Kingston. New York.” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 115.

1.

Writing under the pseudonym Laco, Stephen Higginson issued several essays in the Massachusetts Centinel criticizing John Hancock, which were collected and published as The Writings of Laco, as Published in the Massachusetts Centinel, in the Months of February and March, 1789, Boston, 1789 ( AFC , 8:337). For JA’s previous alignment of medieval oligarchies and modern politicians, see his letter to Benjamin Rush of 19 June 1789, and note 1, above.