After your Excellency’s advice, for which I am much obliged, I wrote, by this Sloop to his Excellencÿ the President, State the affair, and requested his interference, so far, as He maÿ think proper, and I flatter mÿself, that it wil be promoted bÿ you in the Same manner.1 But this occasion Sir! is to favourable, not to make use of it in enlarging—for a moment upon a particular article of your favour— Perhaps, Some time or other, you Excellencÿ maÿ find leisure, to gratifÿ mÿ curiosity, and honour me with a farther communication of his thoughts upon a matter, if al not interestful to us, Surelÿ not indifferent, and certainly of the highest moment to our Posterity—perhaps to our children. Ought I remember—that a hereditarÿ Senat is this Subject.

Permit me before to reflect Sir! that what you please, to call compliments received from Europe, is reallÿ no more than homage paid to truth—of So more value, because I am persuaded, that most of them, who paid that tribute, were made Proselytes to a doctrine, of which they had, before, none of verÿ confuse Ideas— this, I candidly allow, was mÿ case, who, meaning to be an adept in the Doctrine of Republican government, was Soon convinced, that I was not initiated in this So Simple mÿsterÿ—now it is revealed—and bÿ this cynosure, I made Such progress in a Short time, that I dare guess—to be not a great difference between our thoughts upon the Stability of, and the degree of civil Liberty inhering in last French Revolution—

I Should have desired Sir! there you had given So open and candid, morning warnings to the americans in regard, what theÿ have to do, and to fear, if they chuse to preserve their Political independencÿ 283 and civil libertÿ, though some of these warnings maÿ, at first view, be verÿ disagreable to Short-Sighted—intrested—or ambitious Americans. There you, more than once and I Sincerilÿ believe, upon solid reasonings upon experience, intimate your fear—that the elections of Presidents and Senators will not be continued—for a long time, without corruption—Sedition &c there you Showed with a finger a remedÿ—against it—in your opinion—necessarÿ though otherwise not desirable— I should have desired, that Mr. Adams had discussed this matter a little farther, and explained—how this chance wil—or can be introduced—without Sedition—and civil war—and in wat manner that hereditarÿ Senate wil be continued after his first creation. Whether the Same reasonings wil not be as conclusifes against the elections of the house of representatives, as wel against the Senator and president?— being there perhaps So much reason for fear of briberÿ and corruption—when but one representative can be chosen for 30 or 90000 citisens

But Sir! it Seems not alone, the introduction wil meet the difficulties—feared be elections consequences of the most Serious nature will be unavoidable by the continuation. Shall the ofspring of certain families—the Possessors of a cetain tract of Land be chosen for the first hereditary Senators? or Shall the Legislative Bodies—or Executive Power of the different States make choice of a certain number? In case of a vacant Seed—who Shal have the Power of creating a New Senator or Peer? the President? the Senat? the house of Representatives? or both Houses—of all the three? Perhaps it would be of utility to the United States, if Kentuckÿ and Vermont, acknowledged as independant States, in alliance with us, could be persuaded to trÿ what Succes from a hereditarÿ president and Senators with a house of representatives might accrue to the State, in removing briberÿ—corruption and Sedition, in promoting civil Libertÿ—

Should it not be more desirable Sir! Supposing that the elections of a President and Senators—for one or more ÿears, was preferable, in case Such elections could be effected without fear for briberÿ—Sedition—to dismember the commonwealth—in two or more Royal independant Governments—as Soon as the population, opulence and commerce was increased to that degree, that everÿ part—could be compared to the whole at present? Would it not be easier to preserve peace between two, three or more States upon the Continent—than between 14 or fifteen States—of Such different intrests—united together by a feeble fee—in the possession of Such a population, opulence and commerce, as wil be the case in half a centurÿ—but more 284 than enough, if your Excellency is not discontent with it; and excuse the trouble I had occasioned—being persuaded, that Your Excellency may receive more elaborate and useful Political productions, and offerings of Services—though I dare adfirm, that not one of them, wil be with higher and Sincerer esteem and respect, than I.

Sir! / Your Excellency’s most obedient / and obliged Servant

If your state would as you hint in your letter of the 9th all turn tories and go back to Britain openly; I should not be obliged to rack my invention to point out the advantages which would result to the United States. For as this would oblige us to chastise the treachery, insolence and ingratitude of your people, it would be an exemplary vengeance to all others whose hearts are no better than theirs: and consequently would sufficiently strengthen the national government. A remonstrance or Address from Congress would employ them better than the Quaker petition: but there are other things which await their decission, of much more import than either. As I know it to be impossible that Congress should interpose by an address; so I hope they will no more interpose by their lenity: but treat Rhode Island in all points as a foreign state. If your people are desirous of trying their strength and their wit with us, I am for joining the issue. I shall feel for you and some others. But I say “Come out from among them”1