Papers of John Adams, volume 20
r.Sir,
ca. 6] March 1790
Engaged as you are in public business, and this State not having shown a disposition to join the Union I did not wonder, although I could not but regret, that my letter should remain so long unanswered.—
I wish that our affairs now afforded a prospect of a speedy accession.—
Before you receive this letter you will have heard of the
proceedings of our Convention.—2 They
met, framed a bill of rights, collected a long string of amendments to the Constitution,
ordered them to be laid before the people at the annual meeting for proxing for Genl. Officers and chusing representatives, and adjourned to the
fourth monday in May.— Unless something is done by Congress which will make the Antis
feel they will in my opinion adjourn again and again.— 259 The Feds will
continue to exert themselves;—but the Antis appear to be steeled against the most
powerful addresses to their reason, their passions and their interest.— It is the
opinion of many that they are supported and hardend in their opposition from the
quarters you mentioned;—but it cannot yet be reduced to a certainty.— The report of the
Comm̃ee of your State, appointed to consider what further Amendments are necessary to be
added to the Constitution of the United States, will give an handle to our Antis to put
off our accession.— If it is the wish of your State that this State should speedily
become a member of the federal government it appears to me that their conduct is
altogether impolitic.—
Some of our Antis have had the courage to say, that if the State stood out but six months longer, there would be such insurrections in the other States as would overturn the New Government;—and that their opposition would be the salvation not only of our own but of the thirteen States.—
Others talk as if they really thought Congress would still extend their lenity and indulgence to the trade of this State.— When the Federal members of the Convention, in order to obtain an adjournment to the last monday in March, represented in strong, pathetic terms, the distresses in which the Sea-port towns would be involved at the expiration of the Act reviving the suspension of the navigation Act, an Anti replied that they were in no danger,—that upon an Application of the merchants further indulgence would be granted;—for Congress would do any thing to favour their friends.—
The operation of the navigation act will have no influence upon the Antis until the fall, and then they will probably rather pay an advanced freight, and receive less profit upon what they may have to export to the other States, than accede to the Union.—
Something must be done.—
An address to the Genl. Assembly at
their Session on the first wednesday in May next, setting forth the advantages which
will result to the United States and this State from her accession, and the necessity
which Congress will be under to use rigorous measures if she should still persist in her
opposition might answer the purpose.—
A requisition of our quota of the public debt with a declaration that, unless it was collected at the time assigned, an equivalent would be distrained would have a good effect.—3
If Congress have a right to consider us as a part of the United
States, and to extend their Genl. Government to us, and
would make a declaration that they have such authority, and would exercise it if 260 the State did not adopt the Constitution, I have no
doubt but that it would be adopted at the next Session of the Convention.—
Wisdom as Father Sherman used to say, in difficult cases, is profitable to direct, and the great Council of the United States are possessed of a large share of it.—4
Uncertain as it is when this State will adopt the New Government; yet it must sooner or later become a member of the Union, and federal Officers be appointed for it.—
I am greatly obliged to you for the assurances you have given me of your readiness to promote my views.—
When I first wrote to you my view was, through your influence and
that of other friends, to obtain the Office of a district Judge, I have since thought
that the Office of Collector of the Impost for this district would be more beneficial
and suit me better.— I was sometime Naval Officer of this State, while we were under the
British Government, and was a Commissioner of the Admiralty under Congress;—so that the
business of the customs would not be altogether new to me if I should be so happy as to
be appointed a Collector of this district.— The present custom-house Offrs. of this district are a worthless sett of Antis.— Who are
the candidates for the federal collectorship I do not know;—but if early and long public
services,—and losses in the cause of liberty and my country can give any pretensions to
an office I shall not be behind the foremost candidate, and if an addition to these, I
should be favoured with your recommendation to the President & Senators I should not
doubt of success—
With great esteem and regard / I am Yr.
friend & servt.
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “John Adams Esqr. / Vice-President &c”; endorsed: “Mr Ellery
March 1790.”
Ellery was replying to JA’s letter of 28 Feb., above. The dating of this letter is based on the adjournment of the first session of Rhode Island’s ratification convention on 6 March.
Gov. John Collins (1717–1795), a Newport, R.I., merchant who
served from 1786 to 1790, won his office by supporting the emission of paper money.
Collins broke from Country Party interests in January by casting the tie-breaking vote
in favor of a ratification convention, which triggered his political downfall (
Doc. Hist.
Ratif. Const.
, 24:312–313).
Seventy delegates met in Little Rest (now Kingston) for the first
session of Rhode Island’s ratification convention, which met from 1 to 6 March. A
ten-man committee drafted a bill of rights to send out for the towns’ consideration
along with a list of proposed amendments. Henry Marchant urged his fellow delegates to
approve the bill of rights, which they did on 6 March in a tight vote. But the draft
amendments, including a censure of the Constitution’s lack of a ban on the African
slave trade, languished in debate. Rhode Island Federalists who sought to wind up the
ratification process were again blocked by Antifederalists, who gained an adjournment
until 24 May in order to incorporate their constituents’ perspectives. The 261 bill of rights and the draft amendments were
widely reprinted; see, for example, Providence, R.I., United
States Chronicle, 11 March; Providence Gazette, 13
March; Maryland Journal, 2 April; and Charleston, S.C.,
City Gazette, 22 April (
Doc. Hist. Ratif.
Const.
, 26:898, 899, 981).
Rhode Island last paid $2,593,353.30 for the requisition in 1787,
in nearly worthless paper currency (Frank Greene Bates, Rhode
Island and the Formation of the Union, N.Y., 1898, p. 111).
At 69 years old, Connecticut senator Roger Sherman was the oldest
member of Congress when he arrived in March 1789 (Mark David Hall, Roger Sherman and the Creation of the American Republic,
N.Y., 2013, p. 122). Ellery’s related allusion was to Ecclesiastes, 10:10.
th.1790
It is mortifying to be beat in a good Cause, without Sense or
Argument, but merely by Self-Will and vile Principles— Our Convention sat all the last
Week— Our News-Papers I suppose will give You the particulars— It was with Difficulty I
could get a Motion for the main Question upon the Journalls— And Adjournment was
determined upon by the Anties before they met Us, in their private Conventions:— And
they held nocturnal Conventions the whole Week, for the Purpose of carrying their own
Measures, and for settling their Arangements for the genl.
Election— the Dep: Gov: Owens, President of the Convention, did not hesitate to say out
of Doors, that an Adjournment of the Convention was necessary to insure their Election—
He is proposed for Govr.—Collins having been their weak tool
long enough—1 O——s is a Man of more
Subtilty—a profound Hypocrite—at the Gen: Assembly after the Vote for calling a
Convention; He took me by the Hand, and altho’ He had voted against it, He declared I
could not more rejoice than He did— He had voted as He had done He said, because the
People round Him were averse to the Measure as yet, but were coming over fast; And He
had no Doubt the Constitution would be adopted as soon as the Convention met.— Yet He
now came with the greatest Zeal for an Adjournment—He still holds up the Idea that it
will soon be adopted—
the great Objection which had been made by one of their
Leaders—Jona. Haszard a Delegate in the former
Congress2—was the mode of proportioning
the Tax by Numbers;—instead of the former Method— The Word Tax,—partial Tax &c
sounded in the Ears of the People, had been alarming; but when an Amendment for that
Purpose was brought forward—His own Party failed Him; and We had a Majority of six for
the Mode fixed by the Constitution— they were now left without any formidable
Objections— We took Notice that 262 there had been a
Number of things suggested out of Doors, which we were surprised, none would now father,
or even mention— In short they were beat out of all their strong Holds— We agreed to
their Bill of Rights, copied nearly from New-York, and their Amendments taken mostly
from New-York, with their Darling Paper Money Amendment copied from our dear Sister
North Carolina—3
What was now left, but that we should Adopt the Constitution?— It
must be sent to the People, for the Consideration of the
Towns!— And I expect next to hear the Amendments must be sent to Congress, to see if
they will agree to adopt them, previous to Our adopting the Constitution— And this will
be the sine qua non, of many—
Their Majority when we met was twelve agt. the Constitution— Could We have brought on the Question, I presume we should
have been beat by four— wheather We shall succeed in getting that four is uncertain—
they had Instructions from their Town to vote for the Constitution, but a few Days
before the Convention met; and were directed not to vote for any adjournment, without
the greatest Necessity; and then not beyond the first of April.— But they paid no
Attention to their Instructions— How they may yet be opperated upon is uncertain— I have
done giving, for I have almost lost my, Hopes of Success— Misery will fall upon the
Merchantile Interest; and upon poor Newport most heavily:— Wood & Flower will rise
to an extravagant Price— the Farmer will not begin to feel till next Fall, unless
Congress provide otherwise— Pray Sir, what must become of Us? what more can we do, if
the Constitution is not adopted at the Adjournment of the Convention the 24th. of May And what will be the Measures of Congress in that
Case?— If we adopt the Constitution the Anties hope to be able to send forward their own
Creatures;— And expect the Recommendation of their Senators &c will be sufficient to
procure Appointments to their own peculiar Friends
I fear Congress may adjourn, before they may be able to pass the
proper Bills for collecting the Revenue &c &c should We adopt the Constitution
the last of May:— For it must be sometime in June, before Our Assembly will meet to
choose Senators &c— Will there be a Necessity that Our Senators &c should be
appointed and be in Congress, previous to Congress’s passing the necessary Bills and
making all the proper Arangements?— I wish to be advised hereon— I had the Honor to
write You Sir the 19th. of Decr.
and 18th. of Jany. last— I could
wish barely to know they were recd.— We want the best
Advice.— what we may fear, what We may hope should we faill at last—
My Family join me in Respects to Mrs:
Adams and the Family— With sincere Esteem I am / most respectfully / Your very humble
Servt.
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “His Excellency / John Adams Esqr. / Vice President &c / New York—”; endorsed: “Marchant
March 7 / 1790. And March / 20.”
Deputy governor Daniel Owen (ca. 1731–1812) was a Glocester,
R.I., blacksmith and an Antifederalist. He presided over both sessions of Rhode
Island’s ratification convention (
Doc. Hist. Ratif. Const.
, 24:315).
Newport lawyer and Antifederalist Jonathan J. Hazard (1731–1812), a leading figure in Rhode Island’s Country Party, represented South Kingstown at both sessions of the ratification convention. On the morning of the third day, Hazard and Marchant clashed over the question of taxation. Both men acknowledged that the new nation was “over loaded with Debt . . . like a Cloud cast upon us.” They disagreed over whether the apportionment of taxes should be calculated according to population or wealth, an issue that had long polarized Rhode Island’s rural and commercial towns (same, 24:314; 26:917, 918).
Like other states, Rhode Island supported a bill of rights that
safeguarded personal liberties. Rhode Islanders also sided with North Carolina
lawmakers in attempting to protect the ability to produce their own currency via an
amendment, stipulating that Congress should not interfere with the states’ emission of
paper money, nor should it engage in selling the states’ public securities (
Doc. Hist.
Ratif. Const.
, 26:997–1002; Walter Clark, comp., The State Records of North Carolina, 30 vols., Goldsboro,
N.C., 1886–1914, 22:51–52).