Papers of John Adams, volume 20

From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 27 February 1790 Adams, John Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To François Adriaan Van der Kemp
Sir New York Feb. 27. 1790

Your agreable Letter of the 9. Jan. has lain too long unanswered.—Mr Mappa, I should be happy to present to the President and to Serve in any other Way in my Power.1

Your Criticisms upon “the defence” deserve more Consideration than I have time to give them.

251

I can Say for myself, and I believe for most others, who have ever been called “leading Men,” in the late Revolution, that We were compelled against our Inclinations, to cutt off the Bands that United Us with England, and that We should have been very happy to have had our Grievances redressed, and our Dependance continued—and this Disposition continued with me, untill Hostilities commenced. —then indeed I thought all future Connections impracticable.

I will candidly confess, that an hereditary Senate, without an hereditary Executive, would diminish the Prerogatives of the President and the Liberties of the People. But I contend that hereditary descent in both, when controuled by an independent Representation of the People, is better than corrupted, turbulent and bloody Elections. and the knowledge You have of the human heart will concur with your knowledge of the History of nations to convince you that Elections of Presidents, & Senators, cannot be long conducted in a populous, oppulent and commercial Nation, without Corruption, sedition and Civil War.

A Discourse upon Fæderative Republicks and an History of the American Revolution, are both Undertakings too extensive for my Forces, unless I should retire from all Employments public and private, and devote the Remainder of my Life to writing.

Your Story of Smytegeld is very droll.

The Vindiciæ contra Tyrannos was written by Languet earlier as you Say than the time of the long Parliament but it was then reprinted in England and translated.

Shase was the Wat Tyler of the Massachusetts.—

I omitted the ordinance of the 13. July 1787 because I had not room for it in the Volume.2

how far it will be proper for3 the President to interpose, in your favour in your affair in Holland, I pretend not to say. My Advice is that you write to the President, Stating the whole of the Facts and requesting his assistance by his Minister, as far as may be proper. it will probably produce an Instruction to assist you at least in a private Way.

I was Surprized to find that you had given Such particular Attention to my Volumes, and am much flattered with your favourable opinion and ingenious Compliments. The Necessity of Reaction to counterpoise Action, is pursued further than it ever was before in any Age or Language that I know of. The opinion is as ancient as Zeno as We learn from Diogenes Laertius.— I think this may be asserted without Hesitation that every Example in History proves that Peace, 252 & Liberty, can be united only by the Equilibrium of three Branches, because there is not one Example to be found of Peaceful Liberty without it.— and it is not to be wondered at because human Passions are all insatiable— They will move and increase in motion untill they are resisted. This quality in Men explains all the Phenomena in Government.

I am flattered in Letters from Europe, with Compliments that the Science of Government has not been so much improved Since the Writings of Montesquieu &c But notwithstanding this, the Books will not be much read.4 So far from flattering they offend the Passions and counteract the Views of all Parties—of Courts Kings and Ministers—of senates Aristocrates and all the Pride of noble Blood—and of Democrates and all the Licentious Rabbles, who wish to fish in troubled Waters.— a Wish for Unlimited Power is the natural Passion of each of these orders, and no Doctrine pleases but that which flatters the ruling Passion. Whether human Reason will ever get the better of all these Prejudices and be able to govern Such Passions I know not. I will never cease to preach my favourite Doctrine, untill I die

yours with much Esteem

John Adams

RC (PHi:Francis Adrian Van der Kemp Coll.); internal address: “Mr Fra Ad. Van der Kemp.” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 115.

1.

See Van der Kemp’s letter of 7 Jan., and note 21, above.

2.

JA alluded to the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 at the end of his Defence of the Const. , arguing that the “magnitude of territory, the population, the wealth and commerce, and especially the rapid growth of the United States” warranted the establishment of a constitutional government (vol. 19:146; JA, Defence of the Const. , 3:505).

3.

In the LbC, CA wrote instead, “in the power of.”

4.

For the composition and reception of JA’s Defence of the Const. , see vols. 18:544, 546–550; 19:130–132.

From John Adams to John Brown and John Brown Francis, 28 February 1790 Adams, John Brown, John Francis, John Brown
To John Brown & John Brown Francis
Gentlemen New York Feb. 28. 1790

Your Letter of the 16th. I recd only by the Post of last Wednesday.—1 I am really much affected at the obstinate Infatuation of So great a Part of the People of Rhode Island. It is inconceivable how men of common Sense can reconcile Such a Conduct to their Understandings men of common Honesty, to their Consciences; or men of human Feelings, to their Hearts.

Do the Antis of Rhode Island expect that the Congress of twelve States will Send them a Petition, to pray them humbly, to take a 253 Share in the great Council of the Nation? or do they wait for the President to Send them an Ambassador in great Pomp and State to negotiate their Accession to the Union?

The Inhabitants of Rhode Island are Freemen and I presume will be treated like Freemen. Congress will not think themselves authorised, by the Principles they profess, to make a Conquest of that People, or to bring them into the Union by Coertion. If the Convention should reject the Constitution or adjourn without Adopting it, Congress will probably find it necessary to treat them as they are, as Foreigners, and extend all the Laws to them as such. This will be disagreable because it will involve our Friends in Inconvenience as well as others. But You know that in all national Calamities, the Same Fortune attends the good and the Evil the Just and unjust. Providence itself does not distinguish, and Nations cannot. If the Lime, the Barley and all other Articles whether of foreign or domestic Growth or Manufacture, should be Subjected to a Duty, it would soon shew your People that their Interests are in the Power of their Neighbours.

The benign Influence of the new Constitution upon the Commerce, Manufactures and Agriculture of the Country, has been already Seen and felt, in as great a degree as the most Sanguine Admirer of it, could have reasonably expected. If the People of your State will not be convinced either by Reasoning or Experience, what can be done? but to let them have their Way, and treat them like Aliens as they choose to be considered?

I cannot however doubt, but that when the Convention meets and begin to think converse and debate upon the Subject a majority of reasonable Men will be found.

I am Gentlemen, with great / Regard your most humble servant

John Adams

RC (RHi:John Brown Papers); internal address: “Messieurs Brown and Francis / Providence.” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 115.

1.

In a letter of 16 Feb. (Adams Papers), the Providence mercantile firm informed JA that Antifederalists continued to thwart Rhode Island’s ratification of the Constitution and sought JA’s intervention, hopeful that Congress would respond directly and forcefully to Gov. John Collins’ 19 Sept. 1789 memorial, for which see Jabez Bowen’s letter of 28 Dec., and note 4, above.