Papers of John Adams, volume 20
The Communicating our Sentiments to men in power, when done with the respect due to their characters, and without a troublesome intrusion, is at all times a mark of Veneration and esteem. upon these ideas I Venture to address a letter to the Vice President of the United states, and which he will read, when his leisure will admit a moment of heedless employment.
I am very deeply impressed with the disagreeable situation of N Carolina, Rhode Island, and Vermont. though I am very sensible that your Situation and ability have placed you far beyond the reach of my suggesting any thing new to you upon the subject, yet I wish to be indulged one word.
great expectation of happiness and prosperity are raised upon the general Government. these are still heightned by the idea of the Characters who have the administration of it. but the system, perfect as it is, or may be, or the Governors, however wise, or prudent, 16 cannot afford to man, that perfect ease and enjoyment, which his fond hopes are reaching after, and which the Wisdom of heaven hath decreed he cannot possess.
I beleive we shall be as happy as any nation in the world, but not as happy as we expect to be: Government as Doctor Price says, being but the choice of evils.1
When our officers have a naked competency, and our national Debt creates Either an imaginary, or a real burthen, our people may become in some measure uneasy. the raising a revenue by Impost, is clearly the best Mode in the world; but while it was thought a virtue to prevent the British revenue raised on the Colonies, our Merchants contracted habits which Interest, or Necessity may suffer some of them to indulge, and it would be no wonder that a partial uneasiness, or possibly a limitted disaffection to a young Government, should take place for awhile. if any thing of this kind should happen, and the States above mentioned should remain unconnected with the confederated republic, they will become asylums for fugitives from Justice, and increase their number by lessening the risque of offending; and greatly serve to promote the Subversion of the Revenue and other Laws.
I could point out many Mischiefs arising from this source, and you might call them imaginary ones. but if they might really exist, it would be more useful to prescribe a remedy, but this I cannot pretend to. and yet as I dread a civil contest, and am very averse to that kind of war, which calls for halters and axes, I beg leave to mention the necessity of an Early attempt by Congress, to unite all the States; and that before any interdiction of commerce with those which are delinquent Congress should address the Legislatures of those States with Solicitude on the subject, point out to them their unfortunate Situation, and the necessity which the Republic is under of taking decided measures to bring them under the general Government, and protection. let me add, the idea of a Letter for this purpose being Signed by the President at the request of Congress. should this fail, perhaps the giving Individuals who shall take the oath of Alegiance, the priviledge of Citizens, may weaken the force, and distract the Councils of the opposition, and bring on a conviction of the necessity of a union.
however small these observations may appear to you, yet you will suffer the goodness of my intentions to apologize for them; for I assure you that I dread a delay in this important business— because I 17 beleive, that soon after the Revenue Laws, and the restrictions on trade shall begin to opperate a present benefit will arise which may strengthen the opposition.
The People of the Eastern part of this state where I once was conversant are uneasy at having no port of delivery, or of Entry, Eastward of Portland. the shore is two hundred miles long, and they will suffer great inconvenience by being obliged to Enter at Portland, my Friends that way have urged me to write you on the subject expressing their confidence in your goodness.2
I am Sir with the highest / sentiments of respect your most / obedient Humble Servant
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “His Excellency John Adams.”
“The choice generally offered us is ‘of two evils to take the
least.’ We chuse the restraint of civil government, because a less evil than anarchy”
(Richard Price, Observations on the Importance of the American
Revolution, London, 1784, p. 17).
After the first draft of the 8 May collection bill was tabled in the House of Representatives, Pennsylvania congressman Thomas Fitzsimons introduced a second bill on 27 May. Debate centered on the establishment of ports of entry and delivery. On 2 June representatives agreed that Portland was one of the Massachusetts ports. A day later, the House added eight more ports, all in the region of present-day Maine. Rather than amend the 27 May bill, Massachusetts representative Benjamin Goodhue presented the House with a new bill on 29 June, later known as the Collection Act. Passed on 31 July, this legislation allotted twenty ports to Massachusetts, including six northeast of Portland: Bath, Wiscasset, Penobscot, Frenchman Bay, Machias, and Passamaquoddy.
As part of the establishment of a federal system of revenue, the
Collection Act divided the states into districts and established ports in all states
save North Carolina and Rhode Island, which were treated as foreign states owing to
their pending ratification of the Constitution. Further, the act summarized the duties
of collectors, naval officers, and inspectors. Collectors were responsible for
examining ships’ manifests, estimating and collecting duties for the U.S. Treasury,
basic record-keeping, monitoring fraud, and appointing inspectors. They were entitled
to fees of $1.50 to $2.50 on every ship that entered or cleared the port, of 20 to 40
cents each for every permit or certificate they issued, and at nine of the largest
ports, of one half of a percent of all money collected and sent to the U.S. Treasury.
By 1792, the income garnered from customs yielded over 90 percent of the federal
revenue. JA received numerous patronage requests for new posts created by
the Collection Act; see, for example, Stephen Hall’s letter of 15 Aug. 1789, below (
First Fed.
Cong.
, 1:102; 3:73, 100, 813, 814;
Annals of Congress
,
1st Cong., 1st sess., 1:433, 434, 435;
U.S. Statutes at
Large
, 1:29–49; Douglas A. Irwin and Richard Sylla, Founding Choices: American Economic Policy in the 1790s, Chicago, 2011, p.
101).
th1789
I have received the letter you did me the honour to write me on the first of this month with its inclosures: The Letter to The President is conceived with propriety & expressed with decency. As the 18 Investigation of the Characters, Services, Qualifications, and all other pretensions of every Candidate for public employment, is constitutionally, in the President in the first Instance; General Knox’s Advice to you was very proper, and I know of no other Course you can pursue.1 As the Journals & debates of the House are regularly published you will have early information of all the Offices which may be created & will have opportunity to accomodate your application to the Circumstances as they rise—2
It would be to me at all times a pleasing Employment, if I had it in my Power, to contribute to the happiness of a deserving Man & a virtuous Family; but in this buisness is out of my sphere, I can do no more than relate the truth as far I may know it, whenever I may be interrogated concerning Facts—
I am Sir with much Esteem / Your most Obedt & humble Servant
LbC (Adams Papers); internal address: “The Honourable Saml Barrett Esqre— / Boston—”; APM Reel 115.
Frequently, JA replied to the flood of patronage requests much as he did here, reiterating the Constitution’s stipulation that such nominations were a presidential power alone.
Throughout the summer, American newspapers printed the full text
of the judiciary bill, which included provisions for the appointment of clerks; see,
for example, the Boston Gazette, 29 June; Pennsylvania Packet, 29 June. John Beckley, clerk of the
House, and Samuel Allyne Otis, secretary of the Senate, contracted with private
printers to publish journals that appeared at the opening of each congressional
session (vol. 19:478;
First Fed.
Cong.
, 1:x, 2:vii, 3:xiv).