By a vessel that departs from hence in half an hour bound for the Potowmack I send you some authentic papers which contain details of the late revolution in the government of France.1 Mr Jefferson’s 109 last letter to me is dated on the 16th. He confirms most of the facts contained in the printed letter of M. Nairac and in the “Extrait d’une lettre de Paris”—and concludes by remarking that tho’ the people of Paris are still in such a heat in consequence of the late bloodshed that they distrust the royal word and continue arming—yet that he (Mr Jefferson) believes that the king is now perfectly sincere in his surrender at discretion to the states general and will do whatsoever they desire him.2 All the troops that were lately assembled in the vicinity of Versailles and Paris are actually on their march to the frontier towns of the kingdom

The Queen, it is whisperd, has retired into a Convent of which she is foundress—for the present—near Versailles. Madam De Polinac has escaped to England. Count D’Artois has fled to his brother in law the King of Sardinia. The Condee’s, Conte’s Marschal de Broglio and those ministers and instruments of the court cabal who had the temerity to assemble forty thousand troops to overawe, or dissolve the states general and crush every hope of a thorough national reform have been most egregiously out-general’d and miserably defeated.3 A number of those capital culprits will be impeach’d. The soldiers the subaltern officers, the inferior clergy the lower middling and opulent classes in the cities and many patent nobles and great land holders in the country are so united in sentiment upon this great occasion and the spirit of the nation is so hot for the measure that nothing can prevent it but a miraculous mitigation of the public temper. M. Neckar on the contrary and Count Montmorrin, the two honest ministers whose dismission from office of late exile was the signal of conflict between the Court and Country—will doubtless be re-instated4

On the 17th of July the King entered Paris guarded by the burgers only and the late President of the Commons, M. Bailly, now Mayor of Paris delivered to him the keys of that capital with a speech which I am told was to the following effect. “These keys that Henry the fourth restored to the City which he had conquer’d; in the name of the City are now restored to his descendent whom we have conquer’d.”5

The Marquis La Fayette being nominated by the armed Burgers of Paris commander in chief of their forces the states general approved the appointment and the king countersigning his commission has confirmed it. At this moment it is unquestionably the first command in the nation. The most moderate accounts state the number of armed people in Paris at two hundred thousand.

The french troops for refusing to butcher their fellow citizens when that blind old bigot De Brolio,6 instigated by a corrupt junto of courtesans and courtiers, not only commanded but endeavoured to seduce them to do it by an offer of the whole pillage of Paris—it is said have not only in general acquir’d credit but a part of them in particular have obtain’d renown and the universal applause of the country for their gallant deeds in behalf of their bleeding brethren the burgers, in whose ranks they fought till the mercenary germans were repuls’d and then led on the same city band to attack the arsenal and storm the bastile. In the display of this honourable generous and manly spirit which guided, emulated and guarded those neighbours whom they were commanded to slaughter the corps of french guards was greatly distinguish’d—especially in that daring assault of the bastile the success of which dismayed their enemies and still astonishes the nation. This same bastile is now level’d in the dust and razed to its lowest foundations. Most of the french guards I understand and many soldiers also of other royal regiments are now incorporated with the armd burgers of Paris who with reason love & cherish them and from whose associations they are never again to seperate. Perhaps this single circumstance may partly account for the immense number of parisians in arms—now under command of the Marquis. The same soul and spirit pervades the provinces—nor does it appear that in any quarter of the kingdom there exists the shadow of an opposition to the measures of the states general nor one murmur of sympathy in favour of the court or king.

In a word the monarch & his ministers mistook the temper of the times and grossly miscalculated both in despising the intrepidity of citizens and disbelieving the patriotism of soldiers. I rejoice that their error is as irretrievable as it is conspicuous. I rejoice that the people are triumphant—that the rights of man are asserted—that freedom prospers—that tyranny withers—and that despotism is dying—in France.

Will Mrs Adams and yourself have the goodness thus abruptly to accept my best compliments and believe me always to be / with unalterable affection / and respect / Your Most Obed Servt.

I had often considered your Situation, before the Receipt of your Letter of the 16th, and I had hoped you would “Possess yourself in Patience.” If you already draw a Picture Teste di legno and talk of sharpening an Ax for Decapitation, what am I to look for in the Run of a Twelvemonth?

I do not like your diminutive italien Idea. You who are said to be more than half british ought to have called yourself a spare Rudder or Mainmast; and that would have given me a fine oppertunity to comment upon the Parsimony of those who will not pay for a good one when the Length and Risk of an Enterprise demand such a 113 precautionary Duplicate. Once more however I recur to the Tëte-debois—tis a delphic one you must own; and you are to expect the dilectable Chance of being applied to in all Cases of Difficulty; I do not mean when the Judgement of the Senate is in Reality at Moieties, For, that will not be the Event one Time in Fifty, while 49 Times relative Contingencies of Popularity will balance the Votes and your oracular Decision will have the Praise or Blame. “You have decided in Favour of the Power of the Prime because you look up to that Goal.” If I did not know you well I would not write thus to you. A weak Man only would be discouraged by such Suggestions of the Base. All whom you esteem here are pleased with your Vote. But better than that, I know you have your own Approbation upon your own Principles which lead regularly to impavidum ferient ruinæ.1

I feel at this Period redoubled mortifications that you was not at Home when I dined with your Lady and conversed with Doctr. Tufts upon the Point of Time when the continental Government was to affect our Laws of Revenue. He conceded to my Idea that we could not be deranged ’till the compleat Organization of Congress, when I expected a Proclamation from the President directing the Continuence of the offices & officers of the Confederation till further orders, and providing against any Derangements in the individual States, where the new Constitution might be naturally supposed to interfere—till the legislative measures of Congress should be in Operation.—

I have 8 or 9 Causes of Libels to be tried this Week some of them as high as twelve hundred pounds; and I am told most of the Bar are engaged together for mutual Assistance to defend upon the principle that no Impost Law has been in Force here since ——— I know not when.

“Congress” are to have such and such Powers—“and to make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States”2

If these Seizures of mine are acquitted all the Duties I have collected in the Period, be it what it may, are to be refunded.— It was upon that Paragraph of the VIIIth Section, that I fixed for the Termination of my State Collection of Impost. what say the Merchants of N york or Philada. respecting State Duties? Is it only here that Doubts exist? I can give only one of two Reasons why a Proclamation did not appear. The Idea at Head Quarters must have been either that Nobody could suppose we had a Right here to Impost or 114 that nobody could doubt but that we had it— yet, in Fact, there is a great Division of Sentiment upon the Point.

I have directed the Attorney General to go forward by Demurrer or Appeal. And I had advised the supreme Judges to converse upon the Subject as they were riding the Eastern Circuit or smoaking their Evening Pipes together.

Have we now the Right of Tender? In my opinion the Constitution decides that without the necessity of any Law of Congress. Can a Pyrate be now tried? our Law is sufficient till congress promulge one. This last Principle avails in the Impost. Excuse my Impertinence in showing my Opinion, while I meant to intreat yours.

I salute You and your Lady and Family cordially. Pardon the Slovenlyness, I have detained the Postmaster already too long from his Office

Your devoted Friend