I have, this morning received your Letter of the 18th., George Chalmers, I have Seen in London. He is a Scot, who adventured to Maryland and practised Law,. When Hostilities commenced, he fled to the British Army in N. York. He has much of the Scornful, fastidious Temper of his nation; has been a very bitter Tory: but is a laborious writer. There is no Second Volume of his Annals, and as he has had the Art of obtaining Some Employment under the present Ministry, I Suppose it probable, that he will neither find Profit nor Pleasure to tempt him, to labour longer at Annals.

Mr Fenno asked my Leave to publish the Letters to Kalkoen, and I consented.— There was never any other Reason for printing them, more than a dozen Volumes of others, but this, that the originals of 105 them, were on loose Papers, instead of proper Letter Books; and consequently in continual danger of being lost.—1 Mr Jay has Surprized me, Since I came here, by Shewing me, Six folio Volumes of my dispatches to Congress, recorded in a beautiful hand. He has taken the Same prudent Care of the Dispatches of all the other American Ministers abroad—so that this branch of our History is well Secured.— Private Letters however, are often wanted as Commentaries on publick ones.— and many I fear will be lost, which would be necessary to shew the Secret Springs.2

There are Several Circumstances, which I wish were preserved Somewhere, of much Importance, to this End, which are in danger of being lost—respecting the opposition to Bernard and Hutchinson and British Ministers and Measures in the Massachusetts—to the formation of the Union of the Colonies in 1774—to the organization of our Army in 1775—To the Negotiations in France, and Holland—and to many other Events.

some of these ought not to be public, but they ought not to be lost.— My Experience, has very much diminished my Faith in the Veracity of History.— it has convinced me, that many of the most important facts are concealed.— some of the most important Characters, but imperfectly known—many false facts imposed on Historians and the World—and many empty Characters displayed in great Pomp.— All this I am Sure will happen in our American History.

The Idea, that a Party or Faction should demolish thirteen, established Governments, and erect as many new ones, in opposition to the Sense of the People, and in opposition to large Armies and powerful Fleets, is ridiculous.—

The Anecdote of Baron De Kalb, that you enquire after, never came to my Knowledge.— De Kalb was in America, before the War, and not long after the Peace of 1763, but it was accidental; owing to shipwreck as I have heard—very probably he might make Such a Report that the Americans were indissolubly attached to England to the French Ministry: but I dont believe he ever was sent by them.

After the Loss of Canada, the vast Addition to the naval Power and commercial Advantages of England, allarmed the French very much and there is no doubt, that the thought of assisting the British Colonies to throw off the yoke, occurred to them—as the Loss of America now rankling in the hearts and tingling in the Veigns of the English nation, is every day suggesting to them, Projects of Assisting the Spaniards of South America to Seperate from Spain. Monsieur Le Roi, a french Accademician, who had been acquainted with Dr 106 Franklin in England, upon introducing him at Paris to some Members of the Accademy of Sciences, Said Voila Monsieur Frankland, qui est de ce Pays la en Amerique, qui nous debarrassera, un jour de ces Angloises. 3 This Le Roi told me in Presence of Franklin who Said he remembered it very well.— This sentiment I doubt not had its Influence in procuring Franklin to be elected a Member of that Accademy.— But it was a vague tho general Presentiment—and no explicit Advances were ever made to him or any one else by the French Court, till 1775.—

I Shall have more occasion for Apology than you have, if I proceed. The oftener you write me, and the more you enquire of me the more you will oblige, sir your / most obedient

I have persecuted you, too much with my Letters.— I beg you would give yourself no trouble to answer them, but when you are quite at Leisure, from more important Business or more agreable Amusement.

I deny; that there is or ever was in Europe a more free Republic than England, or that any Liberty on Earth ever equalled English Liberty, notwithstanding the defects in their Constitution.

The Idea of admitting absolute Monarchy into this Country, either in this or the next Century Strikes me with horror. a little Wisdom at present, may preserve a free Government in America, I hope for ever—certainly for many Centuries.

I agree with you, that hereditary Monarchy and hereditary Aristocracy, ought not yet to be attempted in America—and that three 107 ballanced Branches, ought to be at Stated Periods elected by the People. This must and will and ought to continue, till Intrigue and Corruption Faction and Sedition Shall appear in those Elections to Such a degree as to render hereditary Institutions a Remedy against a greater Evil.

I learned in my Youth, from one of my Preceptors. Vattel. B.2. c.3 ss.41. that “a Nation may grant to its Conductor, what degree of Authority and what rights it thinks proper: it is equally free, in regard to the Name, the Titles, and honours, with which it would decorate him. But it is agreable to its Wisdom, and of Importance to its Reputation, not to deviate, in this respect, too much from the Customs’ commonly received among civilized Nations. Let Us Still observe, that it ought to be directed there by Prudence, to proportion titles and honours to the Power of its Superiour and to the Authority with which it would invest him. Titles and Honours, it is true, determine nothing; they are vain names and vain Ceremonies when they are ill placed: but who does not know the Influence they have, on the Thoughts of Men? This is then a more Serious Affair than it appears at the first glance. The Nation ought not to degrade its conductor, by too low a Title. it ought to be Still more careful not to Swell his heart with a vain name, by unbounded honours; So as to make him conceive the Thoughts of arrogating to himself a Power answerable to them, or to acquire a proportionable Power by unjust Conquests. on the other hand, an important Title may engage the Conductor, to Support with greater firmness the Dignity of a Nation. Conjunctures determine the Prudence which observes in every Thing a just Proportion.”1 All the Reading Observation and Reflection of thirty or 35 Years, have confirmed these Truths in my mind.

Among the Romans Scipio was Imperator, and Cæsar was Pontifex Maximus.— They were Tribunus Sacer, Pater conscriptus, and Patronus excellentissimus, on all Occasions, and the Prolocutor of the Senate, was Prince of the Senate. There is not a grosser Error, in the World, than the common saying that the Romans had no Titles.

We come now to your Question, which has great Weight and solidity. “If We begin with Titles where will they end?” it is true, as you Say, “the States Still retain the Power of creating Titles.” or at least they may claim it.— You ask another very important and difficult Question “By what Rule Shall We Settle Precedency.?[”]

I will neither undertake to answer, Where We shall end, nor to determine the Rule— But this I will venture to say, that We never shall have, either Government or Tranquility or Liberty, untill Some 108 Rule of Preceedency is adopted, and some Titles settled. The question is not whether Titles shall be admitted into our Country. They are already in it, and you will annihilate the Nation before you will eradicate them.— The question is whether Provincial, Titles or Diplomatic Titles, can preserve or Acquire Consideration at home or abroad to a national Government.— I totally deny that there is any Thing in Reason or Religion against Titles proportional to Ranks and Trusts. and I affirm, that they are indispensably necessary to give Dignity and Energy to Government— and on this ground alone I am an Advocate for them. in my private Character, I despise them as much at least as any Quaker, or Philosopher on Earth.

You may depend on being the Contempt, the Scorn and the Derision of all Europe, while you call your national Condutor, General or President— You may depend on another Thing—the State Governments will ever be upper most, in America in the Minds of our own People, till you give a Superiour Title to your first national Magistrate.

The most modest Title you can give him, in any reasonable Proportion, to the Wealth, Power and Population of this Country and to the constitutional Authority and Dignity of his office is “His Majesty, the President.” This is my opinion, and I Scorn to be hypocrite enough to disguise it.— Miracles will not be wrought for Us. We dont deserve them.— if We will have Government, We must Use human and natural means. Titles and Ranks are as essential to Government, as Reason and Justice.— in short government is nothing else but Titles Ceremonies and Ranks. They alone enable Reason to produce Justice.

I am with Usual Esteem and regard / dear sir your