The Vice President of the United States has the honour to present his humble Opinion, on the Points proposed, for his consideration.

1. That an Association with all kinds of company, and a total Seclusion from Society, are extreams, which, in the actual Circumstances of this Country, and under our form of Government, may be properly avoided.

2. The System of the President, will gradually devellope itself in practice, without any formal Communication to the Legislature, or publication from the Press. Paragraphs in the public Prints, may, however appear from time to time, without any formal Authority, that may lead and reconcile the Public Mind.

3. considering the number of Strangers from many Countries and of Citizens from various States, who will resort to the Seat of Government, it is doubted whether two days in a Week, will not be indispensable, for Visits of Compliment. a little experience however, will elucidate this point.

4. Under the fourth head, it is Submitted to Consideration, whether all personal Applications, ought not to be made, in the first Instance to a Minister of State? Yet an Appeal Should be open by Petition to the President, who, if he judges the Subject worthy of it, may admit the Party to a personal Interview. Access to the Supream Magistrate, ought not to be rigorously denied, in any Case, that is worthy of his Consideration.— Nevertheless, in every Case, the Name, Quality, and, when these are not Sufficient to raise a Presumption, in their favour, the business, ought to be communicated to a Chamberlain, or Gentleman in waiting, who, Should judge, whom to admit and whom to exclude.— Some limitation of time, may be necessary too, as for example from eight to nine or ten; for without it, the whole forenoon, or the whole day may be taken up.

5. There is no doubt, that the President, may invite, what official Characters, Members of Congress, Strangers or Citizens of Distinction, he pleases, in Small Parties, without exciting Clamours: but this Should always be done, without formality,2

6. The Entertainments mentioned, in this Article, would much more properly be made, by a Minister of State for foreign or domestic affairs, or Some other Minister of State, or the Vice President, 459 either of whom, upon Such occasions the President in his private Character might honour with his Presence. But in no Case whatever, can I conceive it proper, for the President to make any formal public Entertainment.

7. There can be no impropriety, in the Presidents, making or receiving informal Visits, among his Friends or Acquaintances, at his Pleasure.— Undress, and few Attendants will Sufficiently Shew, that Such Visits, are made as a Man and a Citizen, a Friend or Acquaintance. But in no case whatever Should a Visit be made or returned in form by the President; at least unless an Emperor of Germany or some other Sovereign Should travel to this Country.— The Presidents pleasure Should absolutely decide, concerning his Attendance at Tea Parties, in a private Character; and no Gentleman or Lady ought ever to complain, if he never, or rarely Attends. The Presidents private Life, Should be at his own discretion, and the World Should respectfully acquiesce: but, as President he Should have no intercourse with society, but upon public Business, or at his Levees. This distinction it is with submission apprehended ought to govern the whole Conduct.

8 A Tour might, no doubt be made, with great Advantage to the Public, if the time can be Spared. but it will naturally be considered, as foreign affairs arrive every day, and the Business of the executive and judicial departments will require constant Attention, whether the Presidents Residence will not necessarily be confined to one Place.

Observation.

The civil List ought to provide for the Presidents Household.— What number of Chamberlains, Aids de Camp, Secretaries, Masters of Ceremonies &c will become necessary, it is difficult to foresee. but Should not all Such establishments be distinct from the allowance to the President for his Services, which is mentioned in the Constitution.? in all Events the Provision for the President and his Household, ought to be large and ample.— The Office, by its legal Authority, defined in the Constitution, has no equal in the World, excepting those only which are held by crowned Heads; nor is the Royal Authority, in all Cases, to be compared to it. The Royal Office, in Poland, is a mere Shadow, in comparison of it.— The Dogeship of Venice, and the Statholdership in Holland, are not So much. neither Dignity, nor Authority, can be Supported in human Minds collected into nations or any great numbers without a Splendor and Majisty, in Some degree, proportioned to them. The Sending and 460 receiving Ambassadors, is one of the most Splendid and important Prerogatives of Sovereigns absolute or limited; and this, in our Constitution, is3 in the President— if the State and Pomp, essential to this great Department, are not in a good degree preserved, it will be in vain for America to hope for consideration, with foreign Powers. These observations are Submitted, after all, with diffidence; conscious that my long Residence abroad, may have impressed me with Views of Things, incompatible with the present Temper and Feelings of our Fellow Citizens: and with a perfect disposition to acquiesce in whatever may be the Result of the Superiour Wisdom of the President.

Your favour of the 19 of March deserves a particular consideration and answer, which I have not, till now, been able, from a multitude of avocations some frivolous yet indispensable, others of more consequence, to give it.

The Influence which you Suppose I may have as President of the Senate, will be found to be very little, if any at all. you Say the Eastern States must not be Suspected: but you know as well as I, that they have been suspected these fifteen years and in order to be not suspected, or at least not pretended to be suspected, either they or Some other States must not exist, unless those other States send different Members to Congress from some that they have always sent.— The Place will make little odds—in Georgia, in Maryland, in Pensylvania and in New York, Suspicion real or feigned would be the Same.— 2. I cannot See that a Union of Virginia, Pensylvania and Massachusetts, in fixing the Seat of Government, at one place more than another, would increase or diminish their Influence in Any future distribution of the great Offices of State, nor do I think that this Circumstance ought to have any Weight in Elections or appointments. 3. I see no Symptoms of a corrupt Influence here, 461 more than I always saw at Philadelphia and the Inhabitants of this City appear as decidedly federal as those of any other Place. 4. The foreign Ministers will have very little Influence, in determining the Place, in all other respects their Influence will be the Same in Philadelphia as in New York. 5. I own however that I love Philadelphia quite as well as New York, and the noble Libraries there would be a strong temptation to me. 6. I think the danger in this article is very probable. and a federal Town, to the southward of Chesapeak Bay, would be terrible to the health of many Gentn. but what think you of the federal Town at Trenton? 7. I doubt whether conducting Members of Congress to inspect the Treasury Books, is dishonourable. I rather think it lawdable.— but I cant see however that the Treasury Books should determine where Congress is to Set. 8. I wish I knew the Names of the Gentlemen, the leading Characters who were unfriendly to my Election, not to make me unfriendly to them but the contrary, as far as their Views are for the public Good—as far as they are contrary to that good I should oppose them [as] friends or Ennemies. I know very well I have many Friends in Philadelphia, many more and more sincere than in New York: but all this ought not to influence me, in giving Votes for public Measures.

But to come to the Point I am Situated in the Constitution,1 in a manner, that will render it proper for me to be neutral in Such a Contest.— I Shall never be a zealous Advocate for sitting in New York, because I am not convinced that it is more for the public Advantage, than to sit elsewhere.

Let me now if you please remember your Letter of 22d of April.

My Situation, at the head of the Senate, where I was placed by the People at large, not as the Members were by their Legislatures, instead of giving me an influence as you Suppose will prevent me, from having any.— Mr Wilson, I have long known esteemed and respected: but, if I had a Vote, I could not promise to give it for him to be Chief Justice.— All Things considered, that have ever come to my Knowledge I feel myself inclined to wish, because I am fully convinced that Services, Hazards, Abilities and Popularity, all properly weighed, the Ballance, is in favour of Mr Jay.— one of the Judges, I wish Mr Wilson to be: and the difference is not great between the first and the other Judges.

You Say I had not a firmer Friend in the late Election. I must protest against this mode of reasoning. I am not obliged to vote for a Man because he voted for me, had my Office been ever so lucrative or ever so important.— But ask your own heart.— is not my Election 462 to this Office, in the Scurvy manner it was done, a curse rather than a Blessing?— Is there Gratitude? is there Justice? is there common Sense or decency in this Business? Is it not an indelible Stain on our Country, Countrymen and Constitution? I assure You I think it so. and nothing but an Apprehension of great Mischief, and the final failure of the Government, from my Refusal and assigning my reasons for it, prevented me from Spurning it.—

Now my Friend We start fair— Never must I again hear a Selfish Motive urged to me, to induce My Vote or Influence in publick affairs.

I never served the Public one moment in my Life, but to the loss and injury of myself and my Children, and I Suffer as much by it, at this moment as ever.

I am with great Esteem dear sir your / Friend & sert