Papers of John Adams, volume 19

To John Adams from Mercy Otis Warren, 7 May 1789 Warren, Mercy Otis Adams, John
From Mercy Otis Warren
Sir. Plimouth May 7th 1789

Presuming on the Confidential & unremiting Friendship that has long subsisted between us; Grounded on the close connextion commenced with mr Warren in the early part of your life; I again address you without waiting an answer to my last, which according to your usual politeness & punctuallity I doubt not will be noticed as soon as the particular engagments that have lately occupied your attention; the Etequitte of the entire public & the Consequent ceremonies are a little over.

I do not mean to flatter the most virtuous as the most Elevateed characters but I must assure you sir I have too high an opinion of yours to Imagine it will ever suffer a dimunition in my mind from any failure in a friendship which I always thought formed on the purest principles—strengthend by mutual Confidence & exertion in every patriotic measure: & increased by a thousand circumstances of fiery tryal through the arduous struggle for the liberties of America—

You my dear sir have successfully surmounted all: you have baffled the intrigues of your Foes: have reached the acma of applause: & are placeed in a situation to do eminent service to your Country to Establish your family & to assist most Esentially your Friends: Gen Warren has unfortunatly been the butt of party malice headed by a man (I know you very justly & heartily despise) who by his machinations has destroyed his public influence and aided by some others for very obvious designs have most injuriously traduced his character, & wish to ruin his Family.1 But Mr Adams: is the last man in the united states who I should suppose would listen to the misrepresentations: or be impressed by the Calumnies of open or disguized Ennemies to the prejudice of an old & a tryed Friend— A friend whose zeal & exertions in the public Cause You are acquainteed with & 440 whose integrity you never Could suspect. perhaps no other person has for so many years possessed so Great a share of his Esteem & Confidence as yourself: of Consequence it must be supposed that you know his undisguzed temper & sentiments much better than any one of the several descriptions of men who have stuck at no Falshoods or even forgeries to prostrate his political character.

You sir will be sensible on a short recollection whence these Reflections have arisen.— I yet Consider the free & explicit manner of some late Conversations as a mark of your sincerity & Friendship—and though none of my Family are soliciting at Court I am perswaded you will not forget them at a time when you have it so much in your power to oblige—without injury to yourself, your Family or Your Country: but on the Contrary may indulge the feelings of the Friend & the patriot by an attention to the interest of a Gentleman who has an equal Claim from his Country with any man, that is if a uniform attachment therto: & an indefatigable industry to support its welfare joined with the strictest probaty Can justify that claim.

But the vindictive spirit of his enemies not sufficiently Gratified by their too succesful Efforts against him. have endeavoureded to wound in a still more tender part by leveling their envenomed shafts at the reputation of a son— Was there a propriety in Calling of your attention at this time to private objects I Could give you a curious detail of facts relative to this matter— Yet I do not think it by any means necessary in order to secure your patronage.— I am sure of it: whenever an opportunity offers to serve any one of a Family personnally Attached from infancy to You & Yours.—

This is a very free letter. but when I have been used to write & converse with the simplicity of Truth & the unreserve of Confidential Esteem, neither rank nor station. nor distance or time will check the disposition to “throw open the Volume of the soul.” Especilley where candor has heretofore beheld its contents with the most favorable Eye: I shall only lock myself up in reserve when Convinced there is no stability in human Friendships by Mr Adams forgetfulness off or indiference towards such an invariable Friend as I know he has (from his first entrance in life) possessed in mr Warren.—

But though Ill treated maligned & persecuted in a most unjust & singular manner: he yet bears & has borne the unprovoked abuse with the Dignity of Conscious rectitude & that philosophe calmness which is never the companion of insurgency Anarchy or Fraud. I always have thought those Ideas when applied to a person of his 441 established & uniform character were too ridiculous to require a serious refutation: till by a strange combination of parties (inviduous to each other & who have only united when it would aid the depression of a man of too much independence of mind to subserve their designs.) they have in some instances been so succesful as to injure him in the Opinion of some he highly Esteems.—

But time will make curious disclosures—when [full] Sir, may be astonished to find the incendiaries, who fomented the discontents among the ignorant & miserable insurgents of the Massachusets in a class, least suspected by the world.— by persons who to screen their own Guilt fabricated & secretly caused the Vague & malignant rumour to light on one of the most decided friends to the Constitution & to his Country— a Gentleman whose services have been distinguished, whose patriotism has been unshaken & his Virtue uncorruptable— whose fortune has been impaired & whose Family have personnally suffered in the public Cause—Yet neither himself nor any one of a family of Young Gentleman of promisinng expectations have sustained any office of honour or Emolument since the commencment of the Constitution of massachusets.— I only mention these things from a sense of justice. from that justice which I would wish to exercise towards any one however disconnected were I equally sure of their merits and their mal treatment.—

you sir will excuse my detainining You thus long when I tell you the sensibility of my feeling heart has been awakned on many trying occasions: nor is it totally an uninteresting subject to yourself: for so fluctuating is the popular voice: and so replete with vicissitude are all human affairs.— that those whose “Commanding Good fortune” augurs no Change for the worse: may yet Contemplate in a more solemn hour the injustice the ingratitude & abuse experiencd by themselves: which has been felt before by some of their Friends

I will swell this long Epistle with only one truth more which I dare say I may ever subjoin to my correspondence with you, that I am respected sir. with Great Esteem your sincere well wisher— / Assured Friend. & very Humble servant

M Warren

RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs Mercy Warren / May 7. ansd. 29. 1789.”

1.

Warren referred to the alleged machinations of the family’s longtime political adversary, John Hancock. Gen. James Warren’s decades of bitter rivalry with Hancock became magnified as Massachusetts citizens debated ratification of the U.S. Constitution, with Hancock advocating approval of it and the Warrens backing Antifederalist lines of dissent supporting states’ rights and individual liberties. In Feb. 1788, Mercy Otis Warren anonymously wrote a popular nineteen-page pamphlet criticizing the federal blueprint of 442 checks and balances, calling it a “many-headed monster; of such motley mixture, that its enemies cannot trace a feature of Democratick or Republican extract” (Nancy Rubin Stuart, The Muse of the Revolution: The Secret Pen of Mercy Otis Warren and the Founding of a Nation, Boston, 2008, p. 173, 195–200; Mercy Otis Warren, Observations on the New Constitution, and on the Federal and State Conventions, [Boston, 1788], Evans, No. 21111).

From John Adams to Benjamin Lincoln, 8 May 1789 Adams, John Lincoln, Benjamin
To Benjamin Lincoln
Dear Sir New York May 8. 1789

I have received your kind favour of April 22d and Shall not be easy till it is answered, though it is not easy to find the time, amidst the Confusion of innumerable Visits, formal Ceremonials, Balls, Commencements, Levees, &ca &ca, blended with the constant more serious Duties of my Situtation.— I agree with you entirely, that among the first dangers to be apprehended is a contest between the general and particular Governments.— General Clinton, has decidedly acknowledged the Superiority of Rank; yet it may be prudent not to Say much upon this subject.— He has made the first Visit and ceded the first Step, both to President and Vice President.—1 This is indispensable in all the States. however frivolous you and I may hold this matter, it is the Pivot on which the great Question will turn, between the Authority of the national and that of the State Governments. This will be humiliating and mortifying to Govrs & Lt Governers; but they must submit to it, or they will infallibly undermine and overturn the whole system. to avoid which Calamity the Dignity and Splender of the Presidents office must be Supported.

There is a little Seeming difference of opinion between you and me in one Point.— it does not appear to me “extraordinary, that those whose fears were allarmed that a dangerous Aristocracy was forming” Should so soon be brought to adopt the System proposed to them. Nature and Art both concur, in having Recourse to one great officer, as a Protector against a dangerous Aristocracy. it is a common opinion that all those who dread or detest an Aristocracy must Still more dread and detest a Monarchy. but no opinion is more erroneous. the contrary is so true, that in every Instance Monarchy has been resorted to, as the only assylum against the eternal discords, the deadly Feuds, the endless ambition Avarice, Lust Cruelty, Jealousy, Envy and Revenge, of uncontrouled Aristocratics.— Where the People have had sen[. . .] Virtue, public Spirit and a Love of Liberty, they have had recourse to Limited Monarchy, and three Branches of Power. This has been the Case of America. large Monarchical 443 Powers, are given to the first office, in the new Constitution. It is true, that an excessive proportion of Aristocratical Powers Still exist, and it is much to be feared, that neither the Executive Authority in the President nor the Legislative Authority of the House of Reps. will be sufficient, to Stand long against the Powers of the senate.— But We may hope that a People, who have shewn already, that they see the necessity of Some ballance in a Government, will in time See the necessity of making that ballance compleat.

I agree perfectly with you, in opinion, that the Gentlemen the Men of Property, of the description you mention, are of vast importance, and that no quiet Govt. can ever be instituted or Supported without their Concurrence. that these will never be easy, and indeed ought not to be contented without a Security of their Property.— But give me leave to Say that these are not so unanimous as they ought to be, in the only opinion, the only measure, that can possibly ever answer their own honest End. They are by no means unanimous in a disposition to give a decided Support to the Independence, the Dignity and Splender of the Executive department. all will depend on this. it is more difficult to accomplish [. . .] to lead the common People right. But with[ou]t [. . . .] of Prophecy it may be clearly and certa[. . .] [for]etold [. . .] their Property will never be secure till this is done.

I am quite agreed with you, that nothing would Secure the national Government more than uniting all these Men in the manner you propose.— But We must not proceed very fast in this. at least this appears probable to me. The House of Representatives are of this the best Judges,.

If it should be in my Power to serve Col. Willy of Georgia, it would give me Pleasure.

your feelings and your Judgment decided right in my humble opinion, concerning a Journey here. it will be quite needless, I presume— tho no Man would be more glad to see you than, dear sir, your Friend & sert.

John Adams

RC (NHi:American Historical Manuscript Coll.); addressed: “His Honour / Benjamin Lincoln / Lt Governor of Massachusetts / Hingham”; internal address: “General Lincoln.” Some loss of text where the seal was removed.

1.

JA informed AA in a 22 April letter that upon his arrival in New York City, Gov. George Clinton, along with Mayor James Duane and “all the old officers of the Continental Government, and the Clergy, Magistrates and People,” hastened to show the vice president “every respect to me and to my office.” Clinton, then running for reelection, was also among the first to seek out and cultivate George Washington when he arrived ( AFC , 8:336; John P. Kaminski, George Clinton: Yeoman Politician of the New Republic, Madison, Wis., 1993, p. 188).