Papers of John Adams, volume 19

To John Adams from the Marquis de Lafayette, 9 April 1787 Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de Adams, John
From the Marquis de Lafayette
My dear Sir Paris April the 9th 1787

I Have long wished for a private opportunity to write to you, And while Expecting it, Have deprived myself of the pleasure to tell you my Opinion of Your Admirable Book— I Cannot Express, my dear Sir, the Satisfaction I felt in Reading of it—let those who study Constitutions in their Closet Say what they please—to Any one who Has Experience, Yours must Ever be the true principles— there is in that Book of yours much to learn, and much to think—it is the only one, not immediately Connected with the Affairs of our Assembly, which I Have Read these two months—But Cannot Sufficiently Express to you How much pleasure and improvement I Have found in it.

Our Assembly is Very solemn, and Behaves well— You Have Seen the Speeches made by the king, the Chancellor, and the financier—1 this last One was pretty well writen and prononced, But shallow, and Unsincere— in the plans, there are many good things, or Rather many Good titles for Chapters which we Have Made— Provincial assemblies we Shall get— some of our friends, who Agree with Mr Turgot’s democratic principles, were Surprised that I, a Republican in the Heart, did vote for such distinctions in the Assembly as would form or Rather prepare a check in future times, and a division in three Branches— the clergy Have Given up to the assemblies the Right of taking them proportionally— they will form But one order with the Noblesse— Both Have Renounced pecuniary privileges, some of which were offered By Governement. the Assembly Have advised measures Relative to the liberty of interior Commerce, the destruction of the Gabelle2 And the free Exportation of Corn.

As to Monney matters we Have Rejected the idea of a tax in kind, But Have declined giving an opinion upon Any plan of taxation untill we Had Returns of the Expenses of the two last years, and the plans for a Reduction in the future Expenditure of public monney— it will be the object of the last division, and not the Smoother one as you Easily Believe

a few days Before our Separation, Occasioned By the Holy days, M. de Calonne Has Spread two pamphlets, one of which By authority, the end of which was to deceive the Common Class of the people, and turn Against the Notables the Hatred that was levelled at Him—3 He Had Some, But not much Success— we will on our side 39 publish our observations on His plans, and the people will see who are His Advocates

does not all this, my dear Sir, Appear very strange to you? I do assure you there is great deal of firmness in the Assembly, and a very Great Majority Generally Vote Against the plans of the Court, not By intrigue, But from Conviction— M. de Calonne Has it is true many Ennemies—but indeed Has deserved them.

the day before we parted, I Had moved for an examination of all Sales, purchases, and Exchanges that Have taken place Between the king and Certain persons during His Reign— You must know that it is the pretence under which public Monney It is thrown a way upon princes of the Blood, Courtiers, and powerfull people—4 I was Seconded By the Bishop of langres—5 the Next day, the people Concerned in the Business, and particulary M. de Calonne, Hoping to intimidate me, Had it told By Count d’artois our president,6 that took the king wished Such motions were Signed— I accepted the challenge, and the next day Brought in the inclosed paper Signed By me to be given to the king which I Read first.

You may Show it to the family But not to Any other—and I Beg you will keep it from Any Body else’s Sight— it Has made some Noise Here—and as the king is very much displeased with me, it would make Him More Angry to find I Have Sent it abroad— So thus I Beg you will keep it to Yourself

I was Yesterday preparing for Action which I expected to fight to morrow with the minister, when I Heard He was dismissed—and so is the Garde des sceaux altho’ His Ennemy— M. de Lamoignon, a very clever man, And Mr̃ de Malesherbes’s Cousin is Garde des Sceaux— M. de Fourquisez an old and Sickly But Honest Man is Controleur gñl— the late one Remains at Versailles for some time.

Now the Man is down, I will not Hurt Him—but shall pursue the great men who Have Received too much public Monney— You easily Conceive this Has not lessened the list of my Ennemies—but the Bishop of langers and myself will Support our Motion

it is difficult to guess How this will end— I Hope Some good will Come out— Some seeds of liberty will be planted— Had Calonne Been an other man, we Could Have done still Better— But altho’ He Has been a depredator, I Aknowledge that He Has, By Rashness, if not from Better Motives, Carried the Nation ten years a Head of what they were Before the Assembly

40

All this for You and Smith—But Beg you will keep it within the family particularly the Copy of the motion. don’t be particular in your answers By Post. my Best Respects to the family. Yours

l.f.

RC and enclosure (Adams Papers); endorsed by AA: “Marquis Le Fayett April 2 / 1787”; notation by CFA: “General Lafayette. / April 9th 1787.”

1.

That is, French finance minister Charles Alexandre de Calonne.

2.

By “the destruction of the Gabelle,” Lafayette meant the abolition of the indirect salt tax, which Louis XVI vowed to consider, although it was not permanently repealed until 1945 (Gottschalk, Lafayette , 4:295, 304; Margaret Visser, Much Depends on Dinner: The Extraordinary History and Mythology, Allure and Obsessions, Perils and Taboos of an Ordinary Meal, N.Y., 1986, p. 73).

3.

Lafayette referred to Calonne’s Collection des mémoires présentés à l’Assemblée des Notables, which the finance minister presented in March 1787, along with a summary distributed widely to the public, titled Advertissement (Albert Goodwin, “Calonne, the Assembly of French Notables of 1787 and the Origins of the ‘Révolte Nobiliaire’ (Continued),” English Historical Review, 61:357–358 [1946]; Gottschalk, Lafayette , 4:295).

4.

On 2 April Lafayette proposed an independent audit of Louis XVI’s domains and of all royal gifts, sales, purchases, and exchanges. Lafayette’s motion drew notice in the European press. An English translation appeared in the 23 April issue of London’s World and Fashionable Advertiser and the French text was printed in the Gazette de Leyde the following day. Despite Lafayette’s notoriety, his push for an open examination of the king’s finances was thwarted by the dissolution of the French finance ministry and the fall of Calonne. In a 5 May letter to George Washington, Lafayette wrote, “I was getting the proofs of what I Had advanced— When Calonne was Overthrown from His post, and so our dispute ended” (Washington, Papers, Confederation Series , 5:168–169).

5.

César Guillaume de La Luzerne (1738–1821) was the bishop of Langres and served briefly as president of France’s National Assembly in 1789. He was the older brother of Anne César, Chevalier de La Luzerne, the former French minister to the United States (vol. 9:418; Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale ).

6.

Charles Philippe, Comte d’Artois (1757–1836), was Louis XVI’s youngest brother. As Charles X, he was the last Bourbon to rule France, from 1824 to 1830. JA socialized with him en route to Paris in early 1778, and again in 1783 at Versailles (Bosher, French Rev. , p. xxiv; JA, D&A , 3:107, 137–138; 4:29).

From John Adams to John Jay, 10 April 1787 Adams, John Jay, John
To John Jay
Dear Sir Grosvenor Square. April 10. 1787

The Public Councils of this Country, as far as they regard America, remain So exactly the same as to afford nothing new to communicate to Congress. The Members of Parliament, have been so long irritated and tormented on that subject, that they detest to hear the Name of America mentioned, and the political System and national humour Seems to be, neither to Speak nor think of it.— a seemingly total Inattention and Silence prevails, and will prevail for sometime.

Secret Schemes however in abundance are concerted to plunder Us, in any Way they Can think of besides the regular Course of their Commerce with Us, which one would think rapacious enough. an honest Tradesman, whose Name is Carpenter an ingenious Engraver, 41 lately came to me from the remotest Part of the City, to give me Information that an Unknown Scott, had applied to him to engrave a Plate, for Striking the Paper Bills of North & South Carolina. He laid a Plan to get a Witness, to a future Interview, but the scott conceived a suspicion and would not lay open his design. Coll Smith who attended for the Purpose desired the Engraver to publish the Fact in the Newspaper, that Merchants here may be upon their guard. Carpenter went round to all the Engravers, in Town and found another, to whom the same Person had applied.— Congress, or the Delegates from North & South Carolina, will put that State upon their Guard, for it is not at all improbable the design will be pursued, by means of some other Engraver of less honour than Carpenter.1

There is a vast sum in Circulation here of base Copper: to the amount of Several hundreds of thousands of Pounds. very lately these half Pence are refused every where: I suppose in Consequence of some Concerted Scheme. and it is supposed that they will be all purchased for a trifle and Sent to the United States where they will pass for good metal, and consequently our Simple Country men be cheated of an immense sum.2 The Board of Treasury, may be ordered with out the avowed Interposition of Congress, to give the alarm to our Citizens. and the seperate States would do well to prohibit this false Money from being paid or received.3

Coll Smith will Sett off, for Portugal in a few Days, and at Versailles Madrid or Lisbon will have an opportunity of learning more of the present Politicks of Europe, than can be known here. a profound Calm prevails through Europe at present, tho the Bulletin from Paris Speaks of Movements of the Empress against the Turks. Her own Journey however is a strong Proof that Hostilities are not soon intended.4

With great Respect to Congress, and much / affection for their secretary, I have the / Honour to be, sir, your most obedient / and most humble servant

John Adams

RC (PCC, No. 84, VI, f. 439–441); internal address: “His Excellency John Jay / Secretary of State, for the / Department of foreign affairs.” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 112.

1.

The “Unknown Scott,” Robert Muir, approached London engraver Richard Carpenter shortly after arriving in England from Charleston, S.C. Muir was arrested after he attempted to enlist Portsmouth, England, printer Walter Mowbray in an alleged plan to counterfeit currency. But, since Muir had not yet passed any forged bills, he could not be convicted. JA recommended that Muir be released and his counterfeiting equipment destroyed (to Jay, 30 April, below; AFC , 8:23, 24). See also Descriptive List of Illustrations, No. 1, above.

2.

Jay laid this letter before Congress on 6 42 July, in an effort to stave off the “highly injurious” circulation of debased copper coinage. On 16 Oct. 1786, Congress had passed the Mint Act, which was intended “for regulating the value and alloy of Coin,” and which prohibited the use of foreign copper coins after 1 Sept. 1787. On 26 July, following a motion made by William Grayson, a Virginia member of Congress, a committee recommended that states “pass laws inflicting punishment on all coiners of money, not authorised by law, and to prohibit the importation of Copper coin from any foreign Country.” Base coppers nevertheless continued to circulate in America and abroad, leading to the “coppers panic” of 1789 ( JCC , 31:876–878; 32:306; 33:405, 409; Philip L. Mossman, From Crime to Punishment: Counterfeit and Debased Currencies in Colonial and Pre-Federal North America, ed. Louis E. Jordan, N.Y., 2013, p. 187–189).

3.

The S.C. house of representatives, upon receiving extracts of this letter of JA’s from Gov. Thomas Pinckney on 29 Jan. 1788, appointed a committee to investigate, and introduced a bill “to prohibit the Importation of Base Copper Coin into this State.” The bill was passed by the state senate on 13 Feb. (Journals of the House of Representatives of the State of South Carolina, 1787–1788, ed. Michael E. Stevens, Columbia, S.C., 1981, p. 373–374, 380, 420, 433).

4.

The Treaty of Kuchuk Kainardzhi, which concluded the Russo-Turkish War of 1768–1774, provided Russia with access to the Black Sea and gave Crimea limited independence. Russia then annexed it in 1783. Catherine II’s victory tour of the conquered territory in spring 1787 provoked the Ottoman Empire to declare war in August. In 1792 the Treaty of Jassy ended the conflict, with Russia consolidating control of Crimea and also annexing the region of Yedisan, a vast area north of the Black Sea (David R. Stone, A Military History of Russia: From Ivan the Terrible to the War in Chechnya, Westport, Conn., 2006, p. 81–83, 85, 88).