Papers of John Adams, volume 19

To John Adams from the Marquis de Lafayette, 12 October 1787 Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de Adams, John
From the Marquis de Lafayette
My dear friend Paris October the 12th 1787

Amidst the Buzzling of Interior and foreign Affairs, I am glad to find an Opportunity to Remind you of Me, Which May Be free from the Rogueries of french and English Post offices— I Have Been Sometime in Auvergne, Attending a preliminary Assembly in that My province, the journal of which I Have once directed, and am Now Again Sending to you altho’ it Contains Nothing interesting— My stay in Paris is But short, and I am Returning Again to Auvergne for five weecks—letters that would Arrive after the 23d, [instant], and Before the fifteenth of Decembr Could not probably Be delivered into My Hands.

188

A New Regulation Had Been framed to fix the functions of the Assemblies and those of the intendants—it Had also Been directed that the printing of our journals Be Submitted to Certain formalities— Complaints Have Been Made About all that, and we are Going to obtain Conditions Much More favourable.

the Affairs of this Country, Considered in a Constitutional light, are Mending fast— the Minds of the Nation Have Made a Great progress— Opposition is Not, I Confess, free from party Spirit— Many things are done or Said Which are Not Much to the purpose— But While desultory Expeditions are Rambling about, the Main Body Moves slowly on the Right Road— this Country shall within twelve or fifteen years Come to a pretty good Constitution—the Best perhaps that Can be framed, But one—May that one, the only one truly Consistent with the dignity of Man, Be for ever the Happy lot of the Sons of America? But I think a Representation will be obtained in France, Much Better than the one Now Existing in England.

You know as much of the present politics, and Even more than I do— I Can’t Bear the thought of the late transactions in Holland— this Ministry Have Been Most Compleatly taken in—deceived also they Have Been with Respect to Ottoman affairs— I am afraid England will Cheat them too, Under the Appearance of Negociations— we are However Making Ready for war—and as the Prime Minister is a Man of Genius,1 and of very brillant as well as Sound parts, I think that, if one launched He will Act Vigourously— He Can Borrow Monney—the only thing is to know on What Conditions? But it Matters not with Respect to the operations—and the more they will afterwards want taxes, the Sooner we Get a National Assembly

I Have Been thinking What our trans Atlantic Country ought to do, in Case there is a war— to take A part in it is very Brillant, But in My Humble Opinion Ought not to Be the plan— America May favour Her allies as far as a friendly, Helping Neutrality Can Go— But Not farther—Circumstanced as She is, a war would lay Her Under Great Expense with a little Profit— Such a Neutrality as I Point out to Myself will Be Beneficial to Her— But it Appears to me that would Be time to insist with England for a Restoration of the forts— Should they Make war to France, it Seems to me that they Cannot for the Sake of those forts Risk to Quarrel with the United States

I Hear that the Convention Have finished their Business— But do Not know the Result, and Am very Anxiously waiting

189

Adieu, My dear Sir, My Best Respects wait on Mr̃s Adams and the Rest of the family— md̃e de lafayette is still in the Country— Most affectionately and Respectfully / Yours

lafayette—

RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “His Exly / john Adams Eq. / london”; endorsed: “M. De la Fayette / Oct. 12. 1787.”

1.

Étienne Charles de Loménie de Brienne.

To John Adams from Thomas Brand Hollis, 15 October 1787 Hollis, Thomas Brand Adams, John
From Thomas Brand Hollis
Dear Sir The Hide octo. 15. 1787.

I have read, more than once your defence of the constitutions of America and am instructed, entertained and convinced.

you have proved your principle most masterly and satisfactorily from History, nothing now remains but that your country may benefit of your labors by putting your principles in execution. “opinionum commenta delet dies naturæ judicia confirmat.”1

Fears I have and great they are, that sufficient care may be taken with whom & how that balance will be lodged. a strict election & rotation is absolutely necessary for if the Archon or governor is continued longer than the fixed period by intrigue or interest he infallibly gains too much power. if he is præemient for wealth or family, called blood, then all the consequences of hæreditary nobility, with the emoluments of offices & succeeding royalty, with the name of King superinduced, dangerous with weak & superstious minds & then the person not to be removed much less brought to punishment without the danger of a common ruin!

we are told “Nature breaks out in spite of all attempts to stifle it. a royal dignity is the most obvious thought to extinguish animosities between noble and commons.”2 it has operated with a vengeance Look on Sweden & Denmark. Surely, Dear Sir, this was an escape, there can be nothing natural in royalty, are not the royal persons made by the breath of our nostrils & can be unmade & how does such distinctions become mortals? unless when in the discharge of publick office?

“a King you know, must be adored as a Demigod, with a Dissolute & haughty court about him of vast expence, and luxury, masks & revels to the debauching of the prime gentry both male & female. There will be a Queen of no less charge, in most likelyhood outlandish and a Papist. Besides a Queen mother, both with their courts & 190 numerous train, then a royal issue and their sumptuous courts, to the multiplying a servile crew, not of servants only, but of nobility & gentry, bred up then to the hopes not of publick but of court offices, to be stewards, chamberlains, ushers, grooms even of the closet-stool. and the lower their minds debased with court-opinions contrary to all virtue & reformation the haughtier will be their pride & profuseness.”3

attend to one, who spreads ruin & confusion about from the pretence only of royalty, of which she has only the Shadow & ought not to use even that, but for good considering how she has been honored. This Lady, should remember the state is not an inheritance, as a perpetuity, but as Alfred the Great expresses it in his testament,—it was an Inheritance he owed to the grace of God, to the goodness of his great men, and to the consent & approbation of the Elders of the people.— John saies, Jure hereditario mediante tam cleri quam populi unanimi consensu.—4 Charlemagè & the spanish cortes the same.— yet the balance was deficient. when I think of the past am apprehensive for the future. but I live in hopes & shall apply the saying of Euripides to your advice, “that one wise council is better than the strength of many.”

I hope you have not forgot to read Lord Harveys correspondence with middleton. he treats Vertot & Stanhope with contempt seemingly deserved. his Lordship tho rediculed by Pope was a scholar & a gentleman of superior talents.

The Dedication of Cicero tho strong, is said, to be strictly true. I am inclined to think with him from his authorities, that the people had not the power middleton inclines to give them.5

I have wrote to you with the liberty of a republican, and the extracts you will excuse from your own example. persevere in your researches, the Saxons and Spaniards with others will afford you more good matter to prove your doctrine

I am, Dear Sir, / with the greatest esteem / your affect: Friend.

T Brand Hollis.

RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To / John Adams Esqr / Grosvenor Square / London”; endorsed: “Mr. T. B. Hollis / 15. Oct. 1787.”

1.

Cicero, De natura deorum, Book II: Time erases the comments of opinion, but it confirms the judgments of nature.

2.

Here, Hollis quoted from JA’s Defence of the Const. , 2:23, analyzing Niccolò Machiavelli’s consolidation of political power in medieval Florence.

3.

“The Ready and Easy Way to Establish a Free Commonwealth,” Works of John Milton, Historical, Political, and Miscellaneous, 2 vols., London, 1753, 1:646.

4.

England’s King John asserted that his accession to the throne came about thanks to “hereditary right and by the clergy as well 191 as by a unanimous vote of approval” of the people (T. H. B. Oldfield, The Representative History of Great Britain and Ireland: Being a History of the House of Commons, and of the Counties, Cities, and Boroughs, of the United Kingdom, from the Earliest Period, 6 vols., London, 1816, 1:132).

5.

Thomas Knowles, comp., Letters between Lord Hervey and Dr. Middleton Concerning the Roman Senate, London, 1778.