Papers of John Adams, volume 18

252 American Commissioners to John Jay, 25 April 1786 American Commissioners Jay, John
The American Commissioners to John Jay
Sir Grosvenor square April 25th. 1786

Soon after our meeting together in London, We had a Conference with the Secretary of State for foreign Affairs, in which we communicated to him, the joint Commission of Congress, for negotiating a Treaty of Commerce with Great Britain, and left an attested Copy of it in the hands of his Lordship. At the same time his Lordship was informed that as the Commission was limited to two years duration which would expire on the twelfth of May,1 We should be ready to confer upon the Subject of it with his Majesty’s Ministers; but as one of us would be obliged to return in a short time to Paris, it was wished that an early oppertunity might be taken to see upon what points we could agree, and to discuss those in which at first we might differ.

his Lordship after harping a little on the old String, the insufficiency of the powers of Congress to treat and to compell Compliance with Treaties, said he would lay the matter before the ministry and the King. in a few day’s his Lordship meeting one of us, proposed in his own name and that of Mr: Pitt, that, as the Project already Communicated contained many political Regulations, we should prepare a Project of a Treaty merely commercial. The next day at the office, it was said to the under Secretary of State Mr: Frasier, his Lordship not being there that the Project already proposed, was in our opinion the best that could be proposed for the mutual interest of the two Nations: but if any parts of it were objectionable in the Minds of the Ministry, we were ready to enter into a candid disquisition of them, and to receive any counter project, which might contain the sense of the Cabinet; but untill, we knew which Articles were objected to, it would be in vain for us to attempt a new draught: We could only repeat the proposition of the former one. Mr. Frasier reported this conversation to his Principal, Who directed him to write us, that as the former Project contained many political Regulations, his Lordship wished to receive a Plan of a Treaty merely commercial. We accordingly sent five or six Articles of the former Pland and proposed them as a Treaty of Commerce, which we suppose would be a good one and except in one point as compleat as we can expect. The point we mean is the Priviledge of ships built in the United States. It is much to be wished that such Ships might enjoy in the British Dominions as ample Previledges as British built Ships, whether owned or navigated by Americans or not, 253 and we should now add an Article—to that Purpose, if there was the smallest symptom of an Inclination to treat at all. But there is not. There is no party, nor Individual here in favour of a Treaty, but upon the Principle that the United States will retaliate, if there is not one. all agree that if America will suffer England to pockett (that is their Expression)2 all her navigation, England would be unwise not to avail herself of the advantage.3

The Negotiation with Portugal is brought to a Conclusion as far as her Minister here has Authority to proceed. We propose to execute the treaty, and hope to receive the Counterpart executed by the Chevalier De Pinto, before our Commission expires. The treaty itself shall be transmitted to Congress as soon as it is finished and we shall not trouble you with a tedious detail of Projects and Counterprojects. yet the enclosed Copies of parts of a Letter, concerning flour and Privateering and contraband, may be necessary for our justification.4

We have the honor to inclose copies of Letters from Mr: Carmichael of the 5th. April, from Mr: Barclay of the 5 April from the Comte D’Espilly & Mr Lamb to Mr. Carmichael dated Algiers 26th. of March.5

We have every reason to fear that the negotiations with the Turks will be very tedious and expensive, upon the present plan, and without Success. Our Commission to Constantinople expires in a few Day’s and we have no new Commission to this power which enables us to send Agents. And indeed the Sublime Porte is so great a Power that its Dignity would be offended, if such a measure were attempted. There are reasons to expect that a minister to that Court would be well received and that our Commerce and naval Stores would be there an object.

With great respect we have the honor to be / Your Excellency’s / most Obedient / Humble Servt’s:

John Adams.6 Th: Jefferson7

RC in WSS’s hand (PCC, No. 86, f. 373–375); internal address: “His Excellency / John Jay &c. &c. &c.” LbC dated 2 April (Adams Papers); APM Reel 112.

1.

For the 12 May 1784 joint commission to negotiate a treaty of amity and commerce with Britain, see vol. 16:207–209.

2.

Closing parenthesis has been editorially supplied.

3.

For the revised Anglo-American commercial treaty, see the enclosure to the commissioners’ 4 April 1786 letter to the Marquis of Carmarthen, above. In her 25 April letter to JQA, AA2 said much the same thing, writing that “the Gentlemen drew up, a Treaty in 5 articles, giveing equal Libertys rights &c, to the two Nations, since which not a word of answer has been receivd, and Mr J— Leavs London tomorrow, so that tis plain they will do nothing” ( AFC , 7:153).

254 4.

The enclosure is printed in Jefferson, Papers , 9:408–409. But see also JA’s 26 Feb. letter to Jay, above, wherein he indicates that he received the extract on 24 Feb. and was enclosing it.

5.

From these enclosures (all Adams Papers), the commissioners learned that Thomas Barclay remained at Madrid, and that John Lamb had arrived in Algiers to negotiate the ransom of the enslaved crews. The 5 April letters are printed in Jefferson, Papers , 9:376–377, 377–378.

Jay laid the commissioners’ report and enclosures before Congress on 6 July (from Jay, 7 July, Adams Papers). In a 14 July reply to Thomas Jefferson, Jay admitted he was “not surprised that our Negociations with Britain and Barbary are unpromising. To be respectable abroad it is necessary to be so at Home, and that will not be the Case until our public Faith acquires more Confidence, and our Government more Strength” (Jefferson, Papers , 10:135).

6.

In JA’s hand.

7.

In Jefferson’s hand.

To John Adams from Matthew Robinson-Morris, 25 April 1786 Robinson-Morris, Matthew Adams, John
From Matthew Robinson-Morris
Sir, Horton 25th April 1786.

I am honor’d with your letters both by Mr. Partridge and by the post1 and am proud to observe; that we so much concur in our public and political sentiments. I am particularly pleas’d to agree with you in the reciprocal opinion; that the closest union and connection between our two countries is one of their very first and greatest mutual interests. I do for that and other reasons so exceedingly dislike some of our own proceedings both in the East, the West and at home; that I scruple to express my thoughts concerning them; but I dont see, what can possibly be our future part or fate in the world, except to prove a most signal example for instructing and warning the rest of mankind.

My desire of a trade totally free however goes to so great an extent; that whatever nations should act differently, I might probably be for leaving them to the sure punishment of their own misconduct in that respect and continue nevertheless in the mind of abiding firmly ourselves by the former principle; which, I should believe, would lead to wealth and plenty a people steadily adhering to it; let others do what they would: Warlike in particular, that is to say, defensive, as well as offensive alliances with other States I never think of without abhorrence.

There is another subject of American politics, in which I must confess myself rather to differ from what appears to be the opinion of some wise and honest men; although I have not by your letters observ’d; that I do so from you. I most highly honor your Congress, the annual representation of so many free states; but I should for one as a Citizen of America nevertheless be cautious of placing too 255 much permanent power even in their hands: It might be a dangerous experiment and not easily amended, if any thing proved amiss. I should rather look to the Swiss, than the Dutch confederation. The former no where bordering on the Sea nor having the least means of Naval Commerce are not so rich and populous, as the latter; but they seem for their numbers and situation to be at least, as happy a people as any in Europe.

By repeating the observation concerning the Western progress of Arts and Sciences, I meant no more than the present appearance; that the same circumstance or accident may perhaps be continued in Ireland and America. I alluded herein to a common and trite remark; but human improvements certainly are by degrees taking a wider compass (as you seem to say) and will probably continue to do so, until they shall spread over our whole habitable globe; although they have in general proceeded hitherto from East to West.

When I put the question “are these circumstances not turn’d to violent enmity and aversion” I was applying to a particular description of men and speaking according to their real or profess’d sentiments; but the expression might have been as proper; if I had ask’d “Have we to thank ourselves, if these circumstances are not turn’d” &c.

I heartily wish; that you may find your Public Debt so manageable, as you seem to expect; but no such circumstance has come within my observation or experience: With the example however, which I see daily and hourly before my eyes; it is no wonder; if I have contracted an utter aversion for all national debts.

The superstitious belief or pretension of any divine right in Princes is totally eradicated out of England: Not the least circumstance of that kind remains among us; but bribery and corruption have succeeded in their place: These are become the great or almost only means of government and have proved far more powerful and more fatal, than the other: They have done, what those neither did nor could do and will without doubt perfectly compleat their work; before they leave: Englishmen are as yet, but at the beginning of their sorrows; however important some events may of themselves appear; which have already happen’d.

These matters nevertheless are perhaps too extensive for a letter nor do I know, how long business may require your presence in London: My health may probably carry me to Aix-la-Chappelle; (when the season shall suit for such a journey) and sooner or later, as it may press me more or less: I have formerly found great benefit from those waters and baths and have now occasion for them: If you can 256 in the mean time however induce yourself to visit my hermitage at Horton; I shall be very proud and happy. I can offer you no conveniences or advantages here; except a most perfect freedom in all respects; which you will certainly find. It would likewise greatly add to my pleasure; if Dr. Price should be perswaded to accompany you.2 I may however give a fuller commission on this subject to Mr. Partridge; whom I will take the liberty to make the bearer of this letter. I am with sincere esteem / Sir, / Your most Respectful / and obedient Servt.

M. Robinson M.3

RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “M. Robinson M. 25. Ap. / 1786”; docketed: “Brother of Madam / Montesquieu Montague / Authoress of an Essay on / Shakespear.”

1.

Of 4 and 23 March, both above.

2.

There is no indication that JA actually met Robinson-Morris while in England.

3.

JA’s docketing refers to Robinson-Morris’ younger sister, Elizabeth Montagu (1718–1800). She was a prominent author and salonnière whose cultural and intellectual gatherings earned her the sobriquet “queen of the bluestockings.” In 1769 Montagu published An Essay on the Writings and Genius of Shakespear, Compared with the Greek and French Dramatic Poets (London), a nationalistic defense of the bard against critics like Voltaire and Samuel Johnson ( DNB ).

AA enjoyed Montagu’s book and sent a copy to Mercy Otis Warren on 14 May 1787, commenting that she “wished to have formed an acquaintance with her, if I had not learnt that she was a voilent Anti American.” A 1785 copy of the fifth edition, bearing JQA’s bookplate, is in his library at MQA ( AFC , 8:45; Catalog of the Stone Library).