Papers of John Adams, volume 17

From Richard Cranch, 13 October 1785 Cranch, Richard Adams, John
From Richard Cranch
Dear Sir Boston Octr. 13th. 1785.

Your esteemed Favour of the 27th of April came safe to hand.1 As you had then but just heard of your Appointment to the Court of G: Britain, you could only give me your Sentiments, as a Statesman, what would probably be your Difficulties, and what your 506Prospects of surmounting them. We have since had the Happiness of receiving a number of Letters from your most excellent Lady, and amiable Daughter, informing us of your safe Arrival in London, your Presentation at Court &c. I am glad to find that you had so polite a Reception.— You will have a very complex Business, to examine into, and adjust. The relative Advantages and disadvantages of particular Measures that may be proposed, must be carefully weighed; and such a Reciprocity of Advantages to both Countries be interwoven in the whole System as may make it the Interest of both to adhere strictly to the Terms of the Treaty that may be formed. G: Britain, as a great manufacturing Nation, must certainly reap very solid Advantages from having a large and continually increasing Market for her Manufactures in America, provided that America at the same time be placed, by Treaty, under such Circumstances as to be able to make certain and seasonable Remittances for what she receives from her. This was freely acknowledged before the War; and of this the many capital Fortunes in England that were made out of the american Trade, are a sufficient Proof. On the other hand the fatal Effects arising from the want of being placed under such Circumstances for making Remittances, are severely felt at this present Moment by the Merchants of both Countries. The numerous Bankruptcies that have already taken place, and the many others that probably must take place both in England and America, afford, as I conceive, the fullest Evidence of the Necessity of such a Reciprocity as I have mention’d above.

We have, in the vast Extent of the United States, the means of making Remittances equal to the largest Importations from G: Britain, provided our Trade with that Nation and her Dependancies was placed upon a free and generous Footing. Rice and Indigo from S: Carolina and Georgia: Naval-Stores, Indian-Corn, Pork, Lumber, Tobacco, Hides &c from N: Carolina: Tobacco, Indian Corn, Flour, Furrs, Deer-Skins &c from Virginia and Maryland: Bar-Iron, Wheat, flour, and Provisions of all kinds from Pensylvania, Jersies and Conecticutt: Whale-Oil and other fish-Oil, Whale-Bone, Sperma Ceti Oil and Head-Matter, refined Sperma Ceti, and Sperma-Ceti-Candles; Cod-Fish, Mackerel, Herrings &c, together with Pot Ash, Pearl Ash, Furrs, Ship-Timber, Masts and Sparrs, Plank and Lumber of all kinds, are and may be produced in great abundance from this State and New Hampshire. If a freedom of circuitous Navigation was to take place on a large and generous footing, the Americans would thereby be able to add largely to the value of their 507Exports by the additional amount of Freight, sale of Vessells &c which, at the same time that it would encourage Ship-building among us (which was formerly a great Article of Remittance) must enlarge the demands for the Manufactures of G Britain to a degree not easily to be conceived of; while it would enable us to make our Remittances for them seasonably and punctually, which is the very Life of Trade.

Our Trade with G: Britain since the Peace, has, for want of System, been very disadvantageous both to the Importer here and to the Merchant in England. The erroneous Idea that took place among the Merchants of Europe at the commencement of the Peace, that Goods were exceeding scarce in America, and would fetch a great Profit to those that could get their Goods soonest to the american Market, occasioned an amazing over-stock and Glut; so that they were soon sold off in prodigious Quantities at publick Auction for much less than the first Cost. This being the Case with the Adventurers from Europe, the dammage did not stop there and terminate with the large Sums that they sunk; but it had a further fatal Effect on our own Merchants.

Our Merchants, thinking that on the restoration of Peace Trade would go on as it had done formerly, sent Orders for large Assortments of Goods on their own Accounts. These Orders made a noise among the Manufacturers in England, and caused a temporary brisk Demand for their Manufactures; this occasioned their Goods to rise; and accordingly they were observ’d in general to be put up at a much higher Rate than they used to be before the War. Goods thus ordered, coming high charg’d to an overstock’d and glutted Market, could not be sold unless at a very great Loss; so that the only Alternative with many was, either to sell their Goods at a certain Loss, and so be ruined by the Sale; or else not to sell them untill they would fetch a Price, and so be ruined gradually by the accumulated Charges and Expences of Store-hire, House-Rent, Interest-Money &c untill at last the Merchant in London, for want of due Remittance, impowers an Agent here, who seizes on all that is left, which perhaps at last will not amount to five Shillings in the Pound of his Debt.— And so their Trade is ended much to the disadvantage of both. Another very bad Effect of the prodigious Quantities of british Goods that came to our Market was this, that the Lowness of the Price at which they were sold tempted almost every Body through the Country to purchase European Goods and pay the Gold and Silver for them, which was immediately ship’d off to G: Britain in 508prodigious Quantities.— Here you see “the Henn that lay’d the Golden Egg was kill’d”. Specie is now become excessive scarce, and other Channels of Remittance are shut up; so that unless by Treaty there can be a circuitous method of Remittance agreed upon between the two Nations by a free Navigation, I see not but that we must for our own Interest (and I may say for theirs also) break off Trade with G: Britain: for, to what good purpose is it to buy their Goods when we cannot pay for them?— We found that during the War Necessity soon convinced us that we could make our own Woollens and Linnens very easily, and the Foundations that were than laid for large Manufactories, would soon have furnished us in a great measure with the necessary Cloathing in both kinds. But the Flood of English Goods that came in upon us at the Peace, soon stopt the Spinning-Wheel the Loom and the fulling-Mill, which at the Close of the War were so fully employ’d. The great Scarcity of Money occasioned by the large Exportations of Gold and Silver to England, brings on us a Train of other Evils that are now severely felt by a great Proportion of the good People of this State— A little before and at the close of the War silver-Money was exceeding plenty, and the Produce of Farms sold very high, this made Lands to be in great demand, and great numbers of our People purchased Houses, Farms, and other Estates at a high Price, having then a fair Prospect of soon raising the Money to pay for them. But a Scarcity of Money soon after taking place (for the Reasons mentioned) Lands and Stock consequently fell in their Price as fast as they had arisen some time before. This Change has brought many of our Country People into very difficult Circumstances, and rendered them unable to pay their Debts and Taxes with Punctuality: the Consequence of which has been a great increase of Law-Suits Failures, Abscondings &c in all our Counties, to the great Distress of Families and sowering of their Minds with respect to publick Measures; which I fear will produce a strenuous Effort in the Genl. Court (which sits next Week) to get a Paper Currency again Issued and made a Tender in certain Cases.2

I hope you will excuse my endeavouring to trace out to you so particularly the bad Effects that have already taken place among us by means of carrying on Trade without System and without means of Remittance. My being connected with both the Legislative and Judicial Departments3 and residing on the Spot gives me an Oportunity of knowing the Evil more fully than you can while in Europe; and your publick Character and the arduous Task that you have 509before you, makes me wish to give you every Information in my Power that may in any Degree assist you in your great Undertaking. Altho’ I cannot point out the Cure, yet it may be of some use towards it, for you to know more fully the Disease.— We have been made happy in the Return of your very sensible and most amiable Son. He is now at Haverhill with his Uncle Shaw, by Advice of the President, to perfect himself in Greek. It is proposed that he shall enter the University next Spring, soon enough to attend the philosophical Lectures.4 I suppose that he will be admitted into the same Class with my Son, who is now in his third Year at Colledge. You will receive Letters by this Conveyance (Capt. Cushing) from our whole Circle, to which I referr you for domestick Information.5 I am with the tenderest Regards to your dear Wife and Daughter, your most affectionate Friend and Brother—

Richard Cranch

Master Charles and my Billy din’d with me to day; they seem very much attach’d to each other, and as far as I can learn, have thus far behaved in a manner that is unblamable Billy has been there two Years, and is remarkably Steady, which I think will be of some Service to his Cousin on his first introduction. Master Charles has a good Room; it is the Room that makes the N: West Corner of Hollis-Hall on the lower Floor, next to Holden-Chapple. Billy has this year a Chamber up two pair of Stairs in the middle of the same Colledge, reckon’d one of the best Rooms in that Colledge. (We are all well.)

RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Cranch 13. Octr. 1785 / ansd. decr. 12th 1785.”

1.

For this letter, see AFC , 6:109, 111; and also JA’s 26 April letter to Samuel Mather, note 3, above.

2.

Cranch provides a concise, accurate account of the economic troubles facing Massachusetts in 1785 that in 1786 would bring on Shays’ Rebellion, but compare his account and conclusions with Tristram Dalton’s in his letter of 18 Oct. 1785, below. In his reply of 12 Dec. (LbC, APM Reel 113), JA thanked his brother-in-law for his “judicious Letter” and compared the Massachusetts situation in 1785 with that it had faced in 1763 and 1764 following the end of the Seven Years’ War. He remembered that “there was then, great Complaints of hard times, and a remarkable Multiplication of Law suits which subsided only by the shifting of Property from the Debtor to the Creditor.” In his mind “the Cure is very simple— let the trade be opened to the West Indies, Nova Scotia, Canada and Newfoundland— Let our oil & Bone & ships be received by the English as Remittances— this would relieve us at once.” But, he lamented, the power to resolve the situation lay with Britain, not the United States, and the British ministry would not act because “a deadly Malice is aimed deliberately at the Commerce, Population & Power especially at the Navigation of New England.”

3.

Cranch was both a senator for Suffolk County and a justice of the county’s Court of Common Pleas, as well as a justice of the peace of the quorum (A Pocket Almanack for . . . 1786, Boston, [1785], p. 11, 77, 78, Evans, No. 19006).

4.

JQA met with Rev. Joseph Willard, president of Harvard, on 31 Aug. 1785. Willard advised JQA to delay his entry until spring and then to “enter for three months in the 510junior Sophister Class.” The younger Adams then visited the Cranches at Braintree in early September and left on 6 Sept. to go to Haverhill for tutoring by his uncle, Rev. John Shaw, arriving there the same day (JQA, Diary , 1:317, 319–320).

5.

These letters cannot be identified with certainty, but in the portion of her 27 Nov. serial letter to JQA dated 29 Nov., AA2 announced the arrival of Capt. Robert Cushing with “Letters so late as the 25 of October” but none from her brother. This would indicate that among the letters carried by Cushing were those to AA from Royall Tyler of [post 7 Oct.], Elizabeth Cranch of 9 Oct., Cotton Tufts of 12 and 14 Oct., Mary Smith Cranch of [ca. 23] Oct.; and to JA from Tyler of 15 Oct. ( AFC , 6:416–420, 421–422, 424–432, 440–441, 470).

From John Jay, 14 October 1785 Jay, John Adams, John
From John Jay
Dr: Sir New York 14th: October 1785

Since the Date of my last to you which was the 6th: September last, I have been honored with yours of the 10th: & 26th: June, and 19th: & 29th: July with the Papers mentioned to be enclosed.1 They are now before Congress, and I am persuaded that the strong Marks they bear of Industry and Attention will give them Pleasure.—

I perfectly concur with you in Sentiment respecting what ought to be the Conduct and Policy of the United States, and I am not without Hopes that they will gradually perceive and pursue their true Interests. There certainly is much Temper as well as Talents in Congress, and altho it is not in their Power to do all that should be done, yet they are willing and industrious to do whatever depends upon them. Your Letters I am sure are useful, they desseminate and inforce those fœderal Ideas which cannot be too forceably inculcated or two strongly impressed— Our fœderal Government is incompetent to its Objects, and as it is the Interest of our Country, so it is the Duty of her leading Characters to cooperate in Measures for enlarging and invigorating it. The Rage for Separations and new States is mischevious—it will unless checked scatter our Resources and in every View enfeeble the Union. Your Testimony against such licentious anarchical Proceedings would I am persuaded have great Weight.—2

Your Letters as yet are silent respecting the Evacuation of our frontier Posts— I do not mean to press you either to do or say any Thing unseasonably about it, for there are Times and Tides in human Affairs to be watched and observed— I know your Attention, and therefore rest satisfied that we shall hear from you on this interesting Subject as soon as you ought to write about it.3 During the ensuing Sessions of the Legislatures, I shall watch their Acts, and endeavour to send you such as may respect the Interests of the 511Union. I find it extremely difficult to collect them— when I first came into this Office I wrote a circular Letter to the Governors requesting them among other Things to send me from time to time printed Copies of their Acts— but whatever may have been the Cause, it has so happened that except in two or three Instances this Request has been entirely neglected.—4

With the Newspapers herewith sent, you will find the Requisition of Congress—what its Success will be cannot yet be determined.—5

The Algerines it seems have declared War against us—if we act properly I shall not be very sorry for it. In my Opinion it may lay the Foundation for a Navy, and tend to draw us more closely into a fœderal System. On that Ground only we want Strength, and could our People be brought to see it in that Light and act accordingly we should have little Reason to apprehend Danger from any Quarter.—

Mr. DeMarbois has left us and is gone to St: Domingo where he has an Intendancy— Mr. Otto succeeds him, and appears well disposed.—6

As yet your Place at the Hague is vacant—several Gentlemen are in Nomination, among whom I hear are Mr. Izard and Mr. Madison.—7

Doctr. Franklin is happy at Philadelphia—both Parties are assiduous in their Attentions to him, and it is thought more than probably that he will succeed Mr. Dickenson. I fear, in the Language of our Farmers, that a Day so remarkably fine for the Season may prove a Weather breeder—that is—that he will find it difficult to manage both Parties—for if he gives himself up to one, he must expect Hostility from the other— I wish he may be able to reconcile them, and thereby restore that State to the Degree of Strength and Respectability which from its Population, Fertility and Commerce it ought to possess.—

I congratulate you on the Issue of your Discussions with their High Mightinesses— Mr. Dumas gave us an Account of it, and we are all pleased to find that it terminated as it did.—8

With great and sincere Esteem and Regard / I am Dr: Sir / Your most obt. and very hble: Servt.

John Jay

RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “The Honorable / John Adams Esquire—”; endorsed: “Mr Jay. Oct. 14. 1785. / Ansd. Nov. 24. 1785.”

1.

The “Papers,” enclosed with JA’s 29 July letter, were copies of his 14 and 27 July letters to the Marquis of Carmarthen, all above.

2.

In the final portion of this paragraph concerning the powers of the government under the Confederation, Jay is responding to JA’s letter of 26 June, above, but see also his second letter to Jay of 24 Nov., below.

512 3.

See JA’s first letter to Jay of 24 Nov., below.

4.

Jay’s circular letter, dated 29 Jan., announced his appointment as secretary for foreign affairs, indicated the functions of his office, and requested that he be sent “a copy of the Laws of your State now in force, and also copies of such as may from time to time be passed.” For the copy sent to Pennsylvania, see Penna. Archives , 1st ser., 10:401–402 (1854).

5.

The enclosure has not been found, but Jay presumably refers to Congress’ “requisition for 1785,” which was approved on 27 Sept. and totaled $3 million, of which Massachusetts’ quota was $448,854 ( JCC , 29:765–771). For Tristram Dalton’s characterization of it and past requisitions as “waste paper,” see his letter of 18 Oct., below.

6.

On 30 Aug., François de Barbé-Marbois, French chargé d’affaires, notified Jay and Congress of his appointment as intendant at St. Domingue and his replacement as chargé by Louis Guillaume Otto, former secretary to the Chevalier de La Luzerne. Barbé-Marbois left the United States on 28 Sept. and served as intendant until 1790 when he returned to France to resume his diplomatic career. Otto served as chargé through 1788 and again from Oct. 1789 until July 1791 ( JCC , 29:675–676; Repertorium , 3:144; Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale ; Dipl. Corr., 1783–1789 , 1:181–182).

7.

Ralph Izard was nominated to be minister to the Netherlands on 24 Aug. 1785, but no vote on his candidacy was apparently ever taken ( JCC , 29:655). No mention of James Madison’s candidacy has been found.

8.

C. W. F. Dumas’ account of JA’s “Discussions” with the States General over his failure to take leave from the States before taking up his post in London apparently consisted of the June letters exchanged by Dumas and JA on the subject, above. Dumas enclosed them with his 26 June letter to the president of Congress, which was received on 3 Oct. (PCC, No. 185, III, f. 141). For a copy of that letter, the original of which, with its enclosures, has been lost, see Dumas’ letterbook, Nationaal Archief:Dumas Papers, Microfilm, Reel 2, f. 724.