Papers of John Adams, volume 16
The Day before Yesterday, Mr Bingham arrived and delivered me the Extracts, for which I am obliged to you, they coincide with
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many other Letters and much other Evidence.1 There is no Commission or Instruction, in Europe, to negotiate any Treaty of Commerce with Great Britain. There is only a general Instruction to “meet the Advances and encourage the Disposition of the Commercial Powers of Europe for entering into Treaties of Amity and Commerce with the United States.[”]2 This is not sufficient. No Power can treat with Us regularly upon this Authority. No British Minister will. I am afraid the People of the United States, as well as those of England, will be deceived by Mr Hartleys Residence at Paris, into an Expectation, which is groundless. Congress must force, the British Ministry. How? Why by Sending a Commission to treat and conclude. This Commission may be Sent either by a Minister to St. James’s, or to any Minister or Ministers, We have or may Send to any other Part of Europe. But the Commission is indispensable. if the Arrival of Such a full Power, were once notified to the British Ministry, in Person or by Letter, he would not dare to neglect a Moment, to appoint a Minister to treat and conclude: and when once, two Ministers Shall meet, and exchange their Full Powers, the Business will Soon be over. You know the critical Situation of every British Minister. He is dancing upon a Cord, and a Gust of Wind is sufficient to tip him over. He dreads every Clamour. if tolerable Terms, especially if good Terms were offered him by an American Minister, it would instantly raise a Cry against him, if he refused them. Whereas now, if he were to propose good Terms to America, without knowing that She will accept them, this would ruin him. I am bold to Say, there never will be any Treaty or Convention untill Congress Send a Full Power. Massachusetts and New England who are most interested, Should bend their whole Efforts to this End. I know they expect Assistance from me. But I beg you to let them know, in Confidence from me that their Expectations will be disappointed, for I can not do them the least Service, without a Full Power, either to me alone, or to me and others. and I dont think it would be right for me to deceive them by going to Paris, without a Power, and thus holding out the Appearance of a Negotiation, when there is none in Reality. You will keep my Name out of Sight as much as Prudence requires, because, having done enough to make three great Nations my Ennemies, the English the French and the Dutch it is not to be wondered at, that I have hosts of them who take fire at my Name. Notwithstanding this I believe I have as few Personal Ennemies in either Nation as any honest Man ever had, who was obliged to Act So bold a Part
P.S. A Resolution of Congress of 16 March, which they have ordered to be Sent to me, Mr Franklin and Mr Jay, is decisive against the Appointment of any Person who is not a Citizen of the U. States to the Office of Minister, Chargé des Affairs, Consul Vice Consul, or to any other civil department in a foreign Country.3
LbC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Jonathan Jackson Esq.”; APM Reel 107.
For the extracts from Stephen Higginson’s letters to Jackson of April and 4 May that JA received enclosed in JQA’s letter of 1 June, see Jackson’s 7 June letter, and note 2, above.
JA quotes from the second instruction to the commissioners of 29 Oct. 1783 (vol. 15:331).
JA paraphrases the 16 March 1784 resolution that, with four other resolutions adopted on the same date (
JCC
, 26:143–145), was enclosed with a 20 March letter from the president of Congress to the commissioners (MHi: Adams-Hull Coll.). The resolutions are filed and filmed at 16 March in the Adams Papers. The other resolutions concerned the efforts of a London merchant, William Hodgden, on behalf of American prisoners in England; the capture of a Danish ship, the Providentia; Robert Montgomery’s letters regarding negotiations with Morocco; and the establishment of free ports in France. For the last, see Benjamin Franklin’s 27 June letter, below. For additional information on the resolution paraphrased by JA, particularly regarding C. W. F. Dumas, see vol. 15:237.
th.1784
I cannot omit paying my most sincere Respects by your good Mrs Adams—on whom and your amiable Daughter attend my best prayers— it would have given me great Satisfaction to have offered them my Compliments, personally, before their sailing for Europe, Which I am deprived of by leaving Town this Evening— May the Winds be propitious and every blessing be theirs—
I have had the pleasure of writing You by several Opportunities since any of your favors have come to hand, which, whenever they do, afford me the highest Delight— Not having my letter Book here, I cannot refer to the Dates of my last Letters, wherein I was very particular—1
Our Politics are not yet settled—and perhaps never may be— The Republican or rather let me say the American Interest seems to gain Ground— Congress have not yet made a Peace Establishment— The Army is totally disbanded—for want only of Money I presume,—except 80 Men to guard the Stores at West Point and Fort Pitt— 700 Men are required to be raised from the Militia of Pennsylvania N Jersey, N York and Connecticutt to guard our Out Posts—2 The Delegates of the N England States successfully opposed the establishing an Army— The Congress, or some principal Characters 235 therein, refused to grant some requests presented by the Massachusetts Delegates unless they would agree to the Establishment— They did not and I hope never will—
Congress adjourned the 3d Instant to the first of Novr, to meet at Trenton I beleive, leaving a Committee to sit at Annapolis in the recess—
They have put the public Accounts, contracted during the war, into a better Train of Settlement—
Enclosed is a Gazettee containing a List of the present General Court—Whose Opinions is scarcely yet broached—3 I fear they are not so liberally disposed to the return of the Refugees and Restitutions required, as the Act. passed the last G Court indicates—which Act &ca I did myself the honour to enclose to You in my last— The People are not enough sensible of the importance of fixing a National Character—
I find myself happy that a Commission is at Last filled up by Congress to Yourself and two other Gentlemen for the purpose of settling commercial Treaties— As Events or Prospects in this Business may appear proper or worthy to communicate You’ll render me great Service in forwarding them— such Use shall be made of them as You are pleased to direct
Time, pressing me, does not permit my enlarging—indeed my principal Wish in writing Yourself is to convince You how much I am— / Your particular Friend / And most hble Servant
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “His Excellency John Adams Esqr”; endorsed: “Mr Dalton / June 16. 1784.”
Dalton’s last letter was of 6 April, above, in which he discussed the just completed session of the Mass. General Court and, in particular, its deliberations regarding the Anglo-American peace treaty’s provisions regarding the loyalists, but see also his letter of 5 Dec. 1783, vol. 15:388–392.
Congress’ consideration of the creation of a standing army began on 6 April 1784 with the presentation of a committee report on “the measures proper to be adopted in order to take possession of the Frontier Posts” and was not completed until 3 June, the day on which it adjourned. In the numerous roll calls that took place during the debates, the delegates from New England consistently opposed a standing army. Indeed, on 26 May Elbridge Gerry moved, and Francis Dana seconded, a resolution declaring that Congress, “if permitted to raise land forces as aforesaid in time of peace, will be furnished with such coercive means as must be very alarming to the several states” because “standing armies in time of peace are inconsistent with the principles of republican governments, dangerous to the liberties of a free people, and generally converted into destructive engines for establishing despotism.” Instead, reliance should be placed on each state’s “well regulated and disciplined Militia,” as provided for in the Articles of Confederation, and, in any case, consideration of the issue should be delayed until the members knew the sense of their constituents. Gerry’s motion failed for adoption but it did have an effect, for on 2 June Congress
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resolved to discharge “the troops now in the service of the United States,” except for two contingents to guard the stores at West Point and Fort Pitt. Then, on the following day it resolved to create a 700-man force to be drawn from the militias of Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. The troops were to secure and protect “the northwestern frontiers of the United States, and their Indian friends and allies, and for garrisoning the posts soon to be evacuated by the troops of his britannic Majesty” (
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, 26:201–209; 27:433–435, 524, 530–531).
The “Gazettee” has not been found, but see, for example, the Boston Gazette, 7 June.