Papers of John Adams, volume 9

To the President of Congress, No. 86, 17 June 1780 JA Huntington, Samuel President of Congress

1780-06-17

To the President of Congress, No. 86, 17 June 1780 Adams, John Huntington, Samuel President of Congress
To the President of Congress, No. 86
Sir Paris June 17 1780

The Writer on the Consequences of American Independence, Subjoins a Comparison between the United States, and the West Indies.

He says the Exports from England was in 17711

£ s d
To North America 4,586,882: 15: 5
  £
To Dominica 170,623: 19: 3
To St Vincents 36,839: 10: 7
To Grenada 123,919: 4: 5
331,338: 14: 32
  Difference 4,255,500: 1: 2

If We reflect on the vast Extent of Territory, improved and improvable, in America her Superiority in Numbers of People, of Mariners, of shipping in naval force, raw materials, and consumption of Manu-440 image factures, he hopes We should confess the Colonies of more Importance than the Islands.3

He compares the Continent and the Islands in the following Points. 1. In Extent of Territory. 2. Salubrity of Clymates. 3. Numbers of Inhabitants capable of Warring for the Empire, whereas the Islands are a dead Weight in Case of War.4 4. Variety of Clymates. If the W. Indies furnish Rum, Sugar, Cocoa, Coffee, Pimento and Ginger. The Continent produces Wheat Rye, Barly oats, Indian Corn, Rice flour Biscuit, Salt Beef, Pork bacon, Venison, Cod, Mackarel, and other Fish and Tobacco. If the W. Indies produce Some materials for Dyers, as Logwood, Fustick, Mahogany and Indigo; the Continent produces Indigo Silk, Flax, Hemp; Furs and Skins of the Bear Bever, Otter, Musrat, Deer, Tyger, Leopard, Wild Cat, Fox, racoon, and Pot ash, Pearl ash, Copper and lead ore, Iron in Pigs and Bars, for our Manufactures; besides all the articles of Naval stores, Timber, Plank, Boards, Masts, Yards, and ships built for sale, Pitch Tar, Turpentine, Hemp and Salt Petre. Such of these Articles as are necessary for the Manufactures and Commerce of England, were sent there, the surplus only to other Marketts and the Proceeds of that surplus remitted in Bills or Cash, for British Manufactures and foreign articles of Commerce.5

5. The Growing States of the Colonies on the Continent, which appears by the Exports.

£ s d
The Value of the Exports from England to North America, was in 1763 1,867,285: 6: 2
in 1771 4,586,882: 17: 11
Increase in Eight years 2,719,597: 11: 9
The Value of the Exports from England to the West Indies was in 1763 1,149,596: 12: 4
in 1771 1,155,658: 3: 11
Increase in Eight years 6,061: 11: 7
The Value of the Imports into England from the West Indies, was in 1763 3,268,485: 14: 6
in 1771 2,800,583: 14: 0
Decrease in Eight years 467,902: 0: 6
He could not obtain an amount of the general Exports from the West Indies, and therefore can not make a Comparison with those from N. America, which were £ s d
in 1766 3,924,606: 0: 0
441
in 1773 6,400,000: 0: 0
Increase in 7 years 2,475,394: 0: 0
The Exports from Great Britain to foreign Countries, have been generally computed at £ s d
7,000,000: 0: 0
in 1771 from England to America 4,586,882:15: 5 }
to the W. Indies 1,155,658: 3:11 5,742,530: 19: 46
12,742,530: 19: 4
The Exports from Scotland to America are not included when added, they will increase the Value of the Exports from Great Britain to upwards of 6,000,000: 0: 0

which is nearly equal to the Amount of all the foreign Exports of the Kingdom, and one half of the whole Commerce of the Nation exclusive only of that to Ireland and the East Indies.7

I wish this Writer had seen the Resolutions of Congress, of the Eighteenth of March by which their whole national Debt is reduced to about five Millions of Dollars, or a little better than one Million sterling, as I understand them.

Lord Norths Loan of this year Twelve Millions, equal to the whole Exports of the Kingdom to foreign Countries N. America and the W. Indies.

The whole American Debt for five years, is about one Sixth part of their Exports to Great Britain in 1771.

This would have added a little Perspicuity to his argument to Convince America how easy a Task she has, to maintain her Independence and her Alliances and how very valuable those objects are.

Most of these Facts were minutely examined in Congress in the year 1774 when and where probably Mr. Galloway learned them and with the most Sanguine Confidence it was expected, by many that they would occur to the Parliament and Nation, and prevent them from dissaffecting, by a Perseverance in Impolicy and injustice, so prescious a Part of the dominions, to the total destruction of the Empire as it was called. Others who had studied more attentively the Character of the British Administration and Nation had Strong Fears, that nothing would Succeed. They have been found to have judged right. We may lament over the Misfortunes of the English but it is our Duty to rejoice in the Prospect of superiour Liberty Prosperity and Glory to the New World that now opens in Consequence of the 442Blindness and Infatuation of their Ennemies. We ought also to rejoice at the Destruction of that selfish and contracted Monopoly which confined the Blessings of the new World to a single Nation, and at the liberal Extension of them to all Mankind.8

I have the Honour to be, &c

LbC (Adams Papers;) notations: “So far.”; by John Thaxter: “No. 86” and “June 23d. 1780. This day Mr. Adams delivered to Drs. Boush and Lewis of Virginia, the duplicate of No. 81, and the originals Nos. 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, to go by the Buckskin Capt. Jones from Bourdeaux.” The meaning of JA's notation “So far.” which appears at the top of the first page of the letter, has not been determined. Despite the notation here regarding the original copy of this letter and that on JA's letter of 29 June to the president of Congress (No. 88, descriptive note, below), indicating that a duplicate was sent on 6 July, no copy of this letter exists in the PCC.

1.

The following figures are taken from Cool Thoughts, p. 59. This passage and all of the other material in this letter is taken from the third section of Cool Thoughts : “On the Value and Importance of the American Colonies and the West Indies to the British Empire,” p. 57–70.

2.

This figure should be 331,382:14: 2, and appears as such in the pamphlet, p. 59.

3.

Same, p. 61. This is a condensed version of a passage that reads “. . . if they would reflect on her vast extent of improved and improveable territory, her superiority in numbers of people, of mariners, of shipping, and in naval force, with her various and extensive capabilities, many of them hitherto untried and unexplored, of raising and furnishing raw materials for the manufactures of this country, and the vast consumption of every article of our commerce, which the numbers of her people must occasion, they would discover their error, and, I hope, would find candour enough to confess that the Colonies in America are of some consequence to Great Britain, as well as the West Indies.” JA's abridgement makes Galloway appear to emphasize the importance of the mainland colonies over the West Indies more than he actually did in the passage.

4.

The first three points are dealt with in separate paragraphs on p. 62–64.

5.

Same, p. 64–65. This is an accurate paraphrase of portions of the relevant paragraph in the pamphlet. However, Galloway also noted, in specific terms, the effect of the varied climates in the North American colonies on the commodities produced and the ability of those colonies to provide food for both the West Indies and Great Britain in times of need. Finally, he emphasized that the North American trade largely centered on Great Britain.

6.

This is as the sub-total appears in Cool Thoughts, p. 67. It should be £5,742,540:19: 4, and consequently the total given immediately below should be £12,742,540:19: 4.

7.

The figures provided for British exports are exactly those given in Cool Thoughts (p. 66–68), but much of the text that accompanies those figures has either been paraphrased or omitted.

8.

This letter, together with the passages taken from the pamphlet, form the basis for JA's commentary in the unpublished “Letters from a Distinguished American,” ante 14–22 July, No. XI (below).

From Edmund Jenings, 18 June 1780 Jenings, Edmund JA

1780-06-18

From Edmund Jenings, 18 June 1780 Jenings, Edmund Adams, John
From Edmund Jenings
Sir Brussels June. 18. 1780

Your Excellencys finds by the London Papers, that the expected Tumults are begun—they are the natural Consequences of those Measures, which have been taken against America. When Men make Religion the Stalking Horse to political Ambition, it will ever fall back 443on themselves. The King has long favoured the Catholics and discountenanced the Dissenters to serve his Arbitrary purposes. He thinks himself politically justified therein, but James, the second, who did from Principle and Conscience was a better Man. If George is actuated by the same Motives, He is unfit for the Throne of England. He is either a bad protestant, or bad King. He is too a Silly Politician, for He has raised a ferment, which will require more Abilities to lay, than I believe He possesses. The Case requires Severity, but if He Insists, He may suffer personally, for Fanatics stick not at Assination, if Severity is not used, the Proof will be Manifest, the Government is gone, as the Constitution is ruined. This Matter will have other serious Consequences in the Opinion of foreigners, it will serve to increase the Animosity Against the English, which in general prevails throughout Europe, and it cannot but give Spirits to our countigences to find such Destractions in the Capital of the Ennemy. It is certain, that many Catholic Families have already come over to these Countries, and shoud the Prosecutions be violent against the Insurgents, many Protestants will retire to Holland, until they can safely go to America. I Hope the American Agent in that Country will have Instructions to attend to such as arrive there. Perhaps many useful Sailors may be found Among them.

I thank your Excellency for sending me the Report of the Convention of your State. I have read it with pleasure and Admiration and shall be proud of receiving further Information on what has passed relative to that, and other Important and interesting Matters. The Preamble of the report of the Convention was published about a month Ago, and by the last post I see a Continuance thereof, and the whole is to be laid before the public, it is to be found in the London Courant—it is published entire in Almons Remembrancer—I shall get it translated into French.1

Since the fore going was written, the Tumults in London are Somewhat appeased. Many of the Rioters are taken and Lord George Germaineordon committed to the Tower, it is said for high Treason. I should think his Tryal will make some Noise and produce signal Consequences, unless the Minister acts with much Prudence. Lord George is a cool daring Man and will brave his Ennemies to the last. If He is cut of unjustly or even Justly some fanetic Adherent may take ample Revenge. I am rejoiced, that the Author of the Quebec Law2 has been noticed, altho not sufficiently for the public the Coward has had his fright, and may be more prudently honest in future. The loss of his Library, which is much deplored in the public Papers is A 444gain in my opinion to Society; for I am sure, not a single Book of virtuous and free Principles could have been found therein, or if such had been there, they were so mutilated with the Common Law of England and the magna charta so mutilated and corrupted by notes, that they would have been dangerous to an honest Government. His Tokay indeed might have been good and unadulterated. The King himself, who was not heard of during the Distress of his people, trembled in his Palace, and dared not to show himself, for the Battle in Cheepside and Cornhill was not as bloodless as more bloody than those at Blackheath and Wimbledon. I am rejoiced it has produced in a Him a show of Sensibility to Natural Affection, it is the first Instance; his Brothers, whom had abandoned and left in distress, on Account of their Virtuous Marriages, offered their Assistance in the Time of his Anguish, His Heart was somewhat Softned thereby and He has most graciously pardoned their Honest offence in Marrying.3 I Hope his Heart may change, and that He may learn to feel; what others feel, He must find himself now not invulnerable and beyond the Strokes of fortune, and His Pride may be Checked. It may be good for Him and others that He has been in Trouble. It will be so, if He has the least Spark of Virtue and Religion in Him; if not, He will grow more Obdurate and endeavour to save himself of what has happened to the ruin of his people, James, the second, did so after the Extinction of Monmouths Revolt.4 For my part, I depend not on Him, after what He has done. Nature and Education are difficulties to be got over which may perhaps demand more and sharper Miseries to Correct. I pray to God the present may do.

The necessity of making Peace will I Hope be more Obvious to Him Now. What would have been said by Lord George Germaine, if such a Tumult had arisen at Philadelphia as at London? What Triumph, if Congress had been driven from their Seats, as the Parliament has been! Wicked wretch! Take shame to yourself, and whilst you talk of the weakness of a New settld Government, look to the supposed strength and real Impotency of an old established One, and learn, that any Society founded in Virtue and on Opinion, is stronger than a Government held together and conducted by Corruption. I think I wish I was in London. The next meeting of Parliament, which is to tomorrow, deserves our attention; if there is the least Sense of Shame remaining, it must flush at coming together after what has passed. It must tremble to think how near falling thier proud System was, when the Mob attacked the Bank an Hour might have humbled the whole to the Dust and ruined that baseless Fabrick; the Credit 445of the Bank Congress has withstood the Knavery of the worst of men for years. They may be insolent, that they have escaped, but they ought to be humble, they must see that Peace is Absolutely Necessary, or that they must be Undone. Should the Ministers receive at this Time a Severe Blow, they may have political Demands, as well as religious ones made on them. The people are in such an Alarm, that they must feel for themselves. It is said that disagreeable news is arrived from Clinton; this perhaps will only touch the Ministry, but some blow in the West Indies would give rise to other Kind of Mobs: the Merchants would leave the Exchange, which is now possessed by Soldiers and March to St. James. I congratulate your Excellency on the Probability and Appearances of things. I Hope, that you will soon be calld upon to Exercise your blessed Mission in Conjunction with our good Allies.

A Fleet of 20 ships of the Line has left Portsmouth, but cannot be out of the Channel on account of the Contrary Winds.5 I suspect it is in a bad state, not half manned victualled or fitted.

I have received your Excellencys Letter of the 11th Instant. I return your Excellency my humblest thanks for your Condescention, and taking in good Part, what I had the Honor of saying to your Excellency with respect to your Observations on Conways Speech. I have sent them and those on Lord Georges Germains to London.6

I beg to know of your Excellency whether Mr. Diggs has been at Paris, since your Arival there.

It is believd that orders are sent to Evacuate N York, but then as the Politician, says in the Play, comes the important and necessary Question, Quomodo.

The Printer of the Utrecht Paper has had the Impudence to deny the authenticity of Clintons intercepted Letter. I am told there is a Congress Agent in that Quarter; Surely He ought to Correct this Printer; Time I Know will do it, but your Excellency I believe will think it ought not to be left entirely to Time. She has a good deal of other business on her Hands.

Advice is just received here that an English Ship has taken a french One under the forts of Ostend.

I am with the greatest Consideration Sir your Excellencys Most Faithful and Obedient Humble Servt.

Edm: Jenings

RC (Adams Papers;) endorsed: “Mr. Jennings. June 18. ans. July 4. 1780.”

1.

JA had enclosed a copy of The Report of a Constitution or Form of Government for the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, with his letter of 7 June (above). For the printing of the Report in the London Courant of 18 April and 6, 7, and 8 June, and in the first volume of 446John Almon's Remembrancer for 1780, see Thomas Digges' letter of 14 April, note 2 (above). The results of Jenings' effort to obtain a French translation are unknown.

2.

The London residence of William Murray, 1st earl of Mansfield and lord chief-justice, was destroyed by the mob during the Gordon Riots. Mansfield later presided over Lord George Gordon's trial for treason ( DNB ).

3.

George III had been estranged from his brothers William Henry, duke of Gloucester, and Henry Frederick, duke of Cumberland and Strathearn, since 1772 when both had disclosed secret marriages that he deemed inappropriate ( DNB ). The brothers' reconciliation was reported in the London Courant of 12 June.

4.

In 1685, James Scott, duke of Monmouth, the natural and acknowledged son of Charles II and Lucy Walters, landed in Dorset, proclaimed himself king, and raised a revolt against James II. The rebellion constituted no real threat and was quickly put down. In the aftermath, James II executed Monmouth, and then, in what came to be known as the “Bloody Assizes,” dealt very harshly with Monmouth's supporters, hanging over three hundred and selling another eight hundred into slavery ( DNB ; Cambridge Modern Hist. , 5:232).

5.

Presumably Jenings refers to the channel fleet under Adm. Francis Geary's command that sailed on 8 June (London Courant, 10 June).

6.

For JA's replies to speeches by Gen. Henry Seymour Conway and Lord George Germain that he had sent to Jenings, see Jenings' letter of 5 June, note 2 (above). For their publication in England, see Jenings' letter of 9 July, note 2 (below).