Papers of John Adams, volume 3
1775-07-06
I have at last the Pleasure of acknowledging your Favour of the 26. June. I have mourned, week after Week, the loss of all my old Correspondents, in a Course of Time when they were of more Consequence to me and to my Errand, than ever. What is become of Tudor? Where is Tudor? Is he gone to England? Is he sick? Is he afraid to write? Is he gone into the Army, and become so intent on War, with his Enemies as to forget his Friends? These were Questions very often in our Mouths.
But the Past shall be forgiven upon Condition, that you keep an exact Journal of occurencies from day to day for the future and transmit it to me by every opportunity.
We have Spent this whole Day in debating Paragraph by Paragraph, a Manifesto as some call it, or a Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of our taking up Arms.1 It will be printed Tomorrow, and shall be transmitted as Soon as possible. It has Some Mercury in it, and is pretty frank, plain, and clear. If Lord North dont compliment every Mothers Son of us, with a Bill of Attainder, in Exchange for it, I shall think it owing to Fear.
Surely, upon the Same Principle that he has ordered or suffered Gage, to proclaim Adams and Hancock unpardonable, he must order all of Us to be declared so—for all have now gone further than they ever did.
The military Spirit in this City, would agreably Surprize you. It breaks out into a great Variety of Forms—Rifle Men, Indians, Light Infantry, light Horse, Highlanders, with their Plaid and Bag Pipes, and German Hussars.
This Morning a Person came to the Door of the State House where the Congress Sitts, in all his Pontificalibus:2 I went out to see him. His Errand was to shew us the Dress, and Armour of a German Hussar —a Stout Man, with an high large Cap on his Head, with a Streamer flowing from it down to his Waistband: a deaths Head painted on the Front of it, a large Hussar Cloak, ornamented with golden Cord, Lace, and Fringe, a Scarlet Waistcoat underneath, with gold Button holes and yellow Mettal Buttons, double breasted—a light Musquet, Slung over his shoulder, and a Turkish Sabre or Scymetar by his side, longer, better fortified and more conveniently shaped than an Highland broad sword—His Horse, well bridled, Saddled—Pistols in good Holsters—an active Fellow, Slinging his Firelock and sabre about and 60mounting with great agility—taken all together the most formidable military Figure, I ever Saw.
It Seems he has a great Inclination to See, Burgoines, light Horse. He tells us, he can inlist immediately 50 or 60, German Veterans who have long Served in Germany, and are as desirous of going in the Character of Hussars, or Troopers, as he is.3
This would Set before our New England People, a fine Example for their Imitation: But what is of more Moment, it would engage the Affections of the Germans, of whom there are many in N. York, Pensylvania, Maryland and other Colonies, more intensely in the Cause of America. What will be done, I know not.
Let me intreat you, as you love your Country, and your Friend write me by every opportunity. My Compliments to your Father and Mother and all Friends.
See JA to Joseph Palmer, 5
Official or ceremonial attire (
OED
).
On 11 July the delegates from Pennsylvania were given permission to “treat with and employ 50 Hussars” and send them to join Washington's army (
JCC
, 2:173). On 1 Aug., however, the congress reconsidered and decided that the Pennsylvania delegation should not act upon the resolve and should discharge Hussars that had been “engaged or enlisted” (same, p. 238).
1775-07-06
Every Line I receive from you, gives me great Pleasure, and is of vast Use to me in the public Cause. Your Letters were very usefull to me last Fall. Your Character became then known, and much esteemed. The few Letters I have received from you this Time, have increased the Desire of more, and some other Gentlemen who happened to know you, particularly Governor Hopkins and Ward of Rhode Island have confirmed, every Good opinion which had been formed. I must intreat you to omit no Opportunity of Writing and to be as particular as possible.
Want of frequent Communication and particular Intelligence led us into the unfortunate Arrangement of General Officers, which is likely to do so much Hurt. We never received the most distant Intimation of any Design to new model your Army; and indeed Some of Us, were obliged to give up our own Judgments merely from Respect to What We took to be the Arrangement of our provincial Congress. I 61have made it my Business ever Since I heard of this Error, to wait upon Gentlemen of the Congress at their Lodgings, and else where to let them into the secret and contrive a Way to get out of the Difficulty, which I hope We shall effect.1
I rejoice to hear of the great military Virtues and Abilities of General Thomas.
Alass poor Warren! Dulce et decorum est pro Patria mori. Yet I regret his Appointment to such a Command. For God Sake my Friend let us be upon our Guard, against too much Admiration of our greatest Friends. President of the Congress Chairman of the Committee of safety, Major General and Chief surgeon of the Army, was too much for Mortal, and This Accumulation of Admiration upon one Gentleman, which among the Hebrews was called Idolatry, has deprived us forever of the Services of one of our best and ablest Men. We have not a sufficient Number of such Men left to be prodigal of their Lives in future.
Every Brain is at Work to get Powder and salt Petre. I hope We shall succeed: but We must be very CEconomical of that Article. We must not use large Cannon, if We can possibly avoid it.
This Letter will go by two fighting Quakers. Mr. Stephen Collins and Mr. John Kaighn. The first is the most hospitable benevolent
Secret and confidential, as the Saying is,3
The Congress, is not yet So much alarmed as it ought to be. There are Still hopes, that Ministry and Parliament, will immediately receed, as Soon as they hear of the Battle of Lexington, the Spirit of New York and Phyladelphia, the Permanency of the Union of the Colonies &c. I think they are much deceived and that We shall have nothing but Deceit and Hostility, Fire, Famine, Pestilence and Sword, from Administration and Parliament. Yet the Colonies like all Bodies of Men must and will have their Way and their Honour, and even their Whims.
These Opinions of Some Colonies which are founded I think in their Wishes and Passions, their Hopes and Fears, rather than in Reason and Evidence will give a whimsical Cast to the Proceedings of this Congress. You will see a Strange Oscilation between Love and 62Hatred, between War and Peace. Preparations for War, and Negociations for Peace. We must have a Petition to the King, and a delicate Proposal of Negociation &c. This Negociation I dread like Death. But it must be proposed. We cant avoid it. Discord and total Disunion would be the certain Effect of a resolute Refusal to petition and negotiate. My Hopes are that Ministry will be afraid of Negociation as well as We, and therefore refuse it. If they agree to it, We shall have occasion for all our Wit, Vigilence and Virtue to avoid being deceived, wheedled, threatned or bribed out of our Freedom.
If We Strenuously insist upon our Liberties, as I hope and are pretty sure We shall, however, a Negotiation, if agreed to, will terminate in Nothing. It will effect nothing. We may possibly gain Time and Powder and Arms.
You will see an Address to the People of G. Britain another to those of Ireland, and another to Jamaica.4
You will also see a Spirited Manifesto.5 We ought immediately to dissolve all Ministerial Tyrannies, and Custom houses, set up Governments of our own, like that of Connecticutt in all the Colonies, confederate together like an indissoluble Band, for mutual defence and open our Ports to all Nations immediately. This is the system that your Friend has aimed at promoting from first to last; But the Colonies are not yet ripe for it.6 A Bill of Attainder, &c may soon ripen them.
The issue was, at first, the competency of Artemas Ward as compared with John Thomas, but it soon resolved itself into what position Thomas should have among the brigadier generals appointed on 22 June. At that time the aged Seth Pomeroy had been placed first and Thomas, whom many in Massachusetts believed to be their most able general, sixth, below William Heath, his subordinate in the Massachusetts army (James Warren to JA, 20, 27 June; Gerry to Massachusetts Delegates, 20 June; JA to Joseph Warren, 21 June, all above). By 6 July, JA was aware that a mistake had been made and began efforts to rectify it. He was aided by the action of Washington, who, on reaching Cambridge and being informed of the dissatisfaction, held back the commissions until the congress could act (Freeman, Washington
, 3:488–489). On 19 July, on Washington's recommendation, JA moved to put Thomas first among the brigadiers in the place of Pomeroy, who had not taken up his commission (
JCC
, 2:191;
Adams Family Correspondence
, 1:237–238). The action by the congress brought the controversy to a successful conclusion as far as Massachusetts was concerned, but problems remained in the ranking of brigadiers. See JA to James Warren, 23 July (below).
MS torn here.
This communication is written on p. 3 of a large folded sheet, of which the signed letter takes up p. 1 and about half of p. 2. The secret information is written in a small hand and crowded lines with such wide margins that it 63takes up only a middle strip of the page.
These addresses are in
JCC
, 2:163–171, 212–218, 204–206.
The Declaration of the Causes and Necessity for Taking Up Arms.
Perhaps this is the earliest avowal of JA's desire for something approaching independence, which he had indignantly rejected in his Novanglus letters (JA, Papers
, 2:263, 336). In those, he had argued for separate states under a common king. Aside from this position, his “radicalism” had meant insisting upon united and firm action in dealing with Great Britain. Rather than petitions and addresses, he had preferred increased defenses and negotiations only from a position of strength. Now, in advocating the establishment of “Governments of our own, like that of Connecticutt,” a nearly self-governing colony, he would seem to be rejecting the Massachusetts charter and thus with it the prerogatives of the king. Connecticut, of course, was under the king and on occasion had been forced to bow to the royal will, but with its elected governor it would have seemed to someone from Massachusetts virtually free of the royal presence. It is impossible to say whether JA meant the change he was advocating to be permanent. In a letter to Warren of 24 July (below), he writes of “Peace and Reconcilliation” and negotiation.
In revealing to Warren the actions of the congress and his own opinion of them, JA was violating for the first time the rule of secrecy imposed by the congress on 11 May (
JCC
, 2:22). Certainly the violation stemmed from JA's frustration, but it may have had a more immediate cause—his confrontation with John Dickinson, described in JA's Autobiography (
Diary and Autobiography
, 3:317–318). This event occurred during the debate on the second petition to the king, which ended on 5 July (
JCC
, 2:127). This first disregard for secrecy rules began a series of letters equally revealing of the divisions within the congress, which culminated on 24 July with the famous reference to John Dickinson as a “piddling Genius” (JA to James Warren, 11, 23, 24 July, below; to AA, 7, 23, 24 July,
Adams Family Correspondence
, 1:241–243, 252–254, 255–258).