Papers of John Adams, volume 2
1775-04-01
It is not easy for me to determine whether it be best, to carry the Cause2 before the Governor and Council as a Court of Chancery or before the King and Council—because, I dont know enough of the Character and Sentiments of the Governor and Council. They may be all Episcopalians, and so much prejudiced, as to render an Application to them, fruitless.
Nor am I able to say, whether, the Cause can be carried before the King in Council; because I dont know what Provision, is made concerning Appeals, by the Constitution of that Province: but if it can be carried home at all, I suppose it may, even after a Decree against you by the Governor and Council.
If there is an Appeal, Home, either after a Decree in Chancery or before, it must be conducted in this Manner. Application must be made to some able Lawyer in Hallifax, and I suppose there is none there Superior to Mr. Prentors. The whole Case must be copied in the respective offices, and every Copy attested by the proper officer, and authenticated under the Province Seal. The Copies thus authenticated should be, transmitted together with a minute State of the whole Case drawn by your Lawyer at Hallifax, to some Friend or Agent, some Attorney in England, who must engage Council there to conduct the Cause. Mr. Dunning, and the Attorney and Solicitor General,3 any one, or two of the Three should be retained.
As to the Merits of the Cause, I am very clear, the Presbyterian Ministers, are Ministers within the Meaning of the Nova Scotia Law, as much as Episcopalians, and therefore that Mr. Gannett was the first Minister, and undoubtedly intitled to the Lands.
Neither Soliciting or receiving Money, from the People of Cumberland, or other Towns in the Province, would be maintenance. It might be deemed Maintenance, in those who gave the Money for what I know, and therefore, it would be best to have that Matter conducted with, Caution Prudence, and Secrecy. What Effects a Party Spirit may produce in Hallifax, concerning this Cause, I dont know, but in such a public, common Cause here, there would be no Difficulty. There have been many Instances, of private Contributions to carry on Causes: Altho it is not in general Causes laudable or allowable.
Harvard Graduates
, 15:392–399).
This cause was Gannett's claim to five hundred acres granted to him as the first settled minister for the Congregationalists gathered around Fort Cumberland. New Englanders had gone to Nova Scotia with the understanding that dissenters would be treated as equals even though the Anglican Church was the established one. Called to serve the parish in 1768 and given his land as provided by law, Gannett had expected to stay. But the arrival of a Church of England missionary, who laid claim to the land on threat of a lawsuit, and the decline in the number of parishioners served by Gannett caused him to return to Massachusetts in 1771. As the first minister, Gannett thought he had a right to the land now claimed by his rival (same, p. 393; “Sketch of the Life and Character of Caleb Gannett, Esq.,” MHS, Colls.
, 2d ser., 8 [1826]: 282–284).
John Dunning, Edward Thurlow (1731–1806), Alexander Wedderburn (
DNB
).
On the second page of this letter below Adams' signature is a letter from Gannett to Jotham Gay, probably Gannett's agent in Nova Scotia, in which Gannett commented on JA's advice and left it to Gay to determine whether the matter should be pursued further. Gannett forwarded JA's letter to Gay, who apparently docketed it with the date.
1775-04-04
The interesting Advices we rec'd here on Sunday, and which the Papers will acquaint You, have had almost as great an Effect on People in this Town, as the Arrival of the Port Bill produc'd. The Women are terrify'd by the Fears of Blood and Carnage. The Merchants are dispirited, by the Expectation of Lord North's Bill for the Prevention of the Newfoundland Fishery; and the Trading to any Parts but G. Britain or English W. Indies.1 They now begin to think England can do more easily without Us, than we at first Thought. What Cowards does Interest make men! Thank God our Salvation is not dependent On the Virtue of Merchants, if it was—our Perdition would be unadvoidable.
Americans may now shew whether they deserve Freedom, by discovering Resolution and to prefer Poverty to Slavery.
I hope The Gloom which at present prevails will go off in a Day or two, as it did after first June last.2 And the Spirit of Liberty, Glory, Honour, Virtue succeed, and glow with tenfold Warmth.
It has been wish'd that Novanglus would for a Week or two quit 413the Pursuit of Massachusettensis and give Us some Strictures, on these new Manoevres, and infernal Measures.
If it would not be too much Trouble I should be much oblig'd to Mrs. Adams for a Copy of Collins's Elegy on the Death of the Patriots that fell at Culloden.3 My little Friend John,4 has it by Heart.
News that arrived at Marblehead from Falmouth on 2 April caused a sensation. Besides the two items that Tudor mentions, word came that the King was promising to take all necessary action against the colonies to bring them into compliance with the law, that the colonies were considered in rebellion, and that the naval and land forces deployed in America were going to be increased (Boston Evening-Post, 3, 10 April 1775). The New England Restraining Act was in fact signed into law on 30 March, and the law applying restraints outside New England, on 13 April (Bernhard Knollenberg, Growth of the American Revolution, N.Y., 1975, p. 171, 424).
Exclusion of New England ships from the Newfoundland Banks was to begin 21 July. Beginning 1 July and 1 Sept. respectively New England exports could go only to the British Isles or the British West Indies, and imports could come only from the same places. The determination to send more forces and the decision to declare Massachusetts in rebellion had been made in January and February (same, p. 171, 174, 424). News of these measures caused the Second Provincial Congress to postpone its adjournment (James Warren to Mercy Warren, 6 April,
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:44–46; Mass. Provincial Congress, Jours.
, p. 117).
The date the Boston Port Act had gone into effect.
William Collins, “Ode, Written in the Beginning of the Year 1746,” a favorite of AA's (
Adams Family Correspondence
, 1:223–224, note 3).
JQA, who was being schooled by two of JA's law clerks (Nathan Rice and John Thaxter) at his office in Boston (same, 1:141 and note 4).