Diary of John Adams, volume 3

[Wednesday October 18. 1775.] JA

1775-10

[Wednesday October 18. 1775.] Adams, John
Wednesday October 18. 1775.

On Wednesday October 18. 1775. The Delegates from New Hampshire laid before the Congress a part of the Instructions delivered to them by their Colony, in these Words:

”We would have you immediately Use your utmost Endeavours, to obtain the Advice and direction of the Congress, with respect to a Method for our Administering Justice, and regulating our civil Police. We press you not to delay this matter, as its being done speedily will probably prevent the greatest confusion among Us.”

This Instruction might have been obtained by Mr. Langdon or Mr. Whipple but I always supposed it was General Sullivan, who suggested the measure because he left Congress with a stronger im-355pression upon his mind of the importance of it, than I ever observed in either of the others. Be this however as it may have been, I embraced with Joy the opportunity of harranguing on the Subject at large, and of urging Congress to resolve on a general recommendation to all the States to call Conventions and institute regular Governments. I reasoned from various Topicks, many of which perhaps I could not now recollect. Some I remember as 1. The danger of the Morals of the People, from the present loose State of Things and general relaxation of Laws and Government through the Union. 2. The danger of Insurrections in some of the most disaffected parts of the Colonies, in favour of the Enemy or as they called them, the Mother Country, an expression that I thought it high time to erase out of our Language. 3. Communications and Intercourse with the Ennemy, from various parts of the Continent could not be wholly prevented, while any of the Powers of Government remained, in the hands of the Kings servants. 4. It could not well be considered as a Crime to communicate Intelligence, or to Act as Spies or Guides to the Ennemy, without assuming all the Powers of Government. 5. The People of America, would never consider our Union as compleat, but our Friends would always suspect divisions among Us, and our Ennemies who were scattered in larger or smaller Numbers not only in every State and City, but in every Village through the whole Union, would forever represent Congress as divided, and ready to break to pieces, and in this Way would intimidate and discourage multitudes of our People who wished Us well. 6. The Absurdity of carrying on War, against a King, When so many Persons were daily taking Oaths and Affirmations of Allegeance to him. 7. We could not expect that our Friends in Great Britain would believe Us United and in earnest, or exert themselves very strenuously in our favour, while We acted such a wavering hesitating Part. 8. Foreign Nations particularly France and Spain would not think Us worthy of their Attention, while We appeared to be deceived by such fallacious hopes of redress of Grievances, of pardon for our Offences, and of Reconciliation with our Enemies. 9. We could not command the natural Resources of our own Country; We could not establish Manufactories of Arms, Cannon, Salt Petre, Powder, Ships &c. Without the Powers of Government, and all these and many other preparations ought to be going on in every State or Colony, if you will, in the Country.

Although the Opposition was still inveterate, many Members of Congress began to hear me with more Patience, and some began to ask me civil questions. How can the People institute Governments? 356My Answer was by Conventions of Representatives, freely, fairly and proportionally chosen.—When the Convention has fabricated a Government, or a Constitution rather, how do We know the People will submit to it? If there is any doubt of that, the Convention may send out their Project of a Constitution, to the People in their several Towns, Counties or districts, and the People may make the Acceptance of it their own Act. But the People know nothing about Constitutions. I believe you are much mistaken in that Supposition: if you are not, they will not oppose a Plan prepared by their own chosen Friends: but I believe that in every considerable portion of the People, there will be found some Men, who will understand the Subject as well as their representatives, and these will assist in enlightening the rest....1 But what Plan of a Government, would you advise? A Plan as nearly resembling the Governments under which We were born and have lived as the Circumstances of the Country will admit. Kings We never had among Us, Nobles We never had. Nothing hereditary ever existed in the Country: Nor will the Country require or admit of any such Thing: but Governors, and Councils We have always had as Well as Representatives. A Legislature in three Branches ought to be preserved, and independent Judges. Where and how will you get your Governors and Councils? By Elections. How, who shall elect? The Representatives of the People in a Convention will be the best qualified to contrive a Mode.

After all these discussions and interrogations, Congress was not prepared nor disposed to do any thing as yet. They must consider farther.

Resolved that the Consideration of this matter be referred to Monday next. Monday arrived and Tuesday and Wednesday passed over, and Congress not yet willing to do any thing.

1.

Suspension points in MS.

[Thursday October 26. 1775.] JA [Thursday October 26. 1775.] Adams, John
Thursday October 26. 1775.

On Thursday October 26. 1775. The Subject again brought on the Carpet, and the same discussions repeated, for very little new was produced. After a long discussion in which Mr. John Rutledge, Mr. Ward, Mr. Lee, Mr. Sherman, Mr. Gadsden, Mr. Dyer, and some others had spoken on the same Side with me, Congress resolved that a Committee of five members be appointed to take into Consideration, the Instructions given to the Delegates of New Hampshire, and report their Opinion thereon. The Members chosen Mr. John Rutledge, Mr. J. Adams, Mr. Ward, Mr. Lee and Mr. Sherman.

Although this Committee was entirely composed of Members, as well disposed to encourage the Enterprize as could have been found 357in Congress, yet they could not be brought to agree upon a Report, and to bring it forward in Congress till Fryday November 3. 1775. When Congress taking into Consideration the Report of the Committee on the New Hampshire Instructions, after another long deliberation and debate, Resolved That it be recommended to the provincial Convention of New Hampshire, to call a full and free representation of the People, and that the Representatives if they think it necessary, establish such a form of Government, as in their Judgment will best produce the happiness of the People, and most effectually secure Peace and good Order in the Province, during the Continuance of the present dispute between Great Britain and the Colonies.

By this Time I mortally hated the Words “Province” “Colonies” and Mother Country and strove to get them out of the Report. The last was indeed left out, but the other two were retained even by this Committee who were all as high Americans, as any in the House, unless Mr. Gadsden should be excepted. Nevertheless I thought this resolution a Tryumph and a most important Point gained.1

Mr. John Rutledge was now compleatly with Us, in our desire of revolutionizing all the Governments, and he brought forward immediately, some representations from his own State, when Congress then taking into consideration, the State of South Carolina, and sundry papers relative thereto, being read and considered

Resolved that a Committee of five be appointed to take the same into Consideration and report what in their Opinion is necessary to be done. The Members chosen Mr. Harrison, Mr. Bullock, Mr. Hooper, Mr. Chase and Mr. S. Adams.2

1.

The authorship of the report on the New Hampshire Instructions is unknown. JA's account of the debates on the subject must have been drawn entirely from his own memory, for there is no known contemporary record of those debates in Congress or in committee. But in forwarding the resolution of Congress to the New Hampshire Provincial Congress, the delegates of that colony said: “The arguments on this matter .. . were truly Ciceronial, the eminent Speakers did honour to themselves and the Continent; carried by a very great majority” (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members , 1:246).

2.

This was also on 3 Nov.; see JCC , 3:319.