Yours of the 20th. is before me.— The Senate I hear is perfectly Satisfied at length, by a Message and some papers I sent them this Week at their request, that there is no Collision between The Convention with France and our Treaty with England: but other points labour.1 I choose not to say at present what I think. There has been, about two or three hundred Persons in the Union, who from the first nomination of Murray to this moment have been in a furious passion, and determined in their hearts to defeat the whole measure if they could, and to disgrace it as much as possible, in the Eyes of the public, if they could not.— If there are Some of those in the Senate, it would be no miracle.

The families you mention, have been in pursuit of Dominion by the means of popularity. They are the old Tory Connections. They Seemingly that is hypocritically fell in with the french Revolution because they Saw it was popular: but as soon as they thought it was become unpopular, they flew passionately over the Way. But they mistook the sense of the People. The French Revolution was become unpopular, but a War with France was not become popular. on the contrary the sense of the People has been always in favour of a friendly Connection with France, Spain and holland, as the best Security to keep the British in Awe.

For myself I have been, from 1786 to this moment a uniform detester of the French Revolution, as far as I could judge of it. Providence, and the french Nation had the Power. It was my duty to submit. But I had ever the most gloomy & fearful apprehensions of evil consequences, without being able to foresee any good. At the 538 Same time I have been as uniformly convinced, of the Policy of this Country to preserve Peace and a friendly Intercourse with France Spain and Holland, if it could be done, consistently with our honor and good faith. Brissotts Account of his Conversation with me as reported by Mr Gentz is true enough. The Interview was in Grosvenor Square, London. The Conversation was long and interesting. I wish he had detailed it more particularly.— He made me a present of his Works at the same time.

I began my Defence, in 1786, as much, with a View to the French Revolution then in Embrio or rather Springing into birth, as to the County Conventions their Resolutions against the Governor & senate, and the Insurrection in the Massachusetts.2 in 1788 when I first arrived at Boston Mr George Cabbott and Mr Jonathan Jackson asked me questions about a french Revolution. I answered them that there would be a Revolution and forty Years of War and blood in Consequence of it, without obtaining a shadow of Liberty or any other Advantage that I could foresee. That the French Phylosophers who were bringing the Change forward understood nothing of Government, or the system of Liberty. That any Town Meeting in New England would produce a better Constitution than all the Statesmen and Phylosophers in France.

The Adherents of Mr Hamilton, excepting a part of the Officers of the Cincinnati, are chiefly the Old Tories and their Connections. These have trumpetted and puffed his Talents, his Integrity and his disinterestedness these twenty Years. They all ever hated Hancock And Samuel Adams, and although they have affected an Appearance of some complaisance to me, in Consequence of my known principles and projects of Government, they have never loved me in their hearts. Their extravagant Praises of Washington have been merely to divert praises from Hancocks and Adams’s and McKeans &c on one hand and to boost the heavy Christian Hamilton up upon Washingtons fame, on the other

Your young Friend who writes against the Treaty means3 well no doubt. But he is in error. He mistakes the sense of the people, both now and at the time of the institution of the mission.

Your letters delight me very much. I must enjoin confidence and secresy But I shall soon be free & then I will write you with less reserve. In private life I will speak and write when I please.

The league and the fronde cannot be too much studied nor the revolution & commonwealth of England. Lord Clarendon contains 539 much information & much wisdom. Some allowance must be made for him as a party man. But all revolutions are alike in many features

I am my dear son Yours &c.

I received Yours of the 20th Instant.1 You will see how matters have gone in senate respecting the Convention. Dean Swift in verses upon his own death, Says of those who had predicted his death

So the party had rather the whole convention should be negatived and every thing put again at the mercy of France, than assent to an accommodation with them; Yet pretend that they are fearfull of Mr Jeffersons prediliction in favour of France. they see and know now, what is before them; with the present Government of France they cannot expect to obtain better terms; for pay they cannot, and to have promised it, would not have been so sincere as to have waved it— the jealousy of G Britain would be more excited by a mission to France by the New President, and the Country in general would have less confidence in obtaining terms favourable to it— Yet a blind spirit of Party appear willing to risk all. I think they ought to take the Name, of the Risk alls, for that desperate Game they have play’d untill they have brought the Country into a State of Jeopardy; that there are dareing projects on foot I as fully believe, as the 540 Gentleman who told me so, and with the present views and temper which prevails. I cannot but think the President will find himself fortunate in his release; he might have stoped there career a few years longer—but he would have had the new faction to have contended against; I have inclosed You a curious conversation, which tho at table, was not heard by any one but ourselves, as we spoke low— it is a little too much in the Tench Cox Stile to commit it to writing, but it is only for your amusement; You will draw this inference from it, that there are certain persons, who carry every thing they hear, and I dare say many things they make, to the Ear of mr J——n if only what is said by the Party be told; his prospect is not a summer sea— If Burr should be Elected, which I do not believe, it will not be from any superiour confidence either party can place in him— his private Character will not bear the scrutiny which mr Jeffersons will. I believe he would become a Buonaparty if he could. he is bold, dareing, nothing to lose of property or Reputation ambitions, insinuating, a voluptuary in practise, and as to Religion—I Do not think he feels any restraints from it. I think him a much more dangerous Man than mr Jefferson; mr J—— will be too lax, too wild and levelling, the other will draw as tight as he dare;— after all it is a scylla & Charibdis buisness—

It is laughable to hear the offices which even the federilist are for placing the President in. one wants to make him Ambassador, an other chief Justice—and an other Govenour—comforting things be sure—3 Farmer Adams—if Farmer he could be upon his own System, would be enviable to any thing in the power of the country to give or grant. no more Elective offices for Me— I think too highly of the Rank and Station in which I have been placed ever to give my consent to a scondary and Subordinate station; looking upon myself in this Sense, one and indivissible to degrade ourselves, to descend voluntarily, and by choice, from the highest to a lower Rank, to quit the care of a Nation, for that of a state—those who will Submit to it, must possess more of Humity than falls to my Lot— yet can I in a private and retired life practise all the oeconomy to which I know I must be called, and feel no degradation or mortification but for my Country—

Inclosed is a curious Letter.4 is there any such craizy fellow— return the Letter— next twesday I propose quitting here. do You know where I can get more private lodgings than at Francis’is mrs Bradford and Boudinot request Me to put up with them— I do not propose staying more than a day or two, but I think I had better 541 have lodgings—5 I shall feel more at My Ease— adieu your ever / affectionate Mother