Adams Family Correspondence, volume 14

Abigail Adams to Mary Smith Cranch, 15 November 1799 Adams, Abigail Cranch, Mary Smith
Abigail Adams to Mary Smith Cranch
my dear sister Philadelphia Novbr 15 1799

I wrote to you twice from East Chester.1 I left there the day I proposed; and had a fine passage across the North River—it was quite calm & not cold. we proceeded on our journey to Newark the same day, and there finding that we could go to Brunswick as conveniently by travelling through springfield and scotch plain to Plainfield the 50 place where col smith is encampd with three Regiments. we parted with Mr & Mrs Otis, and took different directions. we reachd Plainfield about 4 oclock—and found all hands officers and Men busily employd in cutting down Trees & building log houses for winter quarters

we took a walk through the encampment, and then went to a House which the col had provided for us, where we lodg’d the next morning he accompanied us to Brunswick, where the President met us. we tarried all Night, and then sat out in Morning for Trenton 32 miles which we reachd by four oclock, and the next day proceeded to this place, but were overtaken by rain, and rode 18 miles in it— we were Met about four mils out of Town by the Light Horse escorted in &c2

ever since I have been sitting up—receiving visitors—which prevents me going even to take a ride—which I want for exercise— the show will be pretty well over by the next week, and then I must sit out to return them all— drawing Rooms will not commence untill after congress meet.3 News we have none but what you get first from Boston. I have not a line from any one but you since I left home and that by mr Brisler.4 I quite want to hear from you; I wrote to you twice from East Chester—

I have seen by the papers the honorable testimony of respect and Regard paid to the Birth Day in Quincy, as well as in other parts of Massachussets—5 the citizens of N york and this place were not in a Situation to do it, if they had been disposed. the inhabitants were not returnd to their abodes who had been driven from them by the pestilence. I suppose they will, as they did last Year give a Ball and Supper, when the winter commences after Congress meet, and the Ladies have settled the fashions which are now canvessd, and adjusting from some late importations.6 amongst the Ladies presented to me the Countess de Tilly has been of the Number, by the Appelation of Madam de Tilly. she has all the appearence and Dress of a Real French woman, Rouged up to the Ears: Mrs Bingham did not appear to feel any Embarresment at introducing her, tho I cannot say She did not Creat one in me; for I really felt a reluctance at addressing her, so I talk’d to her mother and sister, and as there was much other company present I easily passt her over—7 Mrs Black will have a curiosity to know something of the fashions— I have heard of once a Man & twice a child,8 and the Ladies caps are an exact coppy of the Baby caps—those which are made with drawings, and drawn with a bobbin to a point, a quarter and Nail deep, a lace upon the border a bow upon the point, three bows behind and one 51 before. the Hair a little drest at the side & a few curls upon the forehead, the cap to lie flat upon the head Some tye them under the chin— Gown Waists, half a yd in length, morning dress a Gown very narrow just to reach the bottom of the skirt, a Narrow frill of half a Nail pleated round the bottom—buttond with a oval shirt button down before, two rows of the same down the back, over which a cord is crossd—the sleaves Short but with cuffs pleated, buttons upon them corded in the same Manner, two large buttons on the hips—a dress Gown, made with a long train behind comeing only half way down the coat before—a Muslin coat of the same with a small flounce at bottom— so much for fashions, already exhibited—

I requested you to take charge of my pork for Bacon, but left you not the means. inclosed is a five dollors Bill to get Salt peter and Molasses—

pray write. we all send Love Regards &c to all friends Neighbours &c &c

ever Your / affectionate / sister

A A

RC (MWA:Abigail Adams Letters).

1.

In a letter to Cranch of 20 Oct., AA wrote that yellow fever was still prevalent in New York and Philadelphia and provided instructions on construction work at Peacefield (AA, New Letters , p. 209–210). Her second letter from Eastchester, N.Y., was that of 31 Oct., above.

2.

On 8 Nov. two federal troops of horse escorted JA and AA into Philadelphia to the President’s House, and in the evening JA “received the congratulatory respects of most of the principal characters of the city” (New York Daily Advertiser, 14 Nov.).

3.

The 1st session of the 6th Congress convened on 2 Dec. and adjourned on 14 May 1800. AA’s first biweekly drawing room of the session was held on 6 Dec. 1799 (U.S. House, Jour. , 6th Cong., 1st sess., p. 523, 718; U.S. Senate, Jour. , 6th Cong., 1st sess., p. 3, 98; Philadelphia American Daily Advertiser, 2 Dec.).

4.

Cranch to AA, 19 Oct., above.

5.

News of the Quincy celebration of JA’s birthday was reprinted in the Philadelphia American Daily Advertiser, 9 Nov., noting “many truly federal and patriotic toasts,” including one to JA: “May the people ever properly estimate his virtues and talents, and repay his services by their gratitude.”

6.

A ball in honor of JA took place in Philadelphia on 16 Jan. 1800, for which see vol. 13:353, 354, 370.

7.

For the elopement of Maria Matilda Bingham and Jacques Pierre Alexandre, Comte de Tilly, see vol. 13:452. Maria’s sister was Ann Louisa Bingham Baring (1782–1848) (Margaret L. Brown, “Mr. and Mrs. William Bingham of Philadelphia: Rulers of the Republican Court,” PMHB , 61:288, 318 [July 1937]; James Fenimore Cooper, Gleanings in Europe: England, Albany, N.Y., 1982, p. 317).

8.

Shakespeare, Hamlet, Act II, scene ii, line 403.

Abigail Adams to William Smith, 19 November 1799 Adams, Abigail Smith, William
Abigail Adams to William Smith
Dear Sir Philadelphia Novbr 19th 1799

I have been from Quincy more than five weeks, and have received only one Letter from any Friend Since I left them; I find however 52 that you have not been unmindfull of us. the fish arrived safe and we regaled ourself with it, Mr & Mrs otis joining in the commemoration of the good things of New England—

Poultry we have here, both cheeper and in better order than our markets produce it, but tho President does not long for the onions and garlic of New England, he does for the cider and potatoes, and much regreets that he had not orderd some here. if a vessel should sail soon for this port, and you could procure half a Dozen Barrels of cider, and 20 Bushels of the white potato, we should esteem it a kindness if you would Ship them for us—

I had a very pleasent journey. Roads very good, provisions plentifull, and what enhanced the pleasure of both, was, that I found my Health better by the journey. we have had, a mild Nov’br the city I think as smoaky as the city of London at this Season. this day we have a clear sky and a fine Air—

the political sky of pensilvana is however more dark and gloomy than the natural Horizen. they will have to weep their unbounded reception of foreigners in tears of Blood if this state, does not give the Government much trouble. I Shall rejoice in being a false prophetise. the Jacobins having carried so triumphantly as they say, their Election, consider it as an auspicious omen of their future successes— and Americans have at this period to contend against English democratic Madness, and monarchial hatred of Republicanism as well as French anarchy and disorganization; American Ambition, delusion and frenzy— If New England does not keep their its sober senses, the ship will founder upon the Rock

I inclose to you a paper which contains a very candid report of Dupont former consul at Charlestown SC; I know not, whether you have seen it. your vessel capt Brooks is mentiond in it, as being one of those cases in which the papers were all clear, and in order—1 You will preserve the paper—we have not an other. I also inclose You an Aurora of this morning in which you will see how little our Country is like to be benifitted by becomeing an assylum for the turbulent and discontented spirits of other nations. Cooper has here come forth with all his mad Democracy and Impudence—2 Jonathan Robbins about whom the Jacobins make such a Noise calling him a Native American by the testimony of the select men of Danvers which You have no doubt seen; it appears that no such person was a Native there; so that his oath Must have been false, and from sir Hyde Parkers Letter, at his Excecution Robbins declared himself an 53 Irishman— yet after all this, with the utmost daring impudence he is call’d an American.3

I will thank you to give the paper to mr Gardner after you have read it—

My best Love to mrs smith and family, to cousin Betsy also—

I am Dear sir / affectionatly / Yours

A A

RC (MHi:Smith-Townsend Family Papers); endorsed: “Philaa. 19. Novr 99— / Mrs. Adams—” and “answd 3 Decr”; notation: “Cooper / Robbins.”

1.

AA likely enclosed the Philadelphia American Daily Advertiser, 15 Oct., which printed a translation of a 9 Jan. (An. VII, 20 nivôse) letter from Victor Marie Dupont to Comte André Joseph Abrial, a high-ranking judicial officer in the French Court of Cassation. Dupont determined to “throw some light upon the papers of American vessels” that he legalized as French consul at Charleston, S.C., and noted that Smith’s vessel, the American Eagle, Capt. Samuel Brooks, had been aquitted on two occasions and was awaiting “another tribunal” (Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale ). For the 1798 capture of the American Eagle, see vol. 13:138.

2.

The Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 19 Nov. 1799, extracted an article from the Reading Weekly Advertiser, 26 Oct., which responded to attacks on JA by Dr. Thomas Cooper, for which see vol. 13:550. Cooper’s attacks were labeled “the offspring of disappointment and revenge” and alleged to have stemmed from JA’s failure to respond to an 11 Aug. 1797 letter from Joseph Priestley (Adams Papers) seeking a patronage appointment for Cooper. Cooper answered the Reading Weekly Advertiser piece with an essay in the Sunbury and Northumberland Gazette, 2 Nov. 1799, admitting that Priestley sought an appointment on his behalf but also castigating JA as a pro-British president who sought to involve the United States in an unnecessary war with France. The essay led to Cooper’s trial and conviction for sedition, for which see AA to JQA, 27 April 1800, and note 4, below (Philadelphia Universal Gazette, 28 Nov. 1799; Wil Verhoeven, Americomania and the French Revolution Debate in Britain, 1789–1802, N.Y., 2013, p. 300–302).

3.

Jonathan Robbins (b. 1772), also known as Thomas Nash, was an Irish sailor who was arrested in Charleston, S.C., in Feb. 1799 at the behest of British consul Benjamin Moodie. Robbins was identified by Moodie as a participant in the 22 Sept. 1797 mutiny on the frigate Hermione, Capt. Hugh Pigot, which was under the command of Vice Adm. Sir Hyde Parker (1739–1807). The British requested Robbins’ extradition under Art. 27 of the Jay Treaty, to which JA consented on 21 May 1799. Robbins challenged the order, claiming he was a U.S. citizen from Danbury, Conn., who was impressed into service on the Hermione. He was nevertheless extradited to Jamaica and after a short trial executed there on 19 August. On 16 Sept., the Danbury selectmen denied Robbins’ claim in a statement that was reprinted in the Philadelphia Gazette of the United States, 15 November. The same issue of the newspaper extracted a letter from Parker in which he claimed that Robbins acknowledged himself to be an Irishman just before his execution (Ruth Wedgwood, “The Revolutionary Martyrdom of Jonathan Robbins,” Yale Law Journal, 100:235–237, 304 [Nov. 1990]; A. Roger Ekirch, American Sanctuary: Mutiny, Martyrdom, and National Identity in the Age of Revolution, N.Y., 2017, p. 92, 93; DNB ). For the subsequent attempt to censure JA for his actions, see AA to Smith, 3 March 1800, and note 5, below.