Adams Family Correspondence, volume 14

Abigail Adams to Mary Smith Cranch, 21 December 1800 Adams, Abigail Cranch, Mary Smith
Abigail Adams to Mary Smith Cranch
my Dear Sister— Washington Dec’br 21 1800

on fryday the 19th I returnd from mount Vernon, where at the pressing invitation of Mrs Washington I had been to pass a couple of day’s. the Shades of that solitude corresponded more with my present feelings than the company which I am obliged to See in the city of Washington— the sight of an old Friend, and the cordial reception I met With from every branch of the family, Served to sooth my Heart, wounded by a recent Grief, and penetrated with a sorrow which time may Soften, but cannot heal; I had been ill a Week or ten days, confined to my Room; before the event which I had daily 493 reason to look for, was made certain to me; tho I had strove for firmness & Submission, nature yealded, and bowed beneath the stroke.

I wished my dear sister to be able in all respects to fulfill every Duty; and the expectation of soon taking a final adieu of this city, prevaild with me to comply with the repeated requests of a much respected Friend, and visit her whilst I had it, in my power I took Louissa, and Young mr Johnson (Mr shaw upon account of public buisness could not attend me) and crosstt the ferry to Alexandra where I past one night, and the next day reachd Mount Vernon. in the summer it would only be a pleasent ride, but at this season the Roads are so bad as to render it tedious— Mount Vernon is a retired spot, beautifull as a summer residence, but not calculated for any intercourse in winter there not being a single house or Neighbour nearer than Alexandra which is nine miles distant. the House has an ancient appearence and is really so. the Rooms are small & low, as well as the Chambers— the greatest ornament about it, is a long piazza from which You have a fine view of the River which opens Potomac at the bottom of the Lawn. the grounds are disposed in some taste, but they evidently Show that the owner was seldom an inhabitant of them, and that possessing judgement, he lacked Guineys instead of acres. it required the ready money of large funds to beautify and cultivate the grounds so as to make them highly ornamental— it is now going to decay; Mrs Washington with all her fortune finds it difficult to support her family, which consists of three Hundred souls—one hundred and fifty of them, are now to be liberated. Men with Wives & Young children who have never Seen an acre, beyond the farm, are now about to quit it, and go adrift into the world without house Home or Friend. Mrs Washington is distrest for them. at her own expence, she has cloathd them all, and very many of them are already misirable at the thought of their Lot. the aged she retains at their request; but she is distrest for the fate of others. she feels as a Parent & a wife. many of these who are liberated, have Married with what are call’d the Dower-Negroes; so that, they quit all their connections. Yet what could she do—in the state in which they were left by the General, to be free at her death, she did not feel as tho her Life was safe in their Hands, many of whom would be told that it was there interest to get rid of her— She therefore was advised to sit them all free at the close of the year—1 if any person wishes to see the banefull effects of slavery, as it creates a torpor and an indolence and a spirit of domination—let them come and take a view of the cultivation of this part of the United states— I 494 shall have reason to say, that My Lot hath fallen to me in a pleasent place, and that verily I have a goodly Heritage—tho limited & curtaild in future I know,

“that Man wants but little here below Nor wants that little long”2

I can truly and from my heart say, that the most mortifying circumstance attendant upon My retirement from public Life is, that, my power of doing good to my fellow creatures is curtaild and diminished, but tho the means is wanting, the will and the wish will remain. for Myself—I hope I have not neglected the lesson of the apostle, but that I May know how to be abased and that without repining, for My Country—3 what is before that, God only knows. that they were a happy and a prosperous people under a mild and equitable Government is a truth they have experienced, but May they not be Made to experience a sad reverse by tumults and convulsions, by Party spirit and bitter animosity, by a total Change of all those Wise and benificial establishments which have given us a Name and a fame amongst the Nations of the Earth— the democratic Party are already divideing the loaves and fishes amongst themselves, but it would require a miraculous multiplication of offices to gratify all the hungry Cravers.—

for Myself I can most Sincerely join in the petition of Popes prayer

This Day be Bread, and Peace my Lot All Else beneath the sun— Thou know’st if best bestowe’d or Not And let thy Will be done4

My Letter has lain unfinishd untill this day the 27th I have received Your Letter my Dear sister, and bless God that You have been Enabled to write to me again.5 may he in whose hands our days are mercifully be pleased to spair us to each other, mutual blessings to each other, sweeting our declining Years with the remembrance of the harmony which have ever reignd between all the Members of our families.— this Year it has pleased our heavenly Father to visit us with various Sorrows and afflictions, Yet he hath rememberd Mercy in the midst of judgement, and tho a Breach hath been made in My family—my dear sister has been spared to me, and she has not to mourn the death of a daughter who tho brought to extremity, hath been raised up—

495

I have a long tedious Winter journey to encounter I dread it, but it must be encounterd. to repine would be weak to regreet it, would be folly—

My spirits you See are low— I am not very well— pray give My Love to mrs Black and thank her in My Name for all her sisterly kindness to You.

I will write You again soon I saw Mr Cranch yesterday he was well & so was his family. Mr Mason lodges with him & Major Pinckny.—6 he is to dine with me to day—

My best Love to mr Cranch. I rejoice that he has been carried through the fatigue & trouble he has had to encounter

adieu my dear sister / Your truly affectionate

A A

RC (MHi:Adams-Cranch Family Papers); endorsed by Richard Cranch: “Letter from Mrs / A: Adams. Washington. / Decr. 21st. 1800—”

1.

In his will of 9 July 1799, George Washington granted immediate freedom to William Lee, his enslaved personal servant, and provided for the manumission of the remaining 123 people enslaved by him, after the death of Martha Washington. He explained the decision: “To emancipate them during [her] life, would, tho’ earnestly wish[ed by] me, be attended with such insu[pera]ble difficulties on account of thei[r interm]ixture by Marriages with the [dow]er Negroes, as to excite the most pa[in]ful sensations, if not disagreeabl[e c]onsequences.” The will further designated funds for the continued support of any of the former slaves who through age or infirmity might not be able to earn a living. Martha Washington, however, moved for more immediate separation, and they were freed on 1 Jan. 1801 (Washington, Papers, Retirement Series , 4:480, 494; Marie Jenkins Schwartz, Ties That Bound: Founding First Ladies and Slaves, Chicago, 2017, p. 35).

2.

Oliver Goldsmith, “The Hermit. A Ballad,” lines 31–32.

3.

Philippians, 4:11–12.

4.

Alexander Pope, “The Universal Prayer,” lines 45–48.

5.

Cranch to AA, 7 Dec. 1800, above.

6.

William and Nancy Greenleaf Cranch “hired a house very near the Capitol,” where they intended to board “3 or 4 of the members of Congress.” The boarders suggested here by AA were Federalist members of Congress, Jonathan Mason of Massachusetts and Thomas Pinckney of South Carolina. On 11 Jan. 1801 William Cranch informed his mother that Mason was the only boarder then present but that he soon expected William and Hannah Phillips Cushing and Richard Soderström, the Swedish consul general to the United States, from all of whom he hoped to earn $65 per week. He further reported that Dr. Frederick May resided with the family at the rate of $6 per week (William Cranch to Richard Cranch, 23 Nov. 1800; to Mary Smith Cranch, 11 Jan. 1801, both MHi:Christopher P. Cranch Papers; Jefferson, Papers , 39:495).

Thomas Boylston Adams to William Smith Shaw, 21 December 1800 Adams, Thomas Boylston Shaw, William Smith
Thomas Boylston Adams to William Smith Shaw
Dear William Philadelphia 21st: Decr: 1800

I have given an introductory letter for yourself and one for my father, to a young man by the name of Charles D Coxe; he will probably be at the federal City towards the last of this week. From himself I understand he intends making application for the 496 Consulship at the Isle of France, and his reason for applying during the present administration he avers to be, because he is a federalist & a friend to the government as hitherto administered. I know nothing to the contrary of this profession, but I have given him my opinion that the appointment he wants will not be immediately made, and farther that I believed there were competitors for the office already— This gentleman is a brother of Tench Coxe’s wife, but he is anxious to have it known that he thoroughly despises the political character of his brother in law, and wishes not to be involved in the disgrace which that fellows conduct has brought upon the name.1 I do not undertake to recommend him for the place he is about to seek, for I am too little acquainted with his character or qualifications to do it, and I have only given him letters of civility which he is not unworthy of receiving.

I thank you for the papers you sent me, containing the frivolous debates about the shorthand-writers— I had already seen their contents in our papers—2

The other debate respecting the Mausoleum excited some indignant reflections in my bosom. I am angry that the legislature of the Union should spend days & weeks in debating on a subject of that nature, which cannot but revive painful thoughts in the mind of the surviving friends & relatives of Washington, and reflect neither honor or credit on themselves— I am in principle opposed to any thing like a monument & or Mausoleum, or Statue, commemorative of the life & services of that good man; not from any wish to detract from the merit of them, but because I think every device I have ever seen falls short of such a design— Moreover I think, enough has already been done to perpetuate the name, by calling the City which is to be the permanent seat of government, after him. This was no trifling tribute, and if you measure respect by the money it may cost, as some members of Congress seem to do, it will be found, that few monuments of that kind, ever cost so much. I did not like the motive which actuated Mr: Macon of N Carolina, in the speech he made on this occasion, but I was amused with it more than by anything uttered on the subject. Genl: Lee, instead of his recollection of Statues erected by European noblemen to the memory of their Mistresses, as a classic Scholar would have done more credit to himself & more dignified his Subject, had he remembered the remarkable instance of Demetrius Phalerous, who is said by his eloquence & the purity of his manners to have gained such an influence over the Athenians; that during the period in which he exercised the 497 office of decennial Archon, 360 brazen Statues were erected to his honor. This would have been an instance not unworthy to be cited, but for the other, I blushed at the sight of it.3

Can you tell what plan our wise legislators are going to pursue hereafter to keep the drooping head of federalism from total depression. To whom can we look for a clue to our conduct, unless to them? I expect little concert hereafter in our national concerns, but I feel as if I had less inter[est in] the reputation of our Country than heretofore—

We are threatened here with rejoycing & exultation upon the 4th: of March. There is even a talk of illuminating the City. but I doubt whether any thing so rash will be attempted—4 Riot & bloodshed would be the inevitable result of such a measure—

I take the liberty to enclose you a paragraph which I cut out of the Aurora a few days ago, expressly for your perusal— By it you will see the great power & consideration of your Asiatic namesake 5

Adieu / Your’s

T B Adams.

By Mr: Mason I sent you some books which Dickens says you spoke for—6

RC (MWA:Adams Family Letters); addressed: “W S Shaw / Washington”; internal address: “W S Shaw”; endorsed: “Phila Dec 21st / T. B Adams Esq / rec 24 / Ans 8 Jan”; docketed: “1800 / Decr.” Some loss of text where the seal was removed.

1.

TBA’s letter to JA has not been found. His letter to Shaw of 18 Dec. (MHi:Misc. Bound Coll.) introduced Charles Davenport Coxe (d. ca. 1831) of Sidney, N.J. Coxe’s sister Rebecca Coxe (d. 1806) was Tench Coxe’s second wife, the couple having married in 1782. Charles Coxe was not successful in securing a nomination by JA; however, Thomas Jefferson appointed him U.S. commercial agent at Dunkerque on 16 Oct. 1801, a temporary commission that was reissued on 26 Jan. 1802 after Senate confirmation (Jefferson, Papers , 35:65–66; Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 14 Feb. 1806; ANB , entry on Tench Coxe).

2.

On 4 Dec. 1800, Samuel Harrison Smith of the Washington, D.C., National Intelligencer submitted a memorial to the House of Representatives requesting the use of a desk on the floor during debates in order to compile more accurate notes for reporting on House business. During lengthy debate Speaker Theodore Sedgwick argued that reporters would inconvenience House members, and he ultimately cast a tie-breaking vote to reject the request. The National Intelligencer, 5, 10, 12 Dec., and the Philadelphia Gazette, 9, 15, 16 Dec., reported on the debates. Smith made a similar request to the Senate in 1802 that was granted ( ANB ; Annals of Congress , 6th Cong., 2d sess., p. 797–799, 806–817; Morris, Diaries , 2:206).

3.

On 5 Dec. 1800 a bill to erect a mausoleum in honor of George Washington was reintroduced in the House of Representatives after being tabled by the Senate in the previous session. Nathaniel Macon of North Carolina opposed the plan because of the cost while Gen. Henry Lee of Virginia spoke in favor, offering the justification recounted by TBA. On 1 Jan. 1801 the House passed a revised bill appropriating $200,000 to build the mausoleum, but on 3 March the Senate again tabled the bill. In his discussion of Lee’s speech, TBA referred to the Athenian governor Demetrius of Phalerus (r. 317–307 B.C.). TBA also alluded to a 1791 decision by the commissioners of the capital city to name it Washington ( Annals of Congress , 6th Cong., 1st sess., p. 181, 711–712; same, 6th 498 Cong., 2d sess., p. 758, 799, 801–803, 858, 874–875; Diogenes Laërtius, The Lives and Opinions of Eminent Philosophers, Book V, sect. 2; Oxford Classical Dicy. ; Washington, Papers, Presidential Series , 8:506, 508).

4.

Democratic-Republican leaders met in Philadelphia on 19 Dec. 1800 and voted to convene a general meeting at the State House on 22 Dec. to discuss “arrangements for a Public Festival” following the election of Thomas Jefferson (Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 20 Dec.).

5.

The enclosure, which has not been found, was probably an article from the Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 17 Dec., describing the territorial possessions of Shah Zaman, ruler of the Durrani Empire of Afghanistan (William Dalrymple, Return of a King: The Battle for Afghanistan, 1839–42, London, 2013, p. xiv).

6.

The postscript was written upside down on the fourth manuscript page. The books ordered from Asbury Dickins were likely carried by Jonathan Mason, en route from Massachusetts to Washington, D.C.