Adams Family Correspondence, volume 14

Thomas Boylston Adams to Abigail Adams, 20 December 1800 Adams, Thomas Boylston Adams, Abigail
Thomas Boylston Adams to Abigail Adams
Dear Mother Philadelphia 20th: December 1800.

Our Supreme Court being in session, has occupied my time so much as to prevent answering your favors of the 10th: & 13th: instts: 1

I have seen Mrs: Kirkham since I got your letter, and given her the fresh order; she will prepare the articles & I shall send them as soon as I can.

490

I have applied to two Coachmakers to ascertain what you desired; neither of them have any ready made coachees on hand, but at my request, one of them furnished me with the enclosed estimate, of what a new one would cost; but if you want one so suddenly as you mention, there will not be time to complete it.2 I will make further search on Monday, and write again.

Perhaps your intention of returning in January is a good one, so far as respects the practicability of traveling; but ought you not to calculate upon meeting with snow at that season, beyond New York, which may obstruct your journey & possibly render your carriage useless? A journey of between three & four hundred miles in the depth of winter is a formidable thing; I hope you may find strength to support it, but I cannot help looking at it with terror, and the only circumstance which reconciles me to it is, that if you do not sett out in January, you must in March, which is, if possible, yet worse.

Yes dear Mother, you are about to retire from public life, after a faithful Service, on your part, as well as on that of my father, for a period of near forty years. The concurrence of circumstances, which has produced such a result in the great electioneering struggle, is little honorable to our character as a consistent people, and in my opinion, forebodes no good to the Country. That Commercial confidence has felt a severe shock at the happening of this event, is sufficiently evident from the sudden depression of the public funds, and that foreign powers will draw from it erroneous if not unfavorable opinions, is equally to be expected.3 We have never made this last an item in our account of national character; our boastings of Independence have made us neglect to enquire, what real pretentions we have to such preeminence. I forbear to enter more largely into an expression of my reflections on this topic; but as a citizen of the United States I will add, that I feel myself disgraced & degraded, by the change.

Mr: Dallas, who has been indefatigable for ten years past in his endeavors to bring about this change, has always affected to speak in terms of high respect for the present chief Magistrate. “I could not have believed,” (said he to me a few days ago) “that New England would have behaved so shamefully towards your father, as to have given an equal support to any candidate for the Presidency. I am less surprized, at the conduct of New York, because it is well known that Mr: Burr’s reward for producing the change there, was to be nothing less than the Vice Presidency— His efforts therefore were 491 proportionably great, and the success of the Republican cause is entirely owing to them.” I made no reply, as indeed he expected none, but said I, now you have got the Government into your own hands, what do you intend to do with us?

“I have done now, said he— I shall make my profession hereafter the sole object of my attention—” Most disinterested gentleman—I dare aver that I can point to the path-way of his ambition, by naming a foreign Embassy, or some such thing, not quite so much in the line of his profession—

“Is not Mr: Jefferson a most fortunate man,” (said4 he at another time) “to come in to office, when our coffers are full—peace & a treaty made with France, by the present administration, which prevents the danger of any difference with England on that score—No Standing army— Upon my soul I cant help thinking that a good understanding must have subsisted between your father & Mr Jefferson, on these subjects.” You give excellent reasons said Mr: Ingersoll, who overheard Mr: Dallas, for turning Mr: Adams out— dont you think so?

All this talk is in a good humored style—very amusing to himself I dare say, but not much so to me, though I can listen to it with composure—

I dined in a small company yesterday at Mr: Binghams where was Mr: Swift, the late Secy of legation—5 From him I understood that chief Justice Ellsworth had sent home his resignation of his seat on the Bench, which leaves a vacancy to be filled.6 I presume that Mr: Patterson of New Jersey will be promoted to the highest seat, as Judge Cushing the senior judge is understood to have once declined it. Not knowing what considerations will govern the President in supplying the place at this time, I venture to suggest that some young or middle-aged man, for many obvious reasons would be, in my opinion, most eligible— I have thought of Mr: Dexter & Mr: Ingersoll or Mr: E— Tilghman, but whether either of these latter gentlemen would accept the office, if offered to them—I know not— It is thought Mr: Tilghman would, but I am pretty sure Mr: Ingersoll would not— Lewis I have sometimes thought, aspired to a seat, but I doubt the validity of his pretentions— If the old rule of locality is to have its weight, Connecticutt may perhaps be looked to for a character, but I think the President will obey the dictates of his own opinion in this instance, without regard to the narrow principle which has heretofore prevailed with respect to such appointments, & which 492 I know was never approved by him— Judge Cushing will not be likely to retain his place much longer, as his age & infirmities must bear him down and Mr: Dexter is the man I should wish to see, as the representative Judge of Massachusetts— But my opinions are worth very little on this subject and are only offered for their humble share of consideration—

With true love & affection I am, dear Mother / Your Son

T B Adams.

RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs: Adams.”; endorsed: “T B A. 20 December / 1800.”

1.

AA’s 10 Dec. letter to TBA has not been found. During its December term, the Penn. Supreme Court decided three eviction cases, one petition for the discontinuance of a suit, and a dispute over nonpayment of promissory notes (Alexander James Dallas, Reports of Cases Ruled and Adjudged in the Several Courts of the United States, and of Pennsylvania, Held at the Seat of the Federal Government, 4 vols., Phila., 1798–1807, 4:218–224, Shaw-Shoemaker, No. 12384).

2.

Enclosure not found.

3.

Since 11 Dec., 8 percent stock in the Bank of the United States had fallen 5.5 percent, a drop the Philadelphia Gazette, 15 Dec., blamed on the news that presidential electors would favor Thomas Jefferson. Stock reports showed shares falling from a high of 113.5 to a low of 107 percent of par. The Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 16 Dec., countered with a claim that another economic indicator, the price of produce, had risen 10 percent, a statement the Philadelphia Gazette, 16 Dec., called “a direct, palpable, wilful falsehood!” (Philadelphia Gazette of the United States, 11, 18 Dec.).

4.

Opening parenthesis editorially supplied.

5.

Zephaniah Swift (1759–1823), Yale 1778, was a Connecticut lawyer and politician who served in the House of Representatives during the 3d and 4th Congresses. He was secretary to the second peace mission to France and was appointed to the Conn. Supreme Court in 1801, serving as chief justice from 1806 to 1819 ( Biog. Dir. Cong. ).

6.

Oliver Ellsworth wrote to JA on 16 Oct. 1800 (Adams Papers) from Le Havre, France, notifying the president that ill health would delay his return to the United States and consequently resigning his post as chief justice of the U.S. Supreme Court (U.S. Senate, Exec. Jour. , 6th Cong., 2d sess., p. 359–360). Neither William Cushing nor William Paterson was elevated to the position of chief justice; for JA’s nomination of Ellsworth’s replacement, see AA to TBA, 25 Dec., and note 7, below.

Abigail Adams to Mary Smith Cranch, 21 December 1800 Adams, Abigail Cranch, Mary Smith
Abigail Adams to Mary Smith Cranch
my Dear Sister— Washington Dec’br 21 1800

on fryday the 19th I returnd from mount Vernon, where at the pressing invitation of Mrs Washington I had been to pass a couple of day’s. the Shades of that solitude corresponded more with my present feelings than the company which I am obliged to See in the city of Washington— the sight of an old Friend, and the cordial reception I met With from every branch of the family, Served to sooth my Heart, wounded by a recent Grief, and penetrated with a sorrow which time may Soften, but cannot heal; I had been ill a Week or ten days, confined to my Room; before the event which I had daily 493 reason to look for, was made certain to me; tho I had strove for firmness & Submission, nature yealded, and bowed beneath the stroke.

I wished my dear sister to be able in all respects to fulfill every Duty; and the expectation of soon taking a final adieu of this city, prevaild with me to comply with the repeated requests of a much respected Friend, and visit her whilst I had it, in my power I took Louissa, and Young mr Johnson (Mr shaw upon account of public buisness could not attend me) and crosstt the ferry to Alexandra where I past one night, and the next day reachd Mount Vernon. in the summer it would only be a pleasent ride, but at this season the Roads are so bad as to render it tedious— Mount Vernon is a retired spot, beautifull as a summer residence, but not calculated for any intercourse in winter there not being a single house or Neighbour nearer than Alexandra which is nine miles distant. the House has an ancient appearence and is really so. the Rooms are small & low, as well as the Chambers— the greatest ornament about it, is a long piazza from which You have a fine view of the River which opens Potomac at the bottom of the Lawn. the grounds are disposed in some taste, but they evidently Show that the owner was seldom an inhabitant of them, and that possessing judgement, he lacked Guineys instead of acres. it required the ready money of large funds to beautify and cultivate the grounds so as to make them highly ornamental— it is now going to decay; Mrs Washington with all her fortune finds it difficult to support her family, which consists of three Hundred souls—one hundred and fifty of them, are now to be liberated. Men with Wives & Young children who have never Seen an acre, beyond the farm, are now about to quit it, and go adrift into the world without house Home or Friend. Mrs Washington is distrest for them. at her own expence, she has cloathd them all, and very many of them are already misirable at the thought of their Lot. the aged she retains at their request; but she is distrest for the fate of others. she feels as a Parent & a wife. many of these who are liberated, have Married with what are call’d the Dower-Negroes; so that, they quit all their connections. Yet what could she do—in the state in which they were left by the General, to be free at her death, she did not feel as tho her Life was safe in their Hands, many of whom would be told that it was there interest to get rid of her— She therefore was advised to sit them all free at the close of the year—1 if any person wishes to see the banefull effects of slavery, as it creates a torpor and an indolence and a spirit of domination—let them come and take a view of the cultivation of this part of the United states— I 494 shall have reason to say, that My Lot hath fallen to me in a pleasent place, and that verily I have a goodly Heritage—tho limited & curtaild in future I know,

“that Man wants but little here below Nor wants that little long”2

I can truly and from my heart say, that the most mortifying circumstance attendant upon My retirement from public Life is, that, my power of doing good to my fellow creatures is curtaild and diminished, but tho the means is wanting, the will and the wish will remain. for Myself—I hope I have not neglected the lesson of the apostle, but that I May know how to be abased and that without repining, for My Country—3 what is before that, God only knows. that they were a happy and a prosperous people under a mild and equitable Government is a truth they have experienced, but May they not be Made to experience a sad reverse by tumults and convulsions, by Party spirit and bitter animosity, by a total Change of all those Wise and benificial establishments which have given us a Name and a fame amongst the Nations of the Earth— the democratic Party are already divideing the loaves and fishes amongst themselves, but it would require a miraculous multiplication of offices to gratify all the hungry Cravers.—

for Myself I can most Sincerely join in the petition of Popes prayer

This Day be Bread, and Peace my Lot All Else beneath the sun— Thou know’st if best bestowe’d or Not And let thy Will be done4

My Letter has lain unfinishd untill this day the 27th I have received Your Letter my Dear sister, and bless God that You have been Enabled to write to me again.5 may he in whose hands our days are mercifully be pleased to spair us to each other, mutual blessings to each other, sweeting our declining Years with the remembrance of the harmony which have ever reignd between all the Members of our families.— this Year it has pleased our heavenly Father to visit us with various Sorrows and afflictions, Yet he hath rememberd Mercy in the midst of judgement, and tho a Breach hath been made in My family—my dear sister has been spared to me, and she has not to mourn the death of a daughter who tho brought to extremity, hath been raised up—

495

I have a long tedious Winter journey to encounter I dread it, but it must be encounterd. to repine would be weak to regreet it, would be folly—

My spirits you See are low— I am not very well— pray give My Love to mrs Black and thank her in My Name for all her sisterly kindness to You.

I will write You again soon I saw Mr Cranch yesterday he was well & so was his family. Mr Mason lodges with him & Major Pinckny.—6 he is to dine with me to day—

My best Love to mr Cranch. I rejoice that he has been carried through the fatigue & trouble he has had to encounter

adieu my dear sister / Your truly affectionate

A A

RC (MHi:Adams-Cranch Family Papers); endorsed by Richard Cranch: “Letter from Mrs / A: Adams. Washington. / Decr. 21st. 1800—”

1.

In his will of 9 July 1799, George Washington granted immediate freedom to William Lee, his enslaved personal servant, and provided for the manumission of the remaining 123 people enslaved by him, after the death of Martha Washington. He explained the decision: “To emancipate them during [her] life, would, tho’ earnestly wish[ed by] me, be attended with such insu[pera]ble difficulties on account of thei[r interm]ixture by Marriages with the [dow]er Negroes, as to excite the most pa[in]ful sensations, if not disagreeabl[e c]onsequences.” The will further designated funds for the continued support of any of the former slaves who through age or infirmity might not be able to earn a living. Martha Washington, however, moved for more immediate separation, and they were freed on 1 Jan. 1801 (Washington, Papers, Retirement Series , 4:480, 494; Marie Jenkins Schwartz, Ties That Bound: Founding First Ladies and Slaves, Chicago, 2017, p. 35).

2.

Oliver Goldsmith, “The Hermit. A Ballad,” lines 31–32.

3.

Philippians, 4:11–12.

4.

Alexander Pope, “The Universal Prayer,” lines 45–48.

5.

Cranch to AA, 7 Dec. 1800, above.

6.

William and Nancy Greenleaf Cranch “hired a house very near the Capitol,” where they intended to board “3 or 4 of the members of Congress.” The boarders suggested here by AA were Federalist members of Congress, Jonathan Mason of Massachusetts and Thomas Pinckney of South Carolina. On 11 Jan. 1801 William Cranch informed his mother that Mason was the only boarder then present but that he soon expected William and Hannah Phillips Cushing and Richard Soderström, the Swedish consul general to the United States, from all of whom he hoped to earn $65 per week. He further reported that Dr. Frederick May resided with the family at the rate of $6 per week (William Cranch to Richard Cranch, 23 Nov. 1800; to Mary Smith Cranch, 11 Jan. 1801, both MHi:Christopher P. Cranch Papers; Jefferson, Papers , 39:495).