Adams Family Correspondence, volume 14

Abigail Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 12 October 1800 Adams, Abigail Adams, Thomas Boylston
Abigail Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams
my dear Thomas Quincy october 12th 1800

I received Your Letter inclosing the one from Your Brother—1 I do not find the extract you mention in Wayne Paper. I would have had it inserted in J Russels before I leave here, but that I know not how it may be introduced in the U S Gazet, and it would not be proper they should clash but if there is any hesitation upon the subject in Philadelphia, there will not be any here.

I well remember Some of the peices You allude to. keep them untill I See you— it may not be amiss to have them re-published in 416 Boston— you will be surprized when I tell you; health permitting, You may see me in Philadelphia in the course of a Month; I mean to stop at Rose Hill if the Family are out there; so tell my good Friends so.2 Your Father began to think how dismall it would be, to be so far off seperated; and my Health which suffers more here in the Winter than in a more Southern climate, at last brought him to determine that I Must go. so bag & Baggage, I must get ready in a week, make all necessary arrangements in haste; which might better have been done coolly and quietly a Month ago—independant of all Male assistance; but the Coachman, (who is now sick of a fever) and vallient Christopher. my Girls I must send by the stage. I shall do very well untill I undertake a new road. I think more of the journey from Philadelphia to Washington, than from hence, but I have one resourse there; I can press you into the service, or what will be better inlist You as a volunteer— I mentiond to You some lace; you may keep it untill You see me, if the washerwoman sends it— Mr shaw I presume will not omit to Send you the last Chatham—3 I will get a cover or two [fran]kd, and continue the papers whilst I stay— Waynes paper begins to assume a more federal appearence, but the state of Pensilvanna is almost any thing but what it ought to be. I consider the Election as a Mere hazard: a chance, a dye. I am morally certain we shall never have an other— if Jefferson comes in, he will have a “turbulent Sea of Liberty[”]4 if Pinckny—he will be hemd round. he will not be a free man nor dare to pursue measures, which may be necessary for the peace and Safety of the Country— God save the united states of America ought to be the petition of every true American— I consider the peace safety and security of it, to rest, under God, in the reElection of one in whom even the Jacobins, cannot but respect; and do. So they did Washington Devils Believe, & tremble we are told—5 our Government rests upon public confidence. that confidence cannot be placed in a Man little known—much less in one Distrusted, by more than half the community

Your Aunt Cranch is better. Mrs Norten yet very ill

adieu my dear Thomas—

affectionatly / Yours

A Adams6

RC (Adams Papers). Some loss of text due to a torn manuscript.

1.

TBA to AA, 5 Oct., and note 1, above.

2.

For Rose Hill, the Philadelphia estate of Elias and Hannah Stockton Boudinot, see TBA to AA, 19 July, and note 4, above.

3.

The Boston Russell’s Gazette, 6 Oct., printed the final installment of Chatham’s series, for which see TBA to William Smith Shaw, 23 Sept., and note 3, above.

4.

AA was paraphrasing Thomas Jefferson’s comments on U.S. politics from his 24 April 417 1796 letter to Philip Mazzei, for which see vol. 12:164–165. The letter was widely quoted and reprinted in the run-up to the presidential election of 1800, including in the Boston Russell’s Gazette, 7 April 1800, and the Newark, N.J., Centinel of Freedom, 5 August.

5.

James, 2:19.

6.

In a brief note to TBA of 20 Oct., AA enclosed a newspaper and requested an update on JA’s travels (NRU).

Thomas Boylston Adams to John Quincy Adams, 12 October 1800 Adams, Thomas Boylston Adams, John Quincy
Thomas Boylston Adams to John Quincy Adams
No 20 19 Septr: 28th: Philadelphia 12th: October 1800.

Since the date of my last letter, I have received your several favors of the 10th: June Dup: 15th: July Dup: 10th: & 16th: July, with enclosures for some of your Louisa’s family; the last of which to her brother, was accompanied by a few lines from herself to me; for which I thank her. The enclosures have all been forwarded, but I have not heard directly from her friends for many weeks— I presume they are well however. I know not precisely, whether the balance of letters between your wife & me, is for or against me, but in either case I am willing to acknowledge myself her debtor, & to promise a speedy discharge of the debt;—at present, I can scarcely find time to acknowledge the receipt of your valuable & interesting communications.1 Qur annual elections are at hand, and all good folks are exerting their utmost, to keep things in order, & as they should be; which is a very difficult and laborious task. The darling priviledge of Election, is so constantly recurring in this Country, that the people are kept in a continual political ferment, and from every repetition of the exercise, they become more bewitched and infatuated with it. The 14th: currt: is the day for chusing members of Congress & of the State Legislature here; Electors for President will not be chosen, on account of the disagreement of the last Legislature upon the mode of election; so that Pennsylvania will probably have no vote in the College of Elector’s.2 We are so completely democratised, that I have no confidence in the success of any men or measures, which are advocated by the friends to the federal Government.

You may possibly be ready to suppose, that a pretty correct judgment might, at this moment, be formed, as to the probable result of the ensuing election, for chief Magistrate of the Union. I have as much information upon this subject, perhaps, as can be collected from the public prints; private, I have none, or very little; and I can very honestly declare, from the documents I have, that no positive 418 or confident opinion can be drawn from them. The Southern States are uncertain; the middle States, suspicious or decidedly wrong; and the Nothern, though, in some degree, to be calculated upon for consistency of behavior, on this occasion, are, in some respects, less stedfast than heretofore. I need not explain to you what an Essex junto, is capable of attempting, when it has any particular object in view, which is thwarted or opposed in the execution. Like the chief of the rebel angels described by Milton, it would assail the Almighty ruler of the Skies, to drag him from his throne, though sure to fall, by failing in the attempt.3 The grievances, which have alienated their affections from the chief Magistrate of the Union, so far as I have been able to trace them, are first; the appointment of Mr: Gerry to go to France; his conduct on that occasion, and the non-renunciation of him after his return. This circumstance, they say, had nearly made him Governor of Massachusetts in opposition to Mr: Strong. Secondly—The third mission to France; contrary to the wishes & opinions of all the federal party; by which the strength of the democratic party, has been encreased and the hopes of the federalists totally blasted. Thirdly, the pardon of Fries, the traitor and two others who were convicted of the like treason. Fourthly & lastly—The dissmission of the two Secretaries. I might add to the catalogue; the disbanding of the provisional army, which the junto attribute to the President, notwithstanding the law of Congress, which prescribed it. You may judge for yourself from these data, whether sufficient offence has been given to justify, personal abuse and deadly animosity against the President, from men, who have known him, in public & in private life, for thirty or forty years; who have acted with him in a variety of public capacities, and with some of whom he has been for many years in habits of friendship. Not only, have they abandoned his acquaintance but vilified his character; opposed the measures of his administration; and so far as their influence extends, exerted it to prevent his re-election to the Presidential chair. Such is the patriotic devotion of this combination of characters & personages, whose names have hitherto added weight & respectability to the cause of good government; but whose rancorous and illjudged accrimony will at this time, do singular injury to their Country.

I am vexed to hear how stupidly Mr: Treat behaved in the management of the letters &ca: committed to his care. As to the circumstance of the french Officer’s inspecting my letter, it gives me no concern; but all the other part of the charge was quite as awkwardly managed. private hands are sometimes trustworthy, but general 419 experience would most recommend public conveyances— I am glad you got the pamphlets at any rate.4 Your comments & observations upon some of them arrived here so seasonably that I took the liberty to lay them before the public, being the first communication, for many months, from your pen. Tom Cooper was released from Jail, the very day on which the extract from your letter appeared in print; several other squibs were fired off against him about the same time, which have already provoked an insulting & threatening letter from him to the Editor of the Gazette of the United States; which was delivered into his hands by one of Coopers friends, who has since attacked the Editor, in his own house, for some observations made on this occasion in his paper. The Assailant was overpowered in a little time and in his turn received a drubbing; but the business will not stop here—5 Cooper cannot live in smooth water, nor indeed do I think him entitled to go at large; he is now under a recognizance to keep the peace & be of good behaviour, and yet he has manifestly provoked this riot. I have an Office in a very convenient part of the City, but having the front room only, the house has lately been taken by one of the United Irishmen who has hitherto kept a tippling house, where the whole fraternity of renegadoes & outcasts rendezvous every day— Cooper lodges in the house— Dr Reynolds, Lloyd & others diet here, and a sett of the vilest blackguards haunt the house, that ever I beheld—6 They treat me with respect however, hitherto, and I am unwilling to forego the benefit of my station, for the sake of being out of sight and hearing of these people—

In my last letter I informed you, that I had sold your Bill upon England at 3 ⅓ per ct: above par, and advised him of my draught. I have already taken measures to invest the proceeds in 8 per cent stock although I was obliged to give 8 per ct: advance— Should my arrangements necessitate a sale some months hence, I have little doubt of obtaining the same or a better price.

I shall pay due attention to the authority given me to draw for £500 st more, by your letter of July 15th:7 I only wait a few days for a better market than the present.

If upon consultation & calculation, I should conclude to purchase an house for you, in Boston, I shall probably make a jaunt thither towards the Spring; mean time I will do the best I can with your funds.

With best love to Mrs: Adams and all my former friends at Berlin; for some of whom, I entertain much affectionate remembrance / I remain Your’s

420

RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “J Q Adams Esqr:”; endorsed: “20. T. B. Adams. 12 Octr: 1800. / 14 Decr: 1800 recd: / 20 Do: Ansd:.”

1.

TBA’s letter to JQA of 28 Sept. has not been found but was forwarded to JQA by Joseph Pitcairn on 28 November. For JQA’s letters to TBA of 10 June and 15 July, see JQA to AA, 12 June, note 7, and to TBA, 16 July, note 1, respectively, both above. LCA’s letters to TBA and her family have not been found (JQA to Pitcairn, 9 Dec., OCHP:Joseph Pitcairn Letters).

2.

For the dispute over the selection of electors in Pennsylvania, see TBA to JQA, 25 Feb., and note 8, above.

3.

Milton, Paradise Lost, Book I, lines 37–45.

4.

For the French inspection of mail being carried to JQA by Robert Treat, see JQA to TBA, 10 July, and note 1, above.

5.

Dr. Thomas Cooper was released from jail on 8 Oct., the day after the extract of JQA’s 10 July letter to TBA was printed in the Philadelphia Gazette of the United States. Articles in the same newspaper on 8 and 9 Oct. attacked Cooper, and the issue of the 11th included his responding charge that the newspaper had made him “an object of personal attack.” In accompanying commentary, editor Caleb P. Wayne said that Cooper’s letter was delivered by Dr. James Reynolds and “a Foreigner” who hinted at violence. Wayne wrote that he would not deviate from his “line of … duty” to “expose” Cooper. On the evening of the 11th, Wayne and his clerk were assaulted by attackers who broke into his house. The Philadelphia Gazette, 13 Oct., speculated whether “theft or assasination, or both were intended” and reported that the attack ended only when Wayne’s friends intervened (Philadelphia Gazette of the United States, 13 Oct.). For Cooper’s trial and conviction, see AA to JQA, 27 April, and note 4, above.

6.

The building at 161 Chestnut Street that housed TBA’s law office was shared with innkeeper John Cordner, who hosted gatherings of immigrant radicals. Thomas Lloyd (1756–1827) was a Philadelphia stenographer who later became Cooper’s secretary ( Philadelphia Directory , 1801, p. 90, 202, Shaw-Shoemaker, No. 1347; Jeffrey L. Pasley, “The Tyranny of Printers”: Newspaper Politics in the Early American Republic, Charlottesville, Va., 2001, p. 291; Martin I. J. Griffin, “Thomas Lloyd, Reporter to the First House of Representatives of the United States,” Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, 3:221, 236, 238 [1888–1891]).

7.

TBA wrote to Rufus King on 29 Sept. and 21 Oct., requesting drafts on JQA’s salary of £500 each. King replied on 12 Dec., acknowledging that the drafts had been received and accepted (all NHi:Rufus King Papers).