Adams Family Correspondence, volume 12
Just after writing my last Letter I received your kind one of March 20; by which I find your departure is postponed until July. As it continues to us the opportunity of hearing frequently and regularly from each other it is an agreeable circumstance; it would be still more so, if it could secure to us the means of meeting again in Europe, which will however I apprehend be impossible.
You mention having lately read Lord Chesterfield’s Letters, and desire my opinion of them.— I have never read them all— It was a book which my early instructors never thought proper to put into my hands.— They did not judge it the best course of education; and since I have been of age to choose books for my own perusal, I have had too much contempt for the general Principles of those Letters, to scrutinize with much attention the details.
Chesterfield was a Courtier, and a nobleman; and all his views of life, his course of observations, and his maxims of conduct founded 65 on them, are confined to the very narrow circle of which such a situation is the centre.— Hence the stain of depravity which pervades all his ideas of morality— Hence the ridiculous importance which he would give to grace, elegance and propriety of manners in Society.— His theory is calculated only to produce an accomplished knave, and accordingly, I understand, that almost all the cheats, swindlers, and thieves who abound so much in the City of London, are the highest adepts in the practice of his instructions. The very foundation of his system, the reason for which he teaches the sacrifice of every virtue to the art of captivating favour is false.— To please, says he, is the way to rise in the world. I do not believe this to be true, even in England.— I am sure it is not true, any where within my experience and observation. If by rising in the world, he meant the acquisition of Wealth, or honour, or fame, or power; I can name an hundred examples of men who have thus risen, from other qualities. I know not one instance where it has been owing to this art of pleasing.— The fact may perhaps be directly the contrary. At least I know instances of persons who suffer, in the opinion of the world, by their great accomplishment in this art, and Lord Chesterfield himself, if he had possessed nothing but his graces, would most certainly never have risen higher in the world than to the rank of an approved dancing master. Indeed had he been born in any of the lower ranks of life it is not improbable that his vicious morality combined with his system of courtesy, would have turned him off at last, in the same manner as many of his thieving disciples, still meet their end.
The object of all reading should be amusement or instruction, and
the last is by far the most valuable of the two motives. It should not be forgotten even
when the other is principally sought. Instead of Lord Chesterfields lessons of elegance,
treachery, and infidelity, I would recommend not merely to your perusal, but to your
attentive meditation and reflection the severe virtues of a Man, the very contrast of
Chesterfield, both as to principles and manners: your own namesake Dr: Johnson.— You will read with pleasure, all his works, and I
think it impossible to read them without great improvement. His maxims of life, are
those of honour and honesty; Chesterfield’s are those of fraud and baseness. The Rambler
especially and the Lives of the Poets contain a fund of moral principles and of literary
taste, which cannot be too much studied.— His Letters are excellent both in style and
sentiment.— One of them, written to Lord 66 Chesterfield must I
think have disconcerted the nobleman’s Graces, and ruffled altogether his good
breeding.1
I remain with the steadiest affection, your friend
RC (Adams Papers). FC-Pr (Adams Papers); APM Reel 131. Tr (Adams Papers).
Samuel Johnson, The Celebrated Letter
from Samuel Johnson, LL.D. to Philip Dormer Stanhope, Earl of Chesterfield,
London, 1790, in which Johnson condemns Chesterfield’s endorsement of his Dictionary of the English Language as arriving too late to
serve as true patronage of the endeavor (p. 3–4).
th:April 1797.
I have already acknowledged the receipt of your kind favors of
Septr: 25th: & Novr: 8th:
1 which were the last I have from you, and that
notorious thief of time, procrastination, has devoured a long interval since I made the
promise to write you in a few days. I delight in receiving letters from you, but I have
an almost inconquerable aversion to writing in my turn, nor can I account for a
reluctance, which is at the same time so unreasonable & inconsistent, for I well
know that epistolary favors are of all others the least gratuitous—one good turn
deserves another, and this is the acknowledged basis of all friendly correspondence; but
we often yield a ready assent to truth at the very moment when we refuse to obey its
dictates.
My letter, I presume, will find you at Philadelphia, for we have
already learnt that the new President has entered upon the functions of his office. I
can well appreciate your reluctance at quitting the peaceful dignified abode of Quincy,
to plunge at once into the wide sea of care, which must inevitably surround that
elevated station. For you I am particularly apprehensive, lest the fatigues & toils
of your particular department should prove too weighty, for I am well aware, that though
the laborious part of it may be transferred to subordinate agents, the care &
thought about it, will be all your own. The die is cast, however, as you observe, and
though the sorrows of our Countrymen should have been powerfully excited at the
retirement of our first parents, I would fain flatter
myself that their successors will have the good fortune to replace them in their
affections. “It is a consummation devoutly to be wished,”2 nor will I easily suffer myself to doubt its
realization. The same voice which called a good and faithful servant to employ his
talent in hard & difficult times, for the public good, will I believe be ready when
an account shall be rendered of it, to cry, “well done”!
The present period in the affairs of our Country is so interesting
that we are particularly anxious to obtain direct & recent intelligence of passing
events; the news we have is in general but just enough to make us wish for more, and to
me it is somewhat unaccountable, that while we are daily
shipping off whole cargoes of letters and papers, while not a vessel scarcely sails for
any part of our Continent without bearing more or less of them, we should see so many
arrive in this Country unfurnished with commodities of the same nature in return. The
merit of production does not belong to me, but that of
exportation does, and when I observe the apparent negligence of others in this respect,
I may be pardoned for vaunting a little of having transmitted with scrupulous
punctuality for more than two years together, two or three periodical papers, to as many
different persons. This I know to be my proper business, for which I am employed and
paid by my Country; but are there not also at home persons employed & paid for
making returns of a similar kind?— The language of complaint can never be agreeable, and
therefore not employed from choice, and I am not unaware that a self constituted Censor
has but slender means to accomplish reformation; but I cannot suppress the wish nor
stifle the hope that we shall shortly see amendment, where we know it to be so much wanted. For myself, I do not expect to be personally
benefited should such a change take place, but for my brother, who is to continue in the
public service, I believe it to be important that the earliest notice should be given
him of the current affairs at home. Should I return myself in the course of the coming
fall, as I expect to do, it seems to me, at present, that I may render him some service
in the line of a correspondent, and unless the same lethargy should fasten upon me,
which seems to seize all our Countrymen the moment they reach home, I shall hope to
enforce a resolution with the consequence of which I am now so fully impressed.— But why
do I address to you, such reflections as the above? In fact
I know not, unless it be from conviction that I am not authorised by right to impart them where they best apply.
We have seen American papers to the last of February and collect
from them that the expectation of an approaching war with France was generally
prevalent. The news which must have soon after been received of several steps of the
french Government with regard to us, surpassing in violence any that preceded them, and
barring the door to reconciliation, which was before only partially shut, has doubtless
e’re now confirmed this anticipation in the minds of our 68 Countrymen. Open hostilities have long been exercised against the American Commerce
by the armed vessels of France, and the property of our fellow citizens is falling fast
into that gulf which devours every thing, and renders nothing back. An organized system
of plunder, authorized only by the existence of extreme enmity, and the violation of all
amicable compacts, is the offering now made by the French Government to the affections
and partialities of their American adherents.3 Would you give credit to any one who should
undertake to affirm that they expect to succeed in this extraordinary Courtship, which
seems to be conducted upon principles, similar to those with which Shakspere’s Richard
3d: wood & won Lady
Anne?4 The rack of credulity would
not be more violent perhaps, than is required by the fact, that American Natives are the chief instruments employed in promoting this suit.— But
it cannot be—for though frenchmen have found specimens of double refined depravity among
us, which in some degree justify their belief that baseness & treachery is mingled
in our national character in a greater portion than falls to the lot of other people, I
cherish the belief that a purer clay has formed my Countrymen in general. With this ray
of consolation, I can look forward with some composure to the most desperate issue, that
can attend our present difficulties with France.
The public prints are continually announcing approaches to a continental peace, and the uninterrupted success of the french armies against those of the Emperor, seem to warrant a belief that the present will be the last campaign by land.5 The embarassments which are like to result from the late shock experienced by the failure of the English Bank, will probably hasten an event which all nations do, or pretend ardently to desire.6
The victories and conquests of the English navy, buoy up for the moment, the paralized confidence of that Nation, but they produce not the same effect upon foreigners; the possessors of English funds therefore are waiting with fear and trembling to hear of fresh disasters to the finances of that Country. Here, the people are in a manner accustomed to misfortunes of this nature, but they are never the more prepared for them, and in the present instance they are doomed to see & gaze at their approaching ruin, should an English bankruptcy happen, without the power to extricate themselves. If the house fall therefore, it must tumble about their ears.
Present me kindly to all my Philadelphia & other friends, who may fall under your eye, and accept the assurance of warmest love & duty from / Your Son
PS. My brother is well, and will write you soon— We have not
heard these six months from our friends at Newyork. I recd: a few days ago, my Father’s letter of Decr:
5th: which is the latest I have from any body. Mr: Ross who brought it to England has not yet visited this
Country.7 My last letter to my father
went by the Grace Cap. Wills.8
RC (Adams
Papers); internal address: “Mrs: A Adams.”;
endorsed: “T B Adams April 7th / 1797.”
Vol. 11:381–383, 394–398.
Shakespeare, Hamlet, Act III, scene
i, lines 63–64.
On 2 March the French Directory issued a decree empowering French
ships to seize neutral vessels carrying enemy merchandise. American sailors holding
British commissions or found aboard British ships, even if impressed, would be
declared pirates, and any American vessel found without a rôle
d’équipage—a notarized crew list—could be seized and condemned (Williams, French
Assault on American Shipping
, p. 22; Stanley Elkins and Eric McKitrick,
The Age of Federalism, N.Y., 1993, p. 647–648). For the
2 July 1796 French decree regarding American shipping, see vol. 11:353.
In Act I, scene ii, of Shakespeare’s King
Richard III, Lady Anne mourns the deaths of her betrothed, Edward, and his
father, the Lancastrian king Henry VI. When the future Yorkist king Richard III
enters, Lady Anne accuses him of murder, which he admits. By the end of the scene,
however, she has succumbed to his wooing.
The Gazette de Leyde, 4 April 1797,
reported a meeting held at Neuwied, Germany, on 24 March between French and Austrian
generals, which ended with a lavish supper and the expectation of continued meetings.
The newspaper also published several reports from Austria and Germany detailing French
and Austrian troop movements in the Tyrol.
The cost of Britain’s war efforts increasingly depleted the Bank
of England’s gold reserves, which dropped from £6 million to £1 million between Feb.
1795 and Feb. 1797. A rumored French invasion further exacerbated the issue, causing a
run on the bank, and on 26 Feb. an Order in Council temporarily halted specie
payments. This was formalized on 3 May by the Bank Restriction Act of 1797, which
remained in effect until 1821 (John H. Wood, A History of
Central Banking in Great Britain and the United States, N.Y., 2005, p. 10).
JA’s letter to TBA has not been found
but was carried from Philadelphia by Charles Ross, for whom see LCA, D&A
, 1:54. Ross does not appear to have visited the Netherlands
prior to JQA and TBA’s departure but did socialize with the
brothers in London and then again in Hamburg, ultimately deciding to travel with them
to Berlin (D/JQA/24, 9, 26, 27, 31 Oct., 22, 23 Nov., APM Reel 27).
See
TBA to JA, 17 March
1797, above. The brig Grace, Capt. Thomas Wills,
departed Amsterdam on 1 April and arrived at Philadelphia after a passage of sixty
days (Philadelphia Gazette, 29 Nov. 1796, 5 June
1797).