Adams Family Correspondence, volume 12
By your letter to my brother dated 3. January which he has just
received I find that at the time when it was written you had received from us no advices
later than the 16th: of September, a circumstance equally
surprizing and mortifying to me. After that date I wrote on the 19th: and 21st: of September to my father and on the
4th: of October addressed to him some observations upon an
important event then recent. To you I wrote on the 7th of
October. And to the Secretary of State on the 25th: of
September, from London and on the 31st: of October from
Hamburg—1 Almost all these were long,
very long Letters, and upon topics extremely interesting to our Country. 410 The Letter of 21. September & the observations of 4. October most peculiarly so.
And I had flattered myself that all of them had reached their destination before the
commencement of the new year.— Though I find myself disappointed in this hope, I am
still desirous to hear they did arrive, though late.— After my arrival here indeed, for
the first six weeks my correspondence was almost wholly suspended by the unfortunate
circumstances which I have related to you in former letters. Since the middle of
December it has been resumed with its usual activity as I hope you will in due time see
by my letters of 15. 16 & 28. December 3. 15. 19. 30. and 31. January and 5. 8. 17
of this month, all sent, and now on their way to you, to my father or to the Secretary
of State.2
I have some curiosity to see Mr:
Monroe’s book, and also that of Fauchet. These men were very confidential from the
beginning, as appears by Fauchet’s intercepted Letter.— Monroe was one of Fauchet’s
virtuous Republicans, who even before he went to France betrayed to him as many secrets
as he could— Fauchet expressly designates him as “a patriot of whom he delights to
entertain an idea worthy of that IMPOSING title.[”]3 An imposing title indeed, if conduct is
the proper test of patriotism.— I hope however that some notice will be taken of these
books, which I dare say will furnish materials for the refutation of their authors.— I
think there has not been that advantage taken of Randolph’s pamphlet, which it was
susceptible of, in this respect.— Porcupine’s observations as far as they went were very
well—4 But Porcupine is professedly an
Englishman, and our own friends of the Government should not have left the exposure of
Randolph & his party, altogether to him. I have in a former letter to my father
mentioned one observation that occurred to me as particularly striking, and which is not
noticed by Porcupine.— It is that the falsehood of
Fauchet’s certificate to Randolph with regard to the essential point upon which
Randolph’s guilt depends, is completely demonstrated by the internal evidence of a
passage in the intercepted Letter.—5 This
fact appears to me of some consequence; for if it appears beyond a contradiction that
Fauchet solemnly certified a falsehood, for the purpose of washing Randolph white, what
credit can be given to any thing that he may afterwards publish, to sully the fair
splendor of Washington’s fame. If I were in America, with my books at hand and a little
leisure at my command these things should be properly unfolded to the public notice
I have seen the other pamphlet to
which you allude. The 411 solicitude to escape from a charge of speculation
has compelled a reluctant disclosure of a different sort of error. It might be
unnecessary. But we must remark the extreme industry with which Monroe laboured to
foster and preserve a suspicion of malversation, which at the same time he dared not
avow.— His correspondence upon this subject amounts to this “I do not believe you
guilty, but I wish the world to think you so. I cannot accuse you, but I will not
disculpate you.”6 He used his benefactor
the late President no better.— For he fed and boarded Tom Paine, to abuse him in the
most false and scurrilous manner, and made Tom at the same time certify, that he had
checked his malicious effusions.—7 Monroe
justly says that speculation in our funds would have been criminal in a Secretary of the
Treasury, but he does not tell us what he thinks of An American Minister in France,
speculating in Assignats and confiscated property.8 Of the policy or morality of this he could not
properly decide; no man is a judge in his own cause.
I shall be well pleased if Mr: Malcom
should conclude to come and take my brother’s place, though I shall never have the
vacancy which his leaving me will occasion, entirely supplied: I am not in future to
expect a brother in my assistant, and happy shall I be to meet with the qualities of
industry, fidelity, and prudence which so strongly distinguish him.— It will be proper
that this Gentleman, or any other to whom it may be agreeable, and whom you shall think
well qualified to join me, should understand perfectly the terms. The allowance to me
for a Secretary is 1350 Dollars per annum, which I shall pay to the Gentleman,
commencing from the time when he joins me, and to finish either when he shall leave me
or at the time when I shall receive my recall. But I must not be understood to charge
myself with any of his expences, of what kind soever, either for his voyage in coming or
returning, or during his continuance with me.— It is probable from the situation of my
family that it will be neither convenient to us, nor agreeable to him to live in the
house with us.— All these things must be known and understood by any person who will
undertake to come to me— The conditions are perhaps not such as can agree with the views
and prospects of any young man, properly qualified for such a place— But I can offer no
others, and at the same time it must be known that my continuance in Europe may be
short, and must be very precarious.— The advantages of such a situation consist, in the
introduction which it gives to the knowledge of public affairs, and in the opportunity
of seeing the world, and becoming acquainted with 412 distinguished
European characters.— It affords likewise an opportunity of acquiring the habit of
speaking and writing the french language, a requisite almost essential to a diplomatic
man in every part of Europe except England, and the want of which has been often
severely felt by the American Ministers abroad.
My wife is yet unable from the state of her health to answer your very kind letter to her, for which she is very grateful. As soon as she recovers strength she will take the earliest opportunity to assure you of her affection and duty, herself.— Since her first illness she had been remarkably well untill the last ten days. I hope soon to inform you that she is perfectly recovered.— She has been introduced at Court, and to the Princesses connected with the royal family, by whom she has been noticed with great kindness.
Whitcomb has given me notice that he shall leave me, in the course of the next Summer— He says his affairs require his return to America, but I am not altogether sure that he means to go there.— I shall miss him very much, for in four years rolling about the world, he has acquired the essential qualities of service, of which he was ignorant enough when he entered my service.— He is honest too, and has upon the whole been very orderly and well-behaved while with me— Such a man, it is not easy to replace. I suspect he will have leisure to regret his quitting me, but he must fulfill his destiny.
I give you no news. The world is all on tiptoe to see the issue of the great expedition which the great nation are preparing against England. It is not to be wished I believe by any body, that they may succeed, but I cannot confidently say, that it is not to be apprehended.— Force and persuasion combined are the most powerful of all engines that operate upon human affairs— They established the Empire of Mahomet—they swelled to immensity the Power of the Roman Church— Glory and Plunder are pungent stimulatives, wealth and ease, are dull and heavy, and therefore against such impetuous attacks, in a great measure defenceless.— The approach of danger may call forth extraordinary exertions, and the household Gods inspire some enthusiasm for their defence. But the period is extremely critical, and perhaps time and chance only will determine the Event.
I am your ever affectionate Son
RC (MHi:Smith-Carter Family Papers); internal address: “Mrs: A. Adams.”; endorsed: “J Q Adams 24 Feb / ry”; notation by
TBA: “No 35 / 34 February 5th:.” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 133.
In his letter of 25 Sept. 1797 to Timothy Pickering, JQA noted that his commission to Prussia had been received, and he offered comment on the aftermath of the 18 413 fructidor coup in France. In his 31 Oct. letter, he emphasized the need for the United States and other neutral nations to defend against any encroachment by the British on their shipping rights. He also reported the liberation of the Marquis de Lafayette and other prisoners at Olmütz (both LbC’s, APM Reel 129). Pickering did not acknowledge receipt of the 31 Oct. letter until 20 April 1798 (Adams Papers).
JQA’s letters to AA of 28 Dec. 1797, 19 Jan., and 5 Feb. 1798, are all above. In letters to JA of 16 Dec. 1797, 31 Jan., and 17 Feb. 1798, he reported his introduction at the Prussian court but also his inability to move forward with treaty negotiations until he received new credentials. He commented on the progress of the congress at Rastatt and the worsening situation between France and Hamburg (all Adams Papers). For his 3 Jan. letter to JA, see JA to TBA, 25 Oct. 1797, note 3, above.
JQA wrote to Pickering on 15 Dec. 1797, 15 Jan., and 8 Feb. 1798 discussing the situation of Malta and the deteriorating relationship between Prussia and France. He relayed news of the U.S. envoys to France and a conversation he had with the French minister regarding the Jay Treaty. He also commented on events in the Batavian Republic (all LbC’s, APM Reel 132). For his letter to Pickering of 30 Jan., see AA to Mary Smith Cranch, 22 April, and note 6, below.
JQA was quoting from Jean Antoine Joseph Fauchet’s
Dispatch No. 10, dated 31 Oct. 1794, which was printed in Edmund Randolph’s A Vindication of Mr. Randolph’s Resignation, Phila., 1795,
p. 46, Evans, No. 29384. For more on
Fauchet’s captured letter, see vol. 11:39.
Peter Porcupine, A New-Year’s Gift to the
Democrats; or, Observations on a Pamphlet, Entitled, “A Vindication of Mr.
Randolph’s Resignation,” Phila., 1796, Evans, No. 30215, which intersperses quotations from
Randolph’s publication with his own commentary.
In a letter to JA of 23 Feb. 1797, JQA
noted: “Fauchet in his plastering certificate pretends that this passage of his N. 3.
refers to a conversation which he had with Randolph in April 1794. and that it related
to the political divisions in different parts of the United States, and to a bill
which gave the Executive, powers that might be abused,
and wound liberty.— The impudence with which this story is told, when the clause about
the taking away the article relative to the sale of prizes comes so immediately after,
in the dispatch, is not one of the least curious particulars in the strange
publication of Randolph.— The clause about the sale of prizes was struck out, on the
2d: of June 1794. And Fauchet certifies that the
conversation was the April before.— In fact from the
internal evidence of Fauchet’s dispatch, compared with Adet’s last Note, it is clearly
the 7th: Section of the Act of June 5. 1794. which was so
extremely obnoxious to Mr: Randolph, and at the same time
is so to the French Government” (Adams
Papers).
James Monroe, along with Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg and
Abraham Venable, approached Alexander Hamilton in Dec. 1792 about Hamilton’s presumed
speculation activities and subsequently learned of the Reynolds affair. On 5 July 1797
Hamilton wrote to the three men demanding an explicit declaration in writing that they
were fully satisfied with Hamilton’s explanation of the events. Venable replied on 9
July, and on the 17th Monroe and Muhlenberg sent Hamilton a joint letter affirming
their confidence in his explanation. That same day, Hamilton wrote separately to
Monroe insisting that he also repudiate a memorandum written on 2 Jan. 1793 asserting
that evidence had been specifically fabricated to support Hamilton’s story. Monroe
refused to further affirm Hamilton’s innocence, writing on 21 July 1797: “Whether the
imputations against you … are well or ill founded, depends upon the facts and
circumstances which appear against you upon your defence. If you shew that they are
ill founded, I shall be contented, for I have never undertaken to accuse you since our
interview, nor do I now give any opinion on it, reserving to myself the liberty to
form one, after I see your defence” (Hamilton, Observations on
Certain Documents Contained in No. V & VI of “The History of the United States
for the Year 1796,” in Which the Charge of Speculation Against Alexander Hamilton,
Late Secretary of the Treasury, Is Fully Refuted, Phila., 1797, p. 25–27,
30–31, xxxiii–xxxiv, xxxvii–xli, xliii–xlviii, Evans, No. 32222). For more on the exchanges between
Hamilton and Monroe in the summer of 1797, see Hamilton, Papers
,
21:146–212.
Monroe secured Thomas Paine’s release from a French prison and
allowed Paine to live with him in Paris from Nov. 1794 to the spring of 1796. During
that time Paine drafted 414 his Letter to George Washington, President of the United States of
America, on Affairs Public and Private, for which see vol. 11:430, 431–432, despite Monroe’s
objections. The tract was published in the United States after Monroe was recalled
(Ammon, James
Monroe
, p. 135–137).
In 1795 an American loan remittance for $120,000, ultimately
destined for a Dutch bank, was sent to France. Fulwar Skipwith took charge of the
funds, and when his house was subsequently burglarized some of the money was stolen.
Monroe told Skipwith to replace the money, believing that Skipwith would be
reimbursed; the funds were then forwarded to the Netherlands. Skipwith’s bill for
compensation was protested and remained unpaid until 1802. Monroe, accused of holding
some of the remittance funds back to buy a confiscated French estate, insisted that he
had legitimately purchased his Parisian residence directly from the former owner (Monroe, Papers
, 4:40–41, 260; Jefferson, Papers
, 29:165; Madison, Papers,
Congressional Series
, 16:304).
JQA wrote to JA on 25 Feb. 1798 reporting that France was likely to invade Portugal to create an Iberian Republic. He commented on the limitations of the press in France, noting, “The superintendency over the press is rigorous and in constant exercise; within the last month a great number of periodical Prints have been suppressed, and the Offices shut up.” He also noted that the decree against neutral navigation “will meet with spirited resistance from the Northern Powers” (Adams Papers).
d1798
I cannot enough thank you my dear Sister for your kind Letter1 its Sisterly contents Sink deep in my heart & draw tears from my eyes. happy happy woman! to have the ability & the Will to do So much good. yes my delight is to be you almoner I am always sure of a welcome wherever I go to distribute your bounty.
mrs Smith dear creature what She must have Suffer’d I know her
Silent manner of receeving both good & evil. I hope She will yet see happier days
than She has injoy Since she was married. for she must have known to what Such a stile
of living tended. it was not what she had been us’d to nor what she approv’d her Boys
are doing well willm. is studious but John must play a few
years to spend his spirits before he can fix himself to any thing— I hope their
Fathers pride will not take them away
Mrs Baxter is mending Slowly I
believe she does not want for any thing. I carried her Apples Rusk & Milk Bisket
my Self. She has appetite enough the danger is of her eating too much I go to see her
as often as I can. tis a dreadful place to get to. cold & bleak to pass in an open
Sleigh— thire is no going through the lane
I Shall talk with doctor Tufts about your Rooms & he will have them done. had not your kitchen Floor better be painted too— write me in season about every thing you wish done that I can attend too.
Sucky warner is almost gone I do not believe she will live a 415 month. I was at weymouth with mrs Black on monday & went to see her I was amaz’d to find her So ill— She has no expectation of living. her fever is high & She looks like a Saint resign’d. mr Norton Baptiz’d & admited her a member of the church that day. mrs Tufts & mrs Norton will mourn her loose seriously2
your kind offer of wine for mr cranch I shall accept it if I find it necessary he Should have what I cannot get else where. he appears relax’d & feeble I have the port you left me & I give him that but he does not love it So well as white wine I got Lisbon very good from Boston & he has drank that I hope when he can ride & take the air he will feel better.
Tis as you Say while Phebe has a house every Black thing will be living upon her. the day before yesterday Jonathan Rawson sent a Sick negro woman to her that had liv’d with him for Some time he took her out of Bed & sent her in a Sleigh with a Boy in a Storm to be left with her & sent word to Sussy who lives with her to get a Sleigh & carry her to Bridgwater & he would pay her for it. he sent her without any thing but a little rice & hard Biskit. she was So ill Phebe could not send her back in the Storm She had fits all that night & a watcher last. She cannot dress or undress herself. this morning Phebe sent a Letter which she had written to mr Rawson for us to send. but we thought best to let the Select men know of the affair & take care of her. how cruel in mr Rawson to behalf So—3
Lucy gets along better than I could have expected & they look chearful. Now She feels the importance of knowing the value of being oblig’d to make the best of every thing while young. She is an excellent house wife & there does not appear the want of any necessarys. not a farthing is lost & yet nothing looks mean her Family is rather encumber’d with children for so Small a house but every thing is made easey by good humour & mr Greenleafs attention he has an exellen Spirit of goverment & they have a fine Boy & Girl in their kitchen. mr Norton & Family are will & live very comfortably. my Son I hope will do well he must Struggle hard. but She too trys to make the best of the little they have—& my dear Sister I think they are all virtuous & good
I knew the Letter writer the moment I read it. If it was dated from the moon I Should descover from where it came. I think I did not see the piece in Fennos paper I wish you would send it
I am glad when I see any thing from your Sons. I can depend upon their judgment. there is a striking difference between their 416 communications & any others I see which must be visible to any one who compairs them—
If you have met with any thing new in the interesting or amusing way written lately & will send I Shall be glad. I want Some thing Sometimes— the winter has been long & cold. I am almost tir’d of it. if it had not been for mrs Black I Should have Scarcly been out. but She has whirll’d me about & been like a Sister. mrs Hannah has been with me in her aunts absence. She keeps with her Husband while the court sets—
I shall see mrs Pope about your Butter & cheese pray remember me affectionately to the President tell him I wish him patience & fortitude. his reward he must look for hereafter— his intigrety will intittle him to what no Jacobin can take from Cousin Louissa always Shares largely in my affections— to you my dear Sister every thing is due that love can Suggest & gratitude demand from your / ever affectionate Sister
Mrs Greenleaf has sent you the Song4
RC (Adams
Papers); addressed: “Mrs / A. Adams /
Philadelphia”; endorsed: “Mrs Cranch / 23 Febry 1798.”
AA to Cranch, 6 Feb., above.
Rev. Jacob Norton admitted Susannah Warner to the First Church of Weymouth on 19 Feb. (MHi:Rev. Jacob Norton’s Record Book, 1788–1833, First Church [Weymouth, Mass.] Records, 1724–1839).
Jonathan Rawson (1762–1819) was a quarryman and gravestone cutter
in Quincy (James Blachowicz, “The Shop of Jonathan Rawson of Quincy: A School for
Gravestone Carvers,” New England Ancestors, 7:34
[2006]).
Cranch reported in a 14 Jan. letter to AA, “I am hunting up the song of Derby & Joan tis a beautiful Simple Song but I have not found it yet. I think tis in Mrs Greenleafs collection I will send it when I am able to find it” (Adams Papers). See also AA to Cranch, 26 Dec. 1797, and note 4, above.